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1
Brack, Jonathan. "A Jewish Vizier and his Shīʿī Manifesto: Jews, Shīʿīs, and the Politicization of Confessional Identities in Mongol-ruled Iraq and Iran (13th to 14th centuries)". Der Islam 96, n. 2 (4 ottobre 2019): 374–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0028.
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Abstract This paper seeks to situate Jewish individuals from the upper echelons of the Mongol government in Iran and Iraq (1258‒1335) in relation to the process of confessional, Sunnī-Shīʿī polarization. Focusing on the case of the Baghdadi Jewish physician and vizier Saʿd al-Dawla (d. 1291), I explore how the Jewish minister sought to take advantage of Twelver-Shīʿī rise to prominence under the Mongols. I argue that the vizier attempted to strike an alliance with the Shīʿī communities in Iraq and with influential Shīʿī families with long-established ties to the Mongol regime, in order to curtail resistance to his policies and to the Jewish dominance in the realm’s bureaucracy. I consider Saʿd al-Dawla’s endeavors within the broader historical context of Shīʿī-Jewish relations. The article concludes by examining the two decades following Saʿd al-Dawla’s downfall, when a group of eminent Jewish physicians at the Mongol court converted to Islam. I show how these converts continued to exploit the process of politicization of confessional identities under the Mongols.
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Muhammad Ichsan, Sayed, e Syarif Hidayatullah. "Revolusi Republik Islam Iran". Jurnal Ekshis 1, n. 1 (11 aprile 2023): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.59548/je.v1i1.17.
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Revolusi Republik Islam Iran merupakan sebuah keberhasilan rakyat Iran dalam menumbangkan kekuasaan Reza Shah Fahlevi, dan menghasilkan sebuah perubahan segala aspek dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat Iran, dan salah satunya konsep pembaharuan yang dicetuskan oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini, setelah dua pemerintahan sebelumnya tidak mampu memberikan bentuk pembaharuan yang nyata kepada masyaraka. Jenis penelitian ini adalah studi pustaka atau Library Research yang menggunakan khazanah kepustakaan tentang sejarah serta revolusi republik Islam Iran sebagai referensi utama. Bentuk pembaharuan yang digagas oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini adalah ulama sebagai pemegang kekuasaan tertinggi dan dikenal dengan istilah Velayat al-Faqih, ulama merupakan representasi pengamalan atas ajaran agama, sehingga langkah dan keputusan yang diambil berdasarkan hukum agama. Hingga saat ini, Velayat al-Faqih masih bertahan dan memberikan warna tersendiri dalam sistem pemerintahan Islam. Kata kunci: Imam Khomeini, Pembaharuan, Velayat al-Faqih References: Allouche, A. (1983). The Origins and Development of the Ottoman (First Edit). Klaus Schawrs Verlag. Halim, S. (2011). Farhang Moaster Persian-English Dictionary (Edisi I). Farhang Moaser Publisher. Jafri, S. H. M. (2003). Mazhab Syiah Dua Belas Imam. In S. H. Nasr (Ed.), Ensiklopedia Tematis: Spiritualitas Islam (Edisi I, p. 656). Penerbit Mizan. Kurdi, S. (1989). PARA MULLAH ( Studi Pemikiran Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih ) Sulaiman Kurdi * nasional di kawasan Timur Tengah dan berdampak internasional adalah revolusi Islam Iran Pimpinan Ayatullah Khomeini yang pecah pada 1979 . Revolusi Iran itu berhasil membeba. Hermenia: Jurnal Kajian Islam Interdisipliner, 6, 160. Lorentz, J. H. (2007). Historical Dictionary of Iran (Second Edi). The Scarerow Press Inc. Rahnema, A. (2002). Ali Syari’ati: Biografi Politik Intelektual Revolusioner (S. Mahdi, Sayed & Bhawono, Ed.; Edisi I). Penerbit Erlangga. Rakhmat, J. (1999). Rekayasa Sosial: Reformasi, Revolusi atau Manusia Besar? (Edisi I). Penerbit Remaja Rosdakarya. Sihbudi, R. (1991). Islam, Dunia Arab, Iran: Bara Timur Tengah (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1992). Eksistensi Palestina: di Mata Teheran dan Washington (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1996). Biografi Politik Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Yamani. (2002). Filsafat Politik Islam: Antara Al-Farabi dan Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan.
