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Bibliografie tematiche / Islamistes

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Islamistes"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 22 giugno 2024

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Tesi
Libri
Capitoli di libri
Atti di convegni
Rapporti di organizzazioni

Articoli di riviste sul tema "Islamistes":

1

Martinez, Luis. "Violences islamistes". Critique internationale 20, n. 3 (2003): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.020.0114.

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2

del Valle, Alexandre. "Islamistes de France". Outre-Terre 3, n. 2 (2003): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/oute.003.0127.

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3

Jaffrelot, Christophe. "Musharraf et les islamistes". Études Tome 399, n. 7 (1 luglio 2003): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.991.09.

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4

Poujol, Catherine. "Les islamistes d’Asie centrale". Transcontinentales, n. 5 (31 dicembre 2007): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/transcontinentales.1006.

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5

Martín Muñoz, Gema. "Islamistes et pourtant modernes". Confluences Méditerranée N°59, n. 4 (2006): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.059.0097.

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6

Bayat, Asef, e Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun. "Des révolutions post-islamistes". Tumultes 38-39, n. 1 (2012): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tumu.038.0043.

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7

Burgat, François. "La part des islamistes". Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 62, n. 1 (1991): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1991.1465.

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8

Dazey, Margot, e Mathilde Zederman. "Oppositions islamistes à distance". Revue française de science politique 67, n. 5 (2017): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfsp.675.0837.

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9

Mourad, Hicham. "Égypte : chasse aux islamistes". Revue Défense Nationale N° 777, n. 2 (2 febbraio 2015): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.777.0033.

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10

Mens, Yann. "Égypte : les marges islamistes". Alternatives Internationales N° 60, n. 9 (1 settembre 2013): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ai.060.0029.

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Tesi sul tema "Islamistes":

1

Bouzamondo, Tarek. "Islamisme et pouvoirs dans le monde arabe : les partis islamistes en Egypte et en Algérie". Aix-Marseille 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008AIX32087.

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Nous assistons depuis le début de ce siècle à en retour en force de l'islam politique dans sa forme non radicale et non violente. Les récents succès de certains partis islamistes dans le monde arabo-musulman sont là pour le démontrer. En Algérie, lors des dernières élections législatives, les partis islamistes modérés n'ont pas perdu de terrain malgré la domination des partis du pouvoir. Certains islamistes participent même aux gouvernements. En Egypte, la situation est tout à fait différentes et le débat politique est hermétiquement fermé aux islamistes depuis l'assassinat du président Sadate en 1981. Les Frères musulmans sont contraints par une sorte d'informalité politique à passer des alliances avec des partis de l'opposition ou bien de partir en cavalier seul lors des différentes écheances électorales. L'étude comparative de la trajectoire de ces partis et mouvements politiques en Egypte et en Algérie est importante pour mieux comprendre et cerner les rapports entre islamisme et pouvoir dans le monde arabe
Since the beginning of the century, political islam has made a strong return in its non radical and non violent manner. Recent election successes of some islamist parties in the arabo-muslim world demonstrate this fact. In Algeria, at the occasion of the last legislative elections, moderate islamist parties did not decrease even if parties of the government dominate. Some islamists even participate in governments. In Egypt, the situation is totally different and the political debate is hermetically closed to islamist people ever since the murder of president Sadat in 1981. Because of their political informality, the Muslim brothers have to make alliances with opposition parties or have to face the different electoral deadlines alone. The comparative study of these parties and politic movements development in Egypt and Algeria is important to understand and precise links between Islamism and power in Arabic world

2

Merçil, Ipek. "Les intellectuelles islamistes en Turquie contemporaine". Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0104.

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3

Hasard, Christian. "Les mouvements islamistes en Libye (2011-2020) hétérogénéité et enjeux géopolitiques". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA080034.

