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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion":

1

Bella, Francesco, e Carlo Azzi. "14C Dating of the ‘Titulus Crucis’". Radiocarbon 44, n. 3 (2002): 685–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200032136.

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Kim, Seyoon. "Imitatio Christi (1 Corinthians 11:1): How Paul Imitates Jesus Christ in Dealing with Idol Food (1 Corinthians 8–10)". Bulletin for Biblical Research 13, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2003): 193–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422669.

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Abstract The importance of the theme of imitatio Christi in Paul has long been recognized in scholarship, especially with regard to the two questions: Pauline ethic and the Jesus-Paul debate. It is argued here that imitatio Christi for Paul, while centered on Christ's self-giving in his incarnation and crucifixion, has the example and teaching of the historical Jesus also in view, and that in dealing with the problem of eidōlothuta in 1 Cor 8–10 Paul concretely draws some of his guidelines from the historical Jesus' teaching and example.
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Bräunlein, Peter. "Negotiating Charisma: The Social Dimension of Philippine Crucifixion Rituals". Asian Journal of Social Science 37, n. 6 (2009): 892–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156848409x12526657425262.

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AbstractThe Philippines are the only predominantly Christian nation in Southeast Asia. The tradition of the passion of Christ is supposed to be the centre of Philippine religiousness and the fascination with the suffering, battered and dead Christ can be regarded as a characteristic feature of Philippine lowland society. The most spectacular expressions of the so-called Philippine 'Calvary Catholicism' are flagellation and crucifixion. In 1996–1998, the author studied Philippine passion rituals in the village of Kapitangan. During the Holy Week, thousands of people mostly from Manila visit the church and observe the spectacle of ritual crucifixions on Good Friday in the churchyard. In Kapitangan, mostly women are nailed to the cross, which is, however, is not an act of volition. They act under directions 'from above', possessed by Sto. Niño or Jesus Nazareno. All of them are (faith-)healers. All of them are founders of a religious movement. In this article, the author uses Ernst Troeltsch's typology — church, sect, mysticism — as a tool to raise questions about ritual crucifixion as a focus of community and collective identity formation, both on the local and national level of society. Troeltsch's typology sheds light on the delicate relation between the Philippine 'official' church and practices of the so-called 'folk-Catholicism'. It illuminates motives and aims of the healers, who are called 'new mystics' by some scholars, and the sense of belonging of their followers. It also reveals discourses of consent and dissent among the spectators and general public, provoked by that literal re-enactment of Jesus' death.
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McGowin, Emily Hunter. "Book Review: The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ". Anglican Theological Review 100, n. 1 (dicembre 2018): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861810000144.

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Kantaras, Anastasios. "Byzantine Epigrams on the Cross and Crucifixion of Jesus Christ". Sapiens ubique civis 2 (15 dicembre 2021): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2021.2.163-196.

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This article presents the Byzantine epigrams centred around the cross and the crucifixion as compiled by one of the most emblematic scholar figures of the Church in the beginning of the 11th century, namely John Mauropous. The goal of this article is to present the main patterns from those epigrams, spot potential influences from other texts of a preceding time as well as draw basic conclusions.
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Williams, Vanessa. "Fleming Rutledge, The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ". Theology 119, n. 6 (18 ottobre 2016): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16659243c.

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Mandingorra Llavata, María Luz. "El nomen sacrum ihs como símbolo de la crucifixión en el Sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor de san Vicente Ferrer". SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 17 (31 maggio 2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.17.20946.

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Resum: El nomen sacrum ihs se hallaba presente en infinidad de manifestaciones artísticas y objetos de la vida cotidiana durante la Edad Media, por lo que era bien conocido por los fieles. El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar de qué modo san Vicente Ferrer se sirve de esta abreviatura como símbolo de la crucifixión de Jesucristo con el fin de fomentar la devoción al nombre Iesus y erradicar el recurso a adivinos y sortílegos. Para ello, analizaremos el sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor predicado por el maestro dominico y estableceremos la conexión de los elementos integrantes del texto con representaciones coetáneas de la crucifixión.Paraules clau: san Vicente Ferrer, predicación, Nomina Sacra, crucifixión, historia de la cultura escrita Abstract: The nomen sacrum ihs was present in many paintings as well as other artifacts during the Middle Ages, therefore, it was very well known by the public. The aim of this paper is to show the way Saint Vincent Ferrer uses this abbreviation as a symbol of the Crucifixion of Jesus Christ in order to increase the devotion to the Name of Jesus and prevent people from consulting diviners and sorcerers to solve daily life problems. To this end, we analyse the Sermon of the Circumcision of the Lord preached by the Dominican master and establish the relationship between the elements that compose the text and some contemporary images of the Crucifixion.Keywords: Saint Vincent Ferrer, preaching, Nomina Sacra, crucifixion, history of literacy
8

Streett, Daniel R. "Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23". Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, n. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371766.