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Casale, Giancarlo. "Mehmed the Conqueror between Sulh-i Kull and Prisca Theologia". Modern Asian Studies 56, n. 3 (8 aprile 2022): 840–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x21000184.
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AbstractThis article presents a new interpretation of the reign of the Ottoman sultan Mehmed the Conqueror (r. 1444–46, 1451–81) as refracted through the twin historical lenses of Mughal South Asia and the Renaissance Mediterranean. On the one hand, it argues that Mehmed, despite his current reputation as a conquering hero of Islam, in fact aspired to a model of sovereignty analogous to Akbar's Sulh-i Kull, and with a common point of origin in the conceptual worlds of post-Mongol Iran and Timurid central Asia. On the other hand, it also draws from the historiography of the Italian Renaissance to interpret Mehmed's cultural politics as being simultaneously inspired by a particular thread of Renaissance philosophy, the Prisca Theologia, which in many ways served as the Ottoman equivalent of Akbar's Sulh-i Kull.
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Korneeva, T. G. "ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI". Islam in the modern world 14, n. 4 (7 gennaio 2019): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-4-115-124.
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The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.
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Leube, Georg. "Aqquyunlu Turkmen Rulers Facing the Ruins of Takht-i Jamshīd". Der Islam 95, n. 2 (8 novembre 2018): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2018-0031.
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Abstract This article investigates the ways in which Aqquyunlu rulers drew on the material remains of bygone dynasties by including ruins in their court ceremonial. Central for the investigation are two inscriptions left by the majlis or artistic assemblee of an Aqquyunlu prince on the ruins of one of the Achaemenid palaces at Persepolis or Takht-i Jamshīd in Iran. These important epigraphic sources are presented here in an improved critical edition and discussed in their social, architectural, and literary context. In musing over past glories, the prince and his retinue appropriated the heritage of bygone prophets and kings, framing their courtly representation as part of a continuous tradition of just rulers over southern Iran.
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Khalid, Muhammad Munib, Uzma Naz e Sajida Begum. "‘EMPOWERED IRAN’ IN A COMPLEX REGION (MIDDLE EAST): TEHRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES AND DIMENSIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY". Global Political Review V, n. I (30 marzo 2020): 234–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).26.
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Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran’s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.
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Durre, Mehmet Emin Ikbal. "Factor of Islamism in international relations and geopolitics in the Near and Middle East". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, n. 4-2 (1 aprile 2022): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202204statyi37.
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This article describes to the role of the factor of political Islam (“Islamism”) in geopolitics and modern international relations in the Near and Middle East. The absolute majority of the population of this region professes Islam, and many countries (Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran and a number of other states) directly base their state structure and legal system on Islamic principles. If earlier the Muslim factor was like a banner of self-identity and confrontation with Western expansion, now other “fault lines” are coming to the fore - between Sunnis and Shiites, fundamentalists and supporters of a “liberal” understanding of the Islamic religion. Even in the fundamentalist segment of political Islam, there are contradictions. All this complicates the situation, but its analysis and identification of certain prospects for the future is quite realistic.
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Anderson, Sally. "Religionens mange dimensioner: Skoleteologi og muslimske børn i en dansk provinsskole". Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, n. 2 (5 febbraio 2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i2.25337.
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This article is based on fieldwork with young Muslim refugees from Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan, who attend small-town schools in the Danish countryside. The article explores the Danish schools’ ’mixed bag’ approach to religious education. Drawing on theology, philosophy, cultural history and the sociology of religion, the national curriculum privileges evangelical Lutheran Christianity while postulating a universal ’religious dimension’ in people’s lives. The article discusses how this school theology that highlights a common human religious attitude simultaneously excludes any serious discussion of a child’s relationship with God and the many other dimensions of religion that impact the lives of Muslim refugee children. While reporting that they enjoy learning about Christianity, Muslim children also feel compelled by God, family, classmates and their teacher’s lack of knowledge of Islam to find and hold on to their own religious convictions. In this they are surprisingly little helped by a subject designed to get at the religious dimension in people’s lives.