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Cette thèse porte sur les mouvements islamistes libyens, mobilisés dans un contexte atypique marqué par l’effondrement du régime politique. Cet environnement politique, demeurant désormais ouvert à l’émergence de nouveaux acteurs, a permis aux islamistes de s’engager dans un processus de réimplantation en Libye post-Kadhafi. À ce stade, ce travail de recherche a mis l’accent sur le particularisme et les évolutions des islamistes libyens, sans négliger leurs liens transnationaux. Mettant en relief les structures organisationnelles, les représentations et les stratégies mobilisées des islamistes libyens, cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre comment les islamistes libyens se comportent au sein du territoire où l’appareil étatique est absent. Dans ce cadre, et afin d’appréhender les interactions engendrées entre les islamistes, un intérêt particulier est accordé aux alliances et aux rivalités entre ces acteurs. En fin de compte, les islamistes libyens, malgré leurs mobilisations pour se réenraciner en tant que mouvements structurés et pour dominer les institutions étatiques naissantes, n’ont pas contribué à la configuration d’un nouveau régime politique
This thesis focuses on Libyan Islamist movements, mobilized in an atypical context marked by the collapse of the political regime. This political environment, now open to the emergence of new actors, has allowed Islamists to engage in a process of re-establishment in post-Gaddafi Libya. This research has focused on the particularity and evolution of Libyan Islamists, without neglecting their transnational links. Highlighting the organizational structures, representations and mobilized strategies of Libyan Islamists, this thesis aims to understand howLibyan Islamists behave within the territory where the state apparatus is absent. In order to understand the interactions generated between theIslamists, particular interest is given to the alliances and rivalries between these actors. In the end, Libyan Islamists, despite their mobilization to re-establish themselves as structured movements and to dominate the emerging state institutions, did not contribute to the configuration of a new political regime

4

Nafaa, Abderrahmane. "L'Engagement des femmes islamistes au Maroc : stratégies contemporaines". Strasbourg, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009STRA1001.

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Dans le cadre de cette thèse, nous avons analysé la question de l’engagement des femmes islamistes qui a permis des réformes susceptibles d’aboutir à une reconnaissance lucide de leurs efforts. En d’autres termes, nous avons mesuré l’impact et la puissance exercés par ces dernières pour concrétiser leur projet de société. La thèse est élaborée en quatre parties. Dans un premier temps, nous avons présenté une approche terminologique du féminisme musulman et sa relation avec le Maroc. Dans la deuxième partie, nous avons analysé, d’une manière critique, l’investiture des femmes islamistes dans l’islam politique en passant par les rôles qui leurs sont attribués au sein des deux grands mouvements (al-’Adl wal- Iḥsān et al-Tawḥīd wal-Iṣlāḥ) ainsi que leurs contributions au sein du PJD (parti de la Justice et du Développement). Le but de cette opération est de mettre la main sur les champs exploités par les femmes en tant que force islamiste. La troisième partie a servi à étudier les moyens exploités par le féminisme musulman pour véhiculer son message, ainsi que les réalisations suite à ces multiples mobilisations. La quatrième partie vient montrer l’engagement des femmes islamistes vis-à-vis de la restructuration du champ religieux par la monarchie. Nous avons analysé le rôle profond des muršidāt qui pourrait varier entre l’éducation sexuelle, l’assistance sociale, la campagne d’alphabétisation et la lutte contre l’ignorance. Ainsi, nous nous sommes interrogés sur le but dissimulé derrière la mise en œuvre de ces muršidāt, et sur le lien qu’elles nouent avec les islamistes actives sur le terrain
Within the framework of this thesis, we analyzed the question of the commitment of the Islamist women which allowed reforms susceptible to end in a lucid gratitude of their efforts. In other words, we measured the impact and the power exercised by these last ones to concretize their project of society. The thesis is elaborated in four parts. At first, we presented a terminological approach of the Muslim feminism and its relation with Morocco. In the second part, we analyzed, in a critical way, the nomination of the Islamist women in the political Islam by way of the roles which there are attributed within two big movements (al-’Adl wal- Iḥsān et al-Tawḥīd wal-Iṣlāḥ) As well as their contributions within the PJD ( Justice and Development Party). The purpose of this operation is to put the hand on fields exploited by the women as Islamist strength. The third part served for studying the means exploited by the Muslim feminism to convey its message, as well as the realizations further to these multiple mobilizations. The fourth part comes to show the commitment of the Islamist women towards the restructuring of the religious field by the monarchy. We analyzed the deep role of the muršidāt which could vary between the sex education, the social work, the literacy campaign and the fight against the ignorance. So, we wondered about the purpose hidden behind the implemented of these muršidāt, and about the link which they tie up with the active Islamists on the ground