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Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
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Streett, Daniel R. "Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23". Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, n. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jstudpaullett.5.2.0189.

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Abstract (sommario):
Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
10

Wimbush, Andy. "Hey Prestos and Humilities: Two of Beckett's Christs". Journal of Beckett Studies 25, n. 1 (aprile 2016): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2016.0157.

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As well as its oft-noted concern with mysticism and negative theology, Samuel Beckett's work frequently returns to the figure of the incarnate Christ. This article explores two perspectives on Christ that can be found both in Beckett's work and in religious writing from the European middle ages: the triumphant Jesus known as the Christus Victor, and the suffering Jesus, or Ecce Homo. Building on Mary Bryden's work in this area, the article shows that just as medieval writers such as Julian of Norwich, Ludolf of Saxony, and Margery Kempe reject the contemplation of a transcendent or triumphant Jesus in favour of a vision of him on the cross, Beckett's characters seem to prefer to think about Jesus's suffering rather than contemplate his divinity, his miracles, or his resurrection. Although seemingly irreconcilable, the distinction between the kenotic Christ and the victorious Christ is, theologically speaking, a false one, and so both Beckett and his characters have to interpret the crucifixion in a peculiar way: the article reads Beckett's poem ‘Ooftish’ as heretical complaint that the whole thing was a slight-of-hand on God's part, an act of suffering that was staged rather than authentic. The article goes on to propose that the preference for the suffering Jesus on the part of Watt, Molloy, Malone and others is closely linked with Beckett's own aesthetic allegiances. Taking a cue from comments made about Jesus by Murphy and by the Polar Bear in Dream of Fair to Middling Women, the essay argues that the wonder-working, triumphant Jesus was seen by Beckett as analogous to an author who interferes with the natural disorder of his novel, smoothing over its moments of failure and contradiction just as Jesus righted the vicissitudes of death and disease through miracles. The resigned, suffering Jesus, on the other hand, comes closer to the quietist aesthetic – and religious perspective – of André Gide and Fyodor Dostoevsky, writers that Beckett admired and wished to emulate. The article concludes with an analysis of notes made about the crucifixion and aesthetics in Beckett's Watt notebooks, noting this razor's edge in Christological thinking – one which was particularly alive to Christians of the middle ages.

Tesi sul tema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion":

1

Oakes, William Richard. "Cross of Christ : Islamic perspectives". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9492.

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As Muslims and Christians have encountered each other over the centuries, the nature of the person of Jesus along with His mission and death have regularly been the subject of intense discussion. This is because these global religions teach different Christologies and because Jesus is an important figure to the adherents of both faiths. It is the death of Jesus that is the subject of this thesis. The question that this thesis seeks to answer is: Does the Qur’an deny the crucifixion of Jesus? Part I provides a background on the Jesus of Islam. Part II documents the majority opinion about the crucifixion that is exemplified through the tafsīr of al-Ṭabarī. Part III analyses about twenty minority opinions expressed by medieval Muslim scholars.
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Harley, Felicity. "Images of the crucifixion in late antiquity : the testimony of engraved gems". Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh285.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 289-313. A study which takes as its focus five gemstones, each engraved with an image of the Crucifixion and previously dated to the Late Antique period. The study undertakes an examination of the gems' iconographic as well as compositional, physical and epigraphic evidence, and demonstrates the way in which critical information regarding the evolution of the Crucifixion image in Late Antiquity has been seriously obstructed in previous studies through the dismissal, misapplication and misinterpretation of the gems. Focusing on iconography, it presents a revised chronology for the gems, suggesting that only three are Late Antique, the fourth being early Byzantine.
3

Green, J. B. "The death of Jesus : Tradition and interpretation in the Passion narrative". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377359.

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Hamilton, James Merrill. "The catalyst of the crucifixion in the Gospel of John". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Ligthart, Richard J. "Political and religious economic factors in first-century Jerusalem as a background for understanding the crucifixion of Jesus Christ". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.