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Sarkissian, Margaret. "“Religion Never Had it so good“: Contemporary Nasyid and the Growth of Islamic Popular Music in Malaysia". Yearbook for Traditional Music 37 (2005): 124–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800011267.
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The Taliban in Afghanistan and the hardline clergy in Iran might regard them as blasphemous, but in Malaysia Islamic pop groups are a hit, even with fundamentalist politicians. Nasyid groups, as they are known, are winning awards for using their talents to bring people closer to Islam. (MGW 13 June 1999)
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M. Serkan, TAFLIOĞLU. "İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nde egemenlik ve meşrûiyet kaynağı “Velâyet-i Fakih”". Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 68, n. 3 (2013): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/sbfder_0000002288.
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Özgüdenli̇, Osman G. "İslâmî Yazmalara Adanan Bir Ömür: Prof. İrec Afşar (1925-2001)". Belleten 75, n. 274 (1 dicembre 2011): 975–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2011.975.
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İran'ın dil, tarih, edebiyat ve kültür alanlarında yetiştirdiği en büyük ilim adamlarından Prof. İrec Afşar 9 Mart 2011 Çarşamba günü Tahran'da vefaat etti. İran tarihi araştırmacıları, yayınladığı iki yüzün üzerinde ana kaynak ve iki binin üzerinde makale ile Prof. Afşar'ın İran tarihi ve kültürüne nedenli önemli katkılarda bulunduğunu gayet iyi bilirler. O, Mirzâ Muhammed-i Kazvini, Seyyid Hasan Taki-zâde, Nefisi, `Abbâs İkbâl, Muctebâ Minovi ve Muhammed Taki Dânişpejuh gibi İran dili, edebiyatı ve tarihinin büyük araştırmacılarının son temsilcilerindendi. Prof. Afşar 16 Mihr 1304/8 Ekim 1925 tarihinde muhtemelen XVI. yüzyılda İran'ın Yezd şehrine göç eden Afşar Türklerine mensup olan Dr. Mahmud Afşar ile Nusret Afşar'ın oğlu olarak Tahran'da dünyaya geldi.
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Parveen, Dr Rashida, e Dr Muhammad Amin. "“Fiqhi” Contributions of the Ulama of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Ananalytical Study". Fahm-i-Islam 1, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2018): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37605/fahm-i-islam.1.2.2.
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“Fiqh” or “Al-Fiqh” is one of the most important fields of Islamic Religious Sciences. It deals with the nature and rulings of the practices usually observed by the Muslims in their daily lives regarding being lawful or otherwise. In this field, the contributions of the religious scholars of the province of Khyberpakhtunkhwa are highly admirable. Being a gate-way for the Sub-Continent including China, the scholastic pursuits progressing in Syria, Iraq and subsequently in Asia Minor, particularly impressed/influenced the Fiqhi developments of this region (Khyberpakhtunkhwa). The reason for the said influence on this specific area (region) has also been elaborated in this article. An massive creative work along with original research studies were carried out by the inhabitant scholars of the Sub-Continent in general and that of the Khyberpakhtunkhwa Province, in particular since long duly producing remarkable books in this field. There is another specific characteristic of the people of this region: that the majority of them are the followers of “Fiqh-e-Hanfi” In this article, only as a sample, an analytical review of the books of “Ulema” hailing from this region (like Syed Amin –al-Haque”, Maulana Shaista Gul” , “Maulana Hamd-Allah-Jan” and “Sheikh-AlQuran, Maulana Muhammad Tahir”) has been presented to prove the above-cited hypothesis.In addition to that all of the above details and some more have been elaborated along with special focus on the creative works of the Religious Scholars of this region. Most of the research works- (other than those mentioned in this article) are published in the forms of presentable books. This will prove helpful for the young researchers in future.