5

Subaie, Mohammad al. "L'idéologie de l'islamisme radical : la nouvelle génération des intellectuels islamistes". Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0175.

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Les recherches sur l'idéologie de l’extrémisme islamique sont assez peu nombreuses. Autant les réseaux islamistes ont fait l’objet de centaines de travaux, autant leur idéologie a été relativement délaissée. Pour comprendre la pensée de cette mouvance extrémiste nous avons choisi d'étudier les écrits de quatre penseurs contemporains majeurs de ce courant ; à savoir : Abou Mohammad Al-Maqdissi, Abou Bassir Al-Tartoussi, Abou Qatada Al-Falastini, et Abou Moussab Al Souri. Tous sont arabes sunnites, originaires du Moyen Orient relativement jeunes (entre 50 et 60 ans), encore vivants, et très influents non seulement dans le monde arabe et islamique mais dans le monde entier. Nous avons fait une analyse minutieuse des textes en arabe, ce qui représente une centaine de titres et quelques milliers de pages, dans une perspective comparatiste de leurs productions idéologiques autour de deux thèmes majeurs : la question du Jihad et celle de la démocratie vue comme un système politique illégitime. Ces idéologues font une lecture très sélective dans le choix et l’interprétation des textes sacrés. Ils reprennent certaines critiques de l’idéologie marxiste révolutionnaire, et aussi certaines idées de l’extrême droite occidentale, pour instaurer un changement social et l’Etat islamique. Ils font un recours massif aux technologies modernes (notamment internet) pour diffuser très largement leur pensée
Researches on the ideology of Islamic extremism are little numerous. As lslamic networks made the object of hundreds of jobs, as their ideology was comparatively abandoned. To understand the thought or this extremist sphere of influence we chose to study the writings of four major contemporary thinkers of this current; to know : Abou Mohammad Al-Maqdissi, Abou Bassir Al-Tartoussi, Abou Qatada Al-Falastini, et Abou Moussab Al Souri. All are Arab Sunni, native to the Medium East, comparatively young (between 50 and 60 years), still living, and very influential not only in the Arab and Islamic world but worldwide. We made a detailed analysis of texts in Arabic, what represents a hundred of titles and some thousand pages, in a perspective specialist in comparative linguistics of their ideological productions around two major topics: : the question of Jihad and that of the democracy seen as an illicit political system. These ideologists make a very selective reading in the choice and the interpretation of the sacred texts. They take back certain criticisms of the revolutionary Marxist ideology, and such certain ideas of the western extreme right, to institute a social change and Islamic State. They make a massive appeal in modern technologies (notably Internet) to broadcast their thought very broadly

6

Ouali, Alami Mohammed. "Les islamistes marocains et la question de la paticipation politique". Perpignan, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PERP0747.