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Suzuki, Shigeru. "The nature of the believer's co-crucifixion with Christ according to the Apostle Paul". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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Gurtner, Daniel M. "The 'velum scissum' : Matthew's exposition of the death of Jesus". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13394.

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The dissertation draws largely on the Old Testament to examine the function of the veil as a means of determining the reason for its rending (Matt 27:51a), as well as the association of the veil with the heavenly firmaments in Second Temple and Rabbinic Judaism. These key elements are incorporated into a compositional exegesis of the rending text in Matthew, with some consideration given to parallel texts as well. I am concluding that the rending of the veil is an apocalyptic assertion like the opening of heaven. What follows, then, is the content of what is revealed drawn largely from apocalyptic images in Ezekiel 37. Moreover, when the veil is torn Matthew depicts the cessation of its function, articulating the atoning function of Christ's death allowing accessibility to God not simply in the sense of entering the Holy of Holies (as in Hebrews), but in trademark Matthean Emmanuel Christology: "God with us." This underscores the significance of Jesus' atoning death in the first gospel.
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Dutt, Hephzibah D. "The Grotesque Cross: The Performative Grotesquerie of the Crucifixion of Jesus". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1429141591.

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Robinson, Eric COGu. "Perception, understanding, and belief through woodcut and monotype prints of the parable of the sower and the crucifixion of Jesus Christ". [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1464380.

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Nordberg, Thomas G. "The centrality of the cross in Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian theology and ethics /". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75871.

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Abstract (sommario):
In this dissertation it is contended that central to Reinhold Niebuhr's theology and ethics is his understanding of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ as a revelation of the suffering of God. Keeping in mind the theologia crucis of Martin Luther, Part I examines the significance of the Christian symbol of the cross during Niebuhr's formative years and as he later sought to relate the moral and ethical insights of the Christian faith to the more tragic social and political events of his age.
Part II begins with a systematic appraisal of Niebuhr's theology of the cross in reference to his understanding of Christian anthropology, theology proper, the atonement, history and eschatology. The theological similarities of Niebuhr's thought to the theologia crucis of Luther are made explicit. A delineation is then made of Niebuhr's social ethic of the cross. It is an ethic which seeks to underscore the true but limited relevance of the norm of sacrificial love to issues of relative justice. This ethic is then contrasted to the ethica crucis of Luther.
The dissertation concludes with an examination of the current debate regarding Niebuhr's ultimate political position. It is suggested that an understanding of Niebuhr's theology and ethic of the cross is essential to any thorough appreciation of the major shifts which occurred within his political thought.

Libri sul tema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion":

1

Julia, Hasting, a cura di. Crucifixion. London: Phaidon, 2000.

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2

Langford, Thomas A. Jesus Christ: Holy Week and Crucifixion. Nashville: Graded Press, 1985.

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3

Meynell, Mark. Cross-examined: The life-changing power of the death of Jesus. 2a ed. Leicester: Inter-Varsity, 2005.

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4

Jones, Tony. Did God kill Jesus?: Searching for love in history's most famous execution. New York, NY: HarperOne, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers, 2015.

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Marano, Paul. Killing Jesus. Baltimore: Winkler Media, 2013.

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Stott, John R. W. The cross of Christ. Leicester: Inter-Varsity, 1986.

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Carey, George. The gate of glory. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986.

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Strobel, Lee. Cross examination: Investigating the evidence for Jesus. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1998.

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Morris, Leon. The cross of Jesus. Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1988.

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Morris, Leon. The cross of Jesus. Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1988.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion":

1

Dusenbury, David Lloyd. "“Christ Was Not the One Crucified”". In The Innocence of Pontius Pilate, 93–108. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197602799.003.0010.

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This chapter is focused on the only text about a crucifixion that we find in the Qur’an. It is a difficult text. For, in sura 4, there appears to be a crucifixion of Jesus; and yet, the Qur’an forcefully denies the reality of Jesus’ crucifixion by Judaeans (not by Romans). “They killed him not”, reads the Qur’an, “nor did they crucify him”. The question then becomes: If Jesus is not crucified in sura 4, who is crucified? The dominant Islamic interpretation of the most cryptic words in sura 4—“so it was made to appear to them”—is that a man other than Jesus died in his place on the cross. The origins and fortunes of this idea are lightly sketched in this chapter, which concludes with a question: What might it mean, that Pilate is perceived as ‘innocent’ in pagan, Judaic, and Islamic traditions?
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Weiler, JHH. "The Targeted Killing of Jesus Christ". In The Struggle for Human Rights, 30–50. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868064.003.0003.