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Natasha Zaretsky. "Taken Hostage: The Iran Hostage Crisis and America's First Encounter With Radical Islam (review)". American Studies 48, n. 2 (2007): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.0.0128.
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Taghavi, Seyed Mohammad Ali. "‘Fadaeeyan-i Islam’: the prototype of Islamic hard-liners in Iran". Middle Eastern Studies 40, n. 1 (gennaio 2004): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200412331301937.
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Schoeler, Gregor. "The “National Amnesia” in the Traditional History of Iran". Der Islam 97, n. 2 (7 ottobre 2020): 500–532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0031.
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AbstractIt is well known that the pre-Islamic “national history” of Iran (i. e., the indigenous secular historical tradition, transmitted orally over many centuries) knows nothing at all, or as good as nothing, about the dynasties and empires of the Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, and Parthians (ca. 700 BCE–226 CE). It is first with the Sasanians (226‒651 CE) that Iran’s “national history” evinces more detailed knowledge. Instead of reports on the historical Medes and Achaemenid dynasties, accounts of mythical and legendary dynasties, the Pīšdādians and Kayānians, are found.In this essay, an attempt will be made to explain this “gap” in the pre-Islamic historical tradition, this “strange historical (or national) amnesiaˮ (Ehsan Yarshater) in the cultural memory of the Iranians, with the help of a theory on the structure and modality of oral tradition, based on field research, by the Belgian historian and anthropologist Jan Vansina. The structure in question concerns a tripartite perception of the past: a wealth of information about antiquity (traditions of origin or creation and reports on culture heroes) – plenty of information, too, on the recent and most recent times – and lying between them, a “gap” in the accounts. Vansina described this phenomenon as the “hourglass effect.” This is exactly the narrative structure of Iranian national history; it is evident that the Achaemenids and the other pre-Christian dynasties fall into the “gap” described by Vansina.The same phenomenon can also be detected on the level of Sasanian history. We find there a plethora of information on the founder of the dynasty, Ardašīr (reigned 226‒241 CE); meanwhile, very few details are known of the kings following Ardašīr, and it is only as of Kavād I (reigned 488‒496 and 499‒531 CE) that we have outstanding historical information.
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Asadzade, Peyman. "Faith or Ideology? Religiosity, Political Islam, and Anti-Americanism in Iran". Journal of Global Security Studies 4, n. 4 (28 febbraio 2019): 545–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogy038.
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Abstract The Middle East, particularly the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a reputation for harboring very strong forms of anti-Americanism. Why are some individuals more hostile to the United States than others? What factors are associated with anti-American sentiments? This article offers the first systematic study of anti-Americanism in Iran, a country in which anti-Americanism has been a guiding policy of the government since the 1979 revolution. Based on original survey data from 2016, I seek to explain how religiosity and political Islam influence public attitudes toward the United States. Distinguishing between political and cultural anti-Americanism, I find that, while support for political Islam is significantly associated with both types of anti-Americanism, religiosity predicts only cultural anti-Americanism. The findings challenge the literature that associates anti-American sentiments with religiosity in the Islamic world.
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Loeffler, Reinhold L. "Case Study". Anthropology of the Middle East 17, n. 1 (1 giugno 2022): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2022.170108.
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In my book Islam in Practice (1988), I showed the great variety of religious beliefs in Sisakht, a village of Luri-speaking tribal people in the province of Kohgiluye/Boir Ahmad in Iran.1 I gave one of the 21 men I presented, Mr. Husseinkhan Sayadi, the epithet ‘Deep Believer’ to reflect his firm belief in God and Shi’a traditions. We became close friends, and revisiting his life again 14 years after his death, I will continue to use his first name to reflect and honour our friendship.
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Mortazavian, Ali. "Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment: Philosophies of Hope and Despair by Ali Mirsepassi (review)". Journal of Shi'a Islamic Studies 6, n. 2 (2013): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isl.2013.0011.
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McClary, Richard, e Leila Danesh. "A Tabrīzī School of Īlkhānī Stucco Carving? A Comparative Analysis of Īlkhānī Miḥrābs in Urmia, Marand, and Tabrīz". Der Islam 100, n. 1 (1 aprile 2023): 164–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2023-0004.