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C'est dans le calendrier occidental que les musulmans comptaient leurs années de modernisation, mais puisqu'il n'est plus les producteurs de certitudes idéologiques, les islamistes marocains ont été contraints de parler une autre voix : ils étaient des centaines, ils sont des milliers, ils seront des millions. Dans laïcité, ils entendent matérialisme et athéisme et répondent spiritualité, à l'Etat ils opposent la Umma et à la démocratie la choura. Après plus de quatre décennies d'activisme, les islamistes marocains ont pu imposer leur sensibilité dans plusieurs domaines de la vie sociale et politique et le pouvoir tient de plus en plus compte de leur discours et de leur opinions. Ces islamistes qui veulent relever le défi de la modernisation tout en préservant leurs racines ne peuvent-ils pas opter pour un système politique conciliant les institutions de la démocratie moderne et les recommandations de la pensée islamique ? Aucune démocratie n'est même approximativement authentique tant que les hommes n'ont pas compris qu'ils devaient être libre
It is in the western calendar that the Muslims counted their years of modernization, but since they are not the producers of ideological certainties any more, the Moroccan Islamists were forced to voice another point of view: they were hundreds, they are thousands, and they will be millions. In secularism, they hear materialism and atheism and answer spirituality, to the State they compare Umma and in democracy choura. After more than four decades of activism, the Islamic Moroccans could impose their feelings in several domains of social and political life and the state now pays increasingly more attention to their voice and their opinions. The islamists who want to take up the challenge of modernization while preserving their roots, can they not opt for a political system reconciling the institutions of modern democracy and recommendations of Islamic thought? No democracy is even nearly genuine as long as the people do not understand that they are meant to be free

7

Ayari, Michaël Béchir. "S'engager en régime autoritaire : gauchistes et islamistes dans la Tunisie indépendante". Aix-Marseille 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009AIX32005.

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Cette thèse de science politique tente de comprendre, à partir du cas tunisien, les logiques sociales du passage à l’acte protestataire, de l’attachement à une cause, à un collectif et aux individus qui le composent en régime autoritaire. Au sein de ce type de régimes, le militantisme oppositionnel est une activité sociale qui n’est pas systématiquement transgressive ni à haut risque. Il peut se comparer avec une activité contestataire du même ordre, i. E. à faible risque, en régime dit « démocratique ». À ce titre, on ne peut se contenter d’appréhender l’autoritarisme comme un mode de gouvernementalité violent, réprimant et rossant systématiquement les individus qui ne se soumettent pas de manière volontaire. De plus, l’approche de l’engagement politique suppose une prise en compte des caractéristiques des groupes professionnels qui composent l’espace social. Leurs transformations contribuent tout à la fois à la recomposition de l’autoritarisme et aux mutations des formes du militantisme contemporain. À partir d’entretiens biographiques, de témoignages recoupés et de traces écrites, ce travail analyse les trajectoires politiques et socioprofessionnelles de près de cent soixante gauchistes des années 1960-1970 et quatre-vingt-dix islamistes des années 1980-1990. Se plaçant dans une perspective comparatiste, cette thèse recourt aux ressources de disciplines aussi diverses que la sémantique historique, la sociolinguistique, la géographie humaine et sociale, la psychologie sociale et la sociologie des professions. Elle met en oeuvre une série de concepts et de catégories tels l’origine socio-géographico-politique (OSGP) des parentèles, la communalité et la connexité, le champ d’expérience et l’horizon d’attente, les discours constituants et les cycles de contestation, l’engagement/attachement et le désengagement/détachement, les ressources militantes et professionnelles et les professions à entrée ouverte et régulée
This dissertation of political science tries to understand the social logics of the first protest action, the commitment to a cause, the attachment to a group and to individuals who compose it in authoritarian regime bases on the example of Tunisia. Within these regimes, activism in political opposition is not systematically a high risk social activity and indeed can be compared to an activity of the same level i. E. Low risk, in a so-called « democratic » regime. Authoritarism is not simply a violent governmentality that systematically beats and represses individuals who are not volontary subdued. Moreover, political commitment presupposes that one takes into account the characteristics of the occupational groups, which make up the social space. The transformation of these groups contributes both to the recompositions of authoritarianism and the transformations of contemporary forms of activism. From biographical interviews, cross-checked testimonies and written archives, this work analyses the political and socioprofessional careers of around one hundred-and-sixty leftists from 1960-1970, and ninety islamists from 1980-1990. From a comparative point-of-view, this dissertation uses resources from disciplines such as historical semantics, sociolinguistics, human and social geography, social psychology and sociology of professions. It employs a range of key-concepts and categories such as socio-geographico-political origins (SGOP) of kin groups, commonality and connectedness, fields of experience and horizons of expectations, grounding speeches and cycles of protest, commitment/attachement and disengagement/detachment, activism and professional resources and professions with opened or regulated access

8

Madkhali, Aasem. "Le rôle de la supervision des banques islamistes, approche islamo-juridique". Thesis, Nice, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016NICE0010/document.