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Targeted killings are usually defined as extrajudicial executions, that is, of a person—guilty or not—without a trial. But is a ‘rigged’ trial not simply another form of a targeted killing? If so, was then the crucifixion of Christ, a form of a targeted killing? Even if we take the Gospel accounts as ‘Gospel truth’ (no serious historian does), was the trial of Jesus fair? Was his conviction for blasphemy before the Sanhedrin justified? Tomes and reams have been written about this, the most famous trial and execution in the history of the West. This essay is but an appetizer to that rich literature.
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"Crucifixion and Resurrection as a Markan Hermeneutic". In Jesus Christ as the Son of David in the Gospel of Mark, 174–88. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108569835.006.

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Viladesau, Richard. "The Aesthetic Mediation". In The Folly of the Cross, 143–200. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876005.003.0004.

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In the visual arts of the Romantic period the crucifixion of Christ often became a representation of the sufferings of humanity. Caspar David Friedrich’s paintings placed the cross in the context of the immensity of nature. Toward the end of the nineteenth century there was an increasing tendency to portray Jesus’ suffering in the genre of naturalistic realism. Some painters consciously attempted to incorporate the findings of modern biblical scholarship, rather than follow traditional models. Early film representations, on the other hand, tended to rely on classical types and popular piety.
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Viladesau, Richard. "The Passion in Film". In The Wisdom and Power of the Cross, 257–301. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516522.003.0005.

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In general film treatments of the Passion fall into a few categories or types. Obviously, these categories are general characterizations of approaches, and may sometimes overlap. (1) During the first fifty years of the genre’s existence, most “Jesus” films took a traditional religious approach, being more or less faithful to the Gospels. (2) In the latter part of the twentieth century films increasingly attempted to treat the Passion as a realistic narrative. (3) Others deal with the Passion as a historical narrative that also functions as a “myth” with universal significance. (4) The story of Jesus’ crucifixion may be combined with explicitly fictional elements. (5) The Passion is also represented in a theatrical context. (6) In a number of films the Passion of Christ figures as a secondary element in a story about another figure or event. (7) Finally, there are films not about the Passion itself but about portraying the Passion.
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"Antiquity". In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 228–61. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1706-2.ch009.

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The choice of culture-data sources for studying the evolution of consciousness uses a sequence of four cultures. The most significant features of the depicting space in the reliefs and murals of the Aegean (Krito-Mycenaean) civilization, the classical period of Hellenism, Etruscan civilization, late republican, and imperial Rome are considered. Representations of the World Tree occupied a peripheral place in ancient mythology, but unexpected is the revival of myth - in the form of a legend about the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The adoption of Christianity completes the ancient era. When analyzing markers of evolutionary changes, the most active channels were identified. The results of the reconstruction of behavior patterns are presented in the form of generalized psychological portraits of representatives of the main estates of the Late Antiquity. The features of their collective behavior are described.
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Hobson, Suzanne. "The ‘Death of God’ in New Testament Biofiction". In Unbelief in Interwar Literary Culture, 93–125. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846471.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 examines the interwar revival and transformation of a genre that had a Rationalist agenda inbuilt: New Testament biofiction or, in Graham Holderness’s words, the Jesus-novel. Following in the wake of Higher Criticism, this enormously popular genre mixed biography and fiction in its retelling of the life and death of Jesus, a process that often reduced Christ to man rather than god, and the Gospels to literature rather than scripture. This chapter emphasizes the influence of George Moore’s The Brook Kerith (1916) on later versions of the Jesus-novel by D. H. Lawrence, H.D., Mary Borden, and Iwan Nashiwin. Moore’s version emphasizes the virtues of oral presentation as a means of getting the story straight; his vernacular approach sought to cut through the rhetorical tricks and literary seductions that disguised the truth of Jesus’s life and death on the cross. Lawrence and H.D. adopt a more heavily symbolic and stylized prose in their New Testament stories but do so with similar ends in mind. In engaging with the events of Jesus’s life, and especially those connected to the crucifixion and resurrection, these authors foreground questions of belief in a way that stories based on other historical and mythological lives do not. More pointedly, this chapter argues, they counter the popular view of unbelief as a recent or modern development by locating its origins at the very beginnings of Christianity itself.

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