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Abstract This article consists of a detailed study of the decoration and inscriptions on three stylistically related carved stucco miḥrābs in ʿIrāq-i ʿAjam. The ones in Urmia and Marand are dated to the Īlkhānī period and bear the names of craftsmen with a connection to Tabrīz. The fragmentary remains of the third, undated, miḥrāb in Tabrīz are then studied, followed by the upper stucco inscription band in the masjid-i jāmiʿ in Urmia. The final section highlights the connections between the material in Iran and related stucco in Mamlūk Cairo. The main aim of this article is to provide as full an account as possible of the decoration and inscriptions of these examples of Īlkhānī stucco, and also to demonstrate the existence of a distinctive regional school of stucco carving centered in Tabrīz. Several newly translated inscriptions are published here for the first time, and the analysis is based on a combination of archival material and new photographs and drawings of the subject structures.
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Rahimi, Babak. "Rethinking Digital Technologies in the Middle East". International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, n. 2 (27 aprile 2015): 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000124.
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In 2003, while a graduate student working on my dissertation, I wrote an article on the Internet in postrevolutionary Iran that looked at the politics of the emerging technology in a country undergoing major political changes. In the context of political rivalries between reformists and conservatives, the Internet, I argued, “as an advancing means of communication,” played a key role in the struggle for democracy by opening up a virtual space of dissident activism. Euphoric in spirit and utopian in outlook, the article ended with the following quotation from an Iranian dissident: “At night, every light that is on in Tehran shows that somebody is sitting behind a computer, driving through information roads; and that is in fact a storehouse of gunpowder that, if ignited, will start a great firework in the capital of the revolutionary Islam.” These “information roads,” I concluded, could play a significant role in the emergence of a new form of political society in Iran and beyond.
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Bayat, Asef. "O postislamizmu općenito / Post-Islamism at large". Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, n. 2 (17 marzo 2022): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2017.4.2.53.
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In an earlier work Making Islam Democratic (2007), I attempted to interrogate the infamous question of whether Islam was compatible with democracy. I concluded that whereas Islamism (understood as deploying Islam as a political project to establish Islamic state) was unlikely to embrace democratic polity, ‘post-Islamism’ could. My early formulation of ‘post-Islamism’ was based primarily on the experience of Iran in the late 1990s. In this essay I try to see how much this concept has a broader resonance, given that Islamist movements in the Muslim world have experienced significant changes in the past three decades. Basing itself on numerous empirical studies of shift in the political Islam, the essay focuses on revisiting the concept of ‘post-Islamism’ by addressing the questions that its application to other experiences of Islamist politics may raise, as well as the questions that critiques have raised since the concept’s inception. Post-Islamism emerges as a critique from within and without of Islamist politics.
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Foucault, Michel, e Baqir Parham. "On Marx, Islam, Christianity & revolution". Daedalus 134, n. 1 (gennaio 2005): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0011526053124433.
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Note by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson: In 1978, as the protests against the shah were becoming a mass movement, Michel Foucault made his first visit to Iran. During the next eight months, Foucault wrote a number of articles on the Iranian Revolution for “Corriere della Sera,” “Le Monde,” and other publications. These articles constitute the most sustained treatment anywhere in his writings of a non-Western society. Foucault's support for Iran's Islamist movement touched off a controversy that continues to this day. This conversation, conducted in Iran in September of 1978 with the noted writer Baqir Parham, includes Foucault's first reflections on the Iranian Revolution. In addition, it connects his concern with Iran to his larger critique of Western modernity. It shows how his search for new forms of resistance to modernity had led him to look at religious revolts. This dialogue was published in “Nameh-yi Kanun-i Nevisandegan” (Publication of the Center of Iranian Writers), No. 1, Spring 1979, pages 9–17. It has been translated from the Persian by Janet Afary. We thank Baqir Parham and the University of Chicago Press for permission to publish this material in “Dædalus.”