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Cette étude couvre les institutions financières islamiques en général, avec une attention particulière accordée aux banques islamiques. L’intérêt est suscité par la relation directe avec notre sujet traitant de la surveillance de conformité avec la charia, réglementaire et légale, des banques islamiques. Les institutions financières et banques islamiques proposent divers produits de financement et développent plusieurs produits classiques en les adaptant aux principes de la finance islamique, dont l’absence de l’usure (interdiction du riba). Par ailleurs, nous notons que d’une part, certaines institutions financières et banques islamiques commencent à détourner à leur avantage les principes et les règles de base qui ont justifié l’existence même de la finance islamique en tant que substitut à la banque classique, et que d’autre part, même quand lesdites institutions se dotent d’instance de surveillance, leurs prérogatives se limitent à conseiller sans intervention pour réparer les défaillances et sans que leurs décisions et recommandations n’aient de force obligatoire. Ces constats nous amènent plus loin dans notre analyse, et nous poussent à nous interroger sur le fait d’assumer les implications de la responsabilité civile sous ses deux formes ; contractuelle et délictuelle ainsi que les implications de la responsabilité pénale pour les membres de ces instances. Le rôle de ces organes peut être plus effectif et plus efficace, comme nous le montrerons grâce à une approche réglementaire légale des activités et travaux des instances de surveillance de la charia. De ce fait, le sujet de la thèse implique une comparaison et un parallélisme entre les activités bancaires islamiques et la surveillance réglementaire du point de vue de la loi islamique charaique et la surveillance réglementaire des activités bancaires islamiques d’un point de vue légal
The present study covers the issue of islamic financial institutions in overall, with a particular attention attributed for islamic banks. The topic is interesting because of the direct relationship with the compliance monitoring with the Shariaa, regulatory and legal of Islamic banks. These financial institutions and Islamic banks offer various products of financing and develop several conventional products adapting them to the principles of Islamic finance, including the absence of usury (interdiction of riba). We should mention that some financial institutions and Islamic banks begin to divert for their advantages the principles and the basic rules that justified the existence of Islamic finance, like substitute for the traditional bank. And the role of institutions of compliance monitoring is limited to provide advises without intervention to prepare the failures, in other terms their decisions and recommendations did not have the binding force. These findings allowed deepening our analysis to pose the question regarding assuming the consequences of the civil liabilities under the 2 forms: contractual and delictual, in addition to the consequences and the criminal liabilities for the members of these authorities of compliance monitoring. The role of these organs could be more effective and efficient, like we underlined with the regulatory approach of their activities and the works of these authorities of compliance with the Shariaa. The present dissertation provides a comparison between the Islamic banks activities and the regulatory monitoring from the perspective of the Islamic rules of Shariaa and the regulatory monitoring of the activities of Islamic banks form legal perspective

9

Kaval, Musa. "Etude comparative des mouvements islamistes en Turquie, en Iran et en Egypte". Paris 10, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA100012.

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Les mouvements islamistes, en Turquie, en Iran et en Egypte sont étudiés d'une part, dans la dimension historique et politique des Etats moderne de ces pays, d'autre part, dans une perspective historique et théologique (de l'islam). Ils sont ainsi abordés en tant que forces politico-religieuses opposées à l'ordre établi, base sur une conception laïque ou séculière de l'Etat. Les questions traitées sont notamment : le déclin de l'ordre ancien, le processus de modernisation, de naissance des courants politiques et théologiques contemporains (en Turquie, en Iran et en Egypte). La mise à l'écart de la religion comme support des Etats modernes et l'émergence de l'idée de la création de l'Etat islamique, les facteurs d'apparition et de renforcement des mouvements islamistes ; le problème d'identité et de référence ; la conception de l'homme et de la liberté; la souveraineté et le régime valable selon ces mouvements et leur modalités d'action et d'organisation. La démarche suivie dans cette étude est d'établir les ressemblances qui réunissent ces mouvements et les différences qui les séparent
Islamic movements in Turkey, Iran and Egypt are studied on the one hand in terms of the historical and political dimension of the modern of these countries and on the other hand through a historical and theological (Islamic) perspective. They are tms addressed as politico-religions forces opposed to the established order, based on a lay or secular conception of the state. The questions treated are principally the following : the decline of the old order, the process of modernization, but of contemporary political and ideological trends (in turkey, Iran and Egypt), the holding back of religion as support for modern states and the emergence of the idea of the creation of the Islamic state, factors in the appearance and reinforcement of Islamic movements, the problem of identity and reference; the conception of man and liberty; legitimate sovereignty and regime in accordance with these movements and their forms of action and organization. The approach taken is this study is to establish the similarities which unify these movements and the differences which separate them

10

Türkmen, Buket. "La reconstruction de l'espace public turc par les jeunes kemalistes et islamistes". Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0052.

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Libri sul tema "Islamistes":

1

Bencheikh, Ghaleb. Lettre ouverte aux islamistes. Montrouge: Bayard, 2008.

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2

Nahavandi, Firouzeh. Mouvements islamistes et politique. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.

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3

Finianos, Ghassan. Islamistes, apologistes et libres penseurs. Pessac: Presses universitaires de Bordeaux, 2002.

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4

Finianos, Ghassan. Islamistes, apologistes et libres penseurs. 2^a ed. Pressac: Presses universitaires de Bordeaux, 2006.

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5

Finianos, Ghassan. Islamistes, apologistes et libres penseurs. Pessac: Presses universitaires de Bordeaux, 2002.

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6

Al-Ahnaf, M. L' Algérie par ses islamistes. Paris: Karthala, 1991.

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7

Nivat, Anne. Islamistes: Comment ils nous voient. Paris: Fayard, 2006.

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8

Deloire, Christophe. Les islamistes sont déjà là. Paris: Albin Michel, 2004.

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9

Fraihi, Hind. Infiltrée parmi les islamistes radicaux. Bruxelles: Luc Pire, 2006.

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10

Nivat, Anne. Islamistes: Comment ils nous voient. [Paris]: Fayard, 2006.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Islamistes":

1

Benotman, Noman, Jason Pack e James Brandon. "Islamists". In The 2011 Libyan Uprisings and the Struggle for the Post-Qadhafi Future, 191–228. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137308092_8.

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2

Dupré, Ben. "Islamismus". In 50 Schlüsselideen Politik, 104–7. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8274-3109-7_27.

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Dupré, Ben. "Islamismus". In 50 Schlüsselideen der Menschheit, 148–51. Heidelberg: Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8274-2908-7_38.

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Ludwig, Georg. "Die algerischen Islamisten". In Militär, Islamismus und Demokratie in Algerien (1978 bis 1995), 67–88. Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitätsverlag, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-81256-8_3.

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Long, Baudouin. "Les mouvements islamistes". In Atlas de l'Égypte contemporaine, 40–41. CNRS Éditions, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.editionscnrs.37422.

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Lacroix, Stéphane. "Bibliographie". In Les islamistes saoudiens, 323–42. Presses Universitaires de France, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/puf.kepel.2010.01.0323.

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"Indications bibliographiques". In L'Algérie par ses islamistes, 321–22. Karthala, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/kart.botiv.1991.01.0321.

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Rougier, Bernard. "Récits islamistes sur la France". In La France en récits, 569–80. Presses Universitaires de France, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/puf.zarka.2020.01.0569.

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Rinn, Michael. "Le pathos négationniste des sites islamistes". In Les discours de la haine, 331–42. Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.40305.

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Fadil, Mohamed. "Quand les islamistes fondent des partis politiques". In Allah et la Polis, 45–72. Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9782760643253-004.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Islamistes":

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Dubovetskaia, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Dynamics of public opinion towards Islamists in the Arab Republic of Egypt at the beginning of the 21st century". In All-Russian Scientific Conference. Publishing house Sreda, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-105446.