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Tohidi, Nayereh. "The Intersection of Gender, Ethnicity and Islam in Soviet and Post-Soviet Azerbaijan*". Nationalities Papers 25, n. 1 (marzo 1997): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408494.
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How do I define Azerbaijani women's identity? This is very complicated, because we have been influenced by Russia, Iran, Turkey, the Caucasus and Islam … Every day we have to wear different masks and juggle multiple identities. You cannot find a single or typical Azeri female identity. You cannot generalize any type to the whole population of Azeri women since we vary so much.
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Latifkar, Azade. "Reinvention of Padishah-i Islam in the Visual Representations of Ghazan Khan". Manazir Journal 5 (9 ottobre 2023): 34–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2023.5.3.
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This article discusses how the visualization of Mahmud Ghazan, the sixth Ilkhanid ruler, was employed to construct and propagate his image as the Padishah-i Islam (King of Islam), thus justifying him both as king of Iranshahr (land of Iran) and the legitimate successor of the Prophet Muhammad. In a quest for visual translations of the Ilkhanid concept of Padishah-i Islam—an inseparable combination of the Persian notion of ideal kingship and prophethood—several illustrations from the Diez albums representing Ghazan or events of his reign have been identified, two of which have become subject to detailed iconographic analyses. Two approaches to the visualization of Ghazan as Padishah-i Islam can be considered here. The first is Ghazan’s birth scene where the visual narrative is covered in various formal and semantic layers; transformed into a symbolic narrative of a holy birth associated with those of the prophets. The second appears in the scene of Ghazan’s enthronement, probably once illustrated as an unknown manuscript’s frontispiece, the images’ composition and components appear as a visual panegyric poem which applies an elaborate visual language that elevates Ghazan to the level of a divine king.
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Latifkar, Azadeh. "Reinvention of Padishah-i Islam in the Visual Representations of Ghazan Khan". Manazir Journal 5 (9 ottobre 2023): 10–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2023.5.2.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article discusses how the visualization of Mahmud Ghazan, the sixth Ilkhanid ruler, was employed to construct and propagate his image as the Padishah-i Islam (King of Islam), thus justifying him both as king of Iranshahr (land of Iran) and the legitimate successor of the Prophet Muhammad. In a quest for visual translations of the Ilkhanid concept of Padishah-i Islam—an inseparable combination of the Persian notion of ideal kingship and prophethood—several illustrations from the Diez albums representing Ghazan or events of his reign have been identified, two of which have become subject to detailed iconographic analyses. Two approaches to the visualization of Ghazan as Padishah-i Islam can be considered here. The first is Ghazan’s birth scene where the visual narrative is covered in various formal and semantic layers; transformed into a symbolic narrative of a holy birth associated with those of the prophets. The second appears in the scene of Ghazan’s enthronement, probably once illustrated as an unknown manuscript’s frontispiece, the images’ composition and components appear as a visual panegyric poem which applies an elaborate visual language that elevates Ghazan to the level of a divine king.
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El-Shall, Maryam. "From Risk to Terror: Islamist Conspiracies and the Paradoxes of Post-9/11 Government". Open Cultural Studies 2, n. 1 (1 aprile 2018): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Discourses of Islamist terrorism deployed as part of the War on Terror have fed into a host of conspiracy theories imagining Islam as a system of total government. But even before 9/11, mainstream political discourses reflected similar suspicions. Beginning in the 1980s, concerns about the political establishment were expressed from within government itself in the idea of a government that governs “too much.” In this article, I suggest that the proliferation of Islamist conspiracies after 9/11 reflects this mode of government. To develop this argument, I begin by linking discourses about terrorism produced as part of the War on Terror to conspiracy theories linking terror and Islam to notions of total power in the state. I then suggest that Islamist conspiracies draw on the epistemologies of uncertainty produced by the state in order to transform what is unknown or “risky” into un/certain objects of knowledge and truth. This transformation takes place through their location in the space of the sacred-in the soul of Islam. I illustrate these parallels through a comparative analysis of official policies and discourses of terrorism and conspiracy culture, with a focus on the Center for Security Policy website and Glenn Beck’s It Is About Islam: Exposing the Truth About ISIS, Al Qaeda, Iran and the Caliphate, where discourse about terror is used to signify the (hidden) truth of Islam.