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Abstract (sommario):

The article describes the process of restructuring the Egyptian political field in the context of confrontation between representatives of the military elite and religious political movements in Egypt on the eve and after the events of the Arab Spring. The data of sociological surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer Center on the attitude of citizens towards Islamist parties and religious leaders in the MENA are analyzed. As a result of a comparative analysis of data for 2012–2014 with data obtained in 2018–2019, conclusions were drawn about a decrease in the level of trust of the population of the region in Islamists and a decrease in the level of religiosity in general. As a result of the historical analysis, the reasons that influenced this process are named, including the unsuccessful reforms of the Islamists and the rise of the extremist movement.

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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY". In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.

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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.

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Alsadhan, N., e D. B. Skillicorn. "Discovering structure in Islamist postings using systemic nets". In 2016 IEEE Conference on Intelligence and Security Informatics (ISI). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isi.2016.7745459.

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Weber, Ingmar, Venkata R. Kiran Garimella e Alaa Batayneh. "Secular vs. Islamist polarization in Egypt on Twitter". In ASONAM '13: Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining 2013. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2492517.2492557.

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KARAWAN, IBRAHIM. "MILITANT ISLAMIST GROUPS (MIGS): THEIR MOTIVES AND MINDSETS". In Proceedings of the International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 29th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812704184_0008.

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KARAWAN, IBRAHIM. "VIOLENCE AND STRATEGIC CHOICES: THE CASE OF ISLAMIST MILITANCY". In Proceedings of the International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 27th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812705150_0005.

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Alsadhan, N., e D. B. Skillicorn. "Comparing SVD and SDAE for Analysis of Islamist Forum Postings". In 2015 IEEE International Conference on Data Mining Workshop (ICDMW). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icdmw.2015.108.

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Zueva, Elena. "FUNDAMENTAL ISLAMIST MOVEMENTS IN EAST AFRICA AFTER THE �ARAB SPRING� 2011". In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/22/s08.032.

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Dalaman, Zeynep Banu. "The Development of Islamist Feminism in the Middle East: Iran and Egypt Cases". In 7th International Conference on Gender Studies: Gender, Space, Place & Culture. Eastern Mediterranean University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33831/gspc19/681-700/42.

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Abzar, D, Mr, e Muzayyin Ahyar. "Civil or Un-Civil Society? Islamist Identity, Democracy and Civil Society in Contemporary Surakarta". In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.49.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Islamistes":

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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Indonesian Islamist populism and Anies Baswedan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), ottobre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0025.

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Anies Baswedan emerges as a pivotal figure in Indonesian Islamist populism, notably for his role in defeating Basuki Tjahaya Purnama (Ahok) in the 2016 Jakarta gubernatorial election and his involvement in the criminalization of Ahok’s blasphemy case. His influence has fueled the rise of Islamist populism in the post-reform democratization era. Anies’s recent announcement as the National Democratic Party’s (Nasdem) presidential candidate for the 2024 election positions him against Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto. This article scrutinizes Anies’s prospects in the 2024 presidential election, exploring whether he continues to employ identity politics and Islamist ideologies to attack political opponents and what his overall stance is regarding Islamist populism. It raises pertinent questions about the impact of these developments on Indonesian democracy, pondering whether the looming challenges will culminate in storms or pave the way for clearer skies in the nation’s democratic landscape.

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Fair, C. Christine, e Wahid Abdallah. Islamist Militancy in Bangladesh: Public Awareness and Attitudes. RESOLVE Network, settembre 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/bgd2017.3.

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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Ganjar Pranowo’s Quest: Resisting Islamist Civilizational Populism in Indonesia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), dicembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0028.

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Ganjar Pranowo stands as a pivotal figure within technocratic populism, anticipated to advocate for the people‘s volonté générale and counter the sway of Islamist civilisational populism within Indonesia. The impending 2024 election positions him in a direct contest against Anies Baswedan and Prabowo Subianto, both politicians who garnered support from Islamist populist factions in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections, respectively. Perceptions of Ganjar’s political stance vary, with some viewing him as a populist figure. However, in essence, he embodies the antithesis of populism, distinct from narratives and rhetoric persistently leveraging Islamism for political gain. This article seeks to delve into Ganjar’s political prospects in the upcoming 2024 election, shedding light on his role in confronting rivals and their supporters entrenched in Islamist populism. While widely seen as the most compelling figure for upholding the continuity of a vibrant democracy, his emergence also sparks inquiries into the trajectory of substantive democratic progress within the nation.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Syaza Shukri e Kainat Shakil. The Others of Islamist Civilizational Populism in AKP’s Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), febbraio 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0018.

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Turkey’s history and politics allow populism and Sunni Islamist civilizationalism to thrive. The ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) use of Islamist authoritarian populism in its second decade of power has widened its “otherization” of political opponents, non-Muslims, non-Sunnis, ethnic minorities, vulnerable groups, and all those who reject the AKP’s views and democratic transgressions. To comprehend how Erdogan and his deft colleagues leverage identities of Sunni Islam and Turkish ethnicity, alongside pre-existing collective fears to develop populist authoritarianism, in this article, each category of “the others” is investigated through the lens of civilizational populism. This article specifically delves into the “otherization” process towards the Kemalists, secularists and leftists/liberals, Kurds, Alevis, and practicing Sunni Muslim Gulen Movement. The different methods of AKP’s civilizational populist “otherization” continues to polarize an already divided Turkish nation, generating incalculable harm.

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James, Randal K. The Islamist Challenge in the Middle East and North Africa. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, aprile 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada388242.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan. The AKP’s Authoritarian, Islamist Populism: Carving out a New Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0005.

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The global tide of populism will leave a profound mark on Turkey. The ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) success during the past two decades, has hinged on Islamist authoritarian populism and been driven by its long-time leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. “New Turkey” is now a reality. The AKP has been successful at dismantling the Kemalist ideals – ironically, perhaps, by using similarly repressing techniques, such as cracking down on civil liberties and democratic rights.

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Fullmer, Jennifer M. The Ogaden Insurrection: Implications for Islamist Extremism and U.S. National Security. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, febbraio 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1018747.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan. Erdogan’s Political Journey: From Victimised Muslim Democrat to Authoritarian, Islamist Populist. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0007.

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With “the people” on his side, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has changed the very fabric of Turkish society. Turkey has been changing from an oppressive Kemalist state to an aggressive autocratic and vindictive Islamist state. All opposition is securitised and deemed “the enemy,” state institutions spread Erdoganism’s populist narratives, and democratic checks and balances have been successfully dismantled.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Zahid Ahmed, Galib Bashirov, Nicholas Morieson e Kainat Shakil. Islamist Populists in Power: Promises, Compromises and Attacks on Democratic Institutions. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), agosto 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0013.

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This paper comparatively examines the ruling religious populist governments in Turkey and Pakistan through a theoretical framework that focuses on populists’ promises, their compromises, and their attacks on democratic institutions. Through our three-legged framework, we examine how these religious populists behave in power and how strategic necessities, the realities of governing, and structural constraints shape their policies. Similar to the other populists in other parts of the world, before coming to power, Islamist populists make sweeping promises to the people and quick fixes to major problems of the country—most famously, quick and substantial economic development. While they may want to retain their uncompromising style and lofty goals, the realities of governing force populists to make serious compromises to their designated ‘enemies’ and on their values once they are in power. Finally, like other authoritarian politicians, Islamist populists attack formal institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the media, and civil society; they politicize them, evacuate them, and eventually capture them from within. Keywords: Religion, populism, Islamism, authoritarianism, populists in power, democratic backsliding, Turkey, Pakistan

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Wright, Parker H. Pakistan's Tribal Lands: Central Front in the War Against the Global Islamist Insurgency. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, aprile 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada539621.

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