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FUCHS, SIMON WOLFGANG. "Failing Transnationally: Local intersections of science, medicine, and sectarianism in modernist Shiʿi writings". Modern Asian Studies 48, n. 2 (13 febbraio 2014): 433–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000711.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis paper adds to the growing literature on transnational Shiʿism which has so far mostly focused on social history and political contestations. By tracing the thought, transnational legacy, and ultimate failure of the reformist Shiʿi scholar, Muhammad al-Khalisi (d. 1963), I argue for the crucial importance of local contexts and ideas for the genesis of Islamic modernist projects. In his native Iraq, al-Khalisi not only distinguished himself as a guerrilla fighter and political activist but also was shaped by prevailing notions about the compatibility of Islam and science. Exiled to Iran for his opposition to the British from 1922 to 1949, he encountered there specific medicalizing discourses on modernity. This exposure and his experience as a practitioner of medicine in the Iranian countryside led al-Khalisi to identify medicine as the master key to unlocking the secrets of the divine law, thesharīʿa: his major work on Islamic law singles out human health as God's supreme concern. Back in Iraq during the 1950s, al-Khalisi's medical-scientific vision of modernity was finally complemented with an uncompromising call for intra-Muslim unity. This stance led to furious attacks against al-Khalisi which continue unabated in contemporary Pakistan where his name has become a term of abuse.
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Faghfoory, Mohammad H. "Doctrines of Shi'i Islam". American Journal of Islam and Society 20, n. 2 (1 aprile 2003): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i2.1861.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The growing interest in Shi'ism in the western world since the Iranian revolutionhas resulted in the publication of numerous books and articles onShi' i f slam. Most studies, however, focus on Shi' ism's historical development, highlight differences between Shi'i and Sunni Islam, or discuss Shi'ipolitical behavior in the context of the politics of violence. This book byAyatullah Ja'far Sobhani, an emjnent scholar of Shi'ism and professor ofIslamic studies in the Hawzah 'llmiyah of Qum (Iran), is a notable exception. The author is a Qur'anic commentator, a prolific writer, a biographerof the Prophet and Imam 'Ali, and has written several books on theologyand jurisprudence.Sobhani opines that modern man (sic) is turning to religion once againbecause of his (sic) disillusionment with technological innovation and scientificadvancement. The author seeks to meet this need by presenting anauthoritative yet objective account of Shi' i Islam from within, and theShi'is' perception of their tradition and of themselves without exaggerationand distortion.The book is a useful source for non-specialists as well as advancedreaders who want to learn about the contemporary expression of Shi'i traditionfrom an authoritative source. As Shah Kazemi states in his introduction,the book presents an account of the mainstream religious thinking ofcontemporary Iran's official religious establishment, yet is not influencedby the revolutionary environment. It follows the traditional format and linesof argument laid out by previous Shi' i 'ulama.The book is divided into three chapters, preceded by the translator'sforward and the author's preface. In chapter l, Sobhani establishes a philosophicalframework within which he presents the doctrines of lthna 'AshariShi'ism. Chapter 2 discusses some legal issues and principles of Shi'i theology.In the third chapter, Sobhani departs from the traditional paradigmof Shi' i treatises and addresses some controversial and contested legalissues and challenges ...
29
Grigoriadis, Theocharis N. "Compromising Islam with Empire: Bureaucracy and Class in Safavid Iran". IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, n. 4 (2013): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130403.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Socio-economic justice lies in the normative core of Islam. The concepts of fard-al-kifāyah and zakāh reveal its commitment to protect the poor from the arbitrariness of the rich and treat the state as an institution that maximises collective welfare. The political economy of Safavid Iran indicates that the establishment of Islam as Iran’s state religion facilitated the empire’s administrative modernisation, economic development and class formation. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that religion did not only offer legitimacy grounds to the Safavid government. It also provided institutional incentives that transformed clerics into intermediaries between people and the Imperial Court, improved fiscal capacity and increased general trust toward the central government.
30
Matsunaga, Yasuyuki. "Human Rights and New Jurisprudence in Mohsen Kadivar's Advocacy of “New-Thinker” Islam". Die Welt des Islams 51, n. 3-4 (2011): 358–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006011x603541.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn 2001, Mohsen Kadivar (1959-), a Qom-trained Shi'ite mujtahid, began advocating what he has alternately termed “spiritual Islam”, “goal-oriented Islam”, and “new-thinker Islam”. No longer just a critic of the “rule of the jurisprudent” (wilāyat-i faqīh) doctrine, Kadivar started to set forth his version of postrevivalist Islam, a kind that characteristically highlights its spiritual aspects but is nonetheless self-consciously anchored within the framework of Islamic jurisprudence. In this article, I will first examine Kadivar's arguments about the fundamental conflict between the traditional exegesis of Islam and modern human rights norms, the inadequacy of traditional Islamic jurisprudence as a means to tackle the conflict, and his proposed approach to solving the problem. I will then critically discuss certain controversial aspects of the new exegesis that Kadivar has proposed—particularly, the issues surrounding the abrogation of accepted precepts of sharī'a and the newly introduced conception of the intrinsic rights of human beings—as well as its significance and cogency. These examinations will highlight the unique emphasis that Kadivar has put on jurisprudence as the means to come to terms with the challenges of modernity, in contrast with more explicitly hermeneutic approaches preferred by some of his peers within the emerging postrevivalist current in Iran.
31
Martynenko, Alexander V. "On the issue of the influence of the Islamic tradition on the teachings of Baha’u’llah". Minbar. Islamic Studies 11, n. 2 (21 settembre 2018): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2018-11-2-235-244.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the influence of the Islamic tradition (doctrinal, cultural) on the religious community of the Bahá’ís, which borned in the Qajar Iran and was formed on the territory of the Ottoman Empire (Iraq, Palestine) in the second half of the XIX century. In the methodological aspect, the article is based on a civilizational approach that emphasizes the researcher’s attention to the sociocultural aspects of the stated problem. The following results were obtained during the study. First of all, the doctrinal influence of the Islamic (in particular, Shiite and Sufi) traditions on the doctrine of Bahá’u’lláh, which manifested itself in his works such as «Kitab-i-Igan» («The Book of Certitude») and «Haft Wadi» («The Seven Valleys»). In addition, the article traces the influence of the traditions of Islamic calligraphy on the work of Mishkin-Kalam (one of the closest adepts of Bahá’u’lláh). The main conclusion of the article is that the influence of Islam on the teachings and culture of the early Bahá’í community was quite significant.
32
Riza, A. Kemal. "Menakar Ideologi Republik Islam Iran: Kontestasi Antara Ideologi dan Pragmatisme dalam Politik". Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 7, n. 2 (9 gennaio 2018): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2017.7.2.279-301.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: Iran declared as an Islamic state since its 1979 Islamic revolution. Since leadership of Ayatullah Khomeini, Islamic ideology has been carried out in all levels of the state. In politics, it was conducted by creating wilayah al-faqih, in which the ulama plays important and decisive role. Iran even tried to expand this ideology outside its border, especially in areas with considerable number of Shi’i population. However, in its practice, the implementation of this Islamic ideology should also accommodate pragmatism and other aspects that contradict that ideology, namely nationalism and cultural pluralism. In politics, this is reflected by the emergence of ideologists and reformists-pragmatists. This dichotomy can be witnessed in presidential elections. While Ali Khamenei and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are considered ideologists, Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, Muhammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani are reformists-pragmatists. Ideological expansion which was proven backfired was also put on halt. In social-cultural expression of the society, there is growing trend to identify Iran using pre-Islamic symbols. This is happen mostly among younger generation who do not take part in the 1979 revolution.
Abstrak: Iran adalah sebuah negara yang mengumumkan sebagai Negara Islam modern sejak revolusi Islam di tahun 1979. Di bawah kepemimpinan Ayatullah Khomeini, ideologi Islam dilaksanakan dalam berbagai cara dan mekanisme, antara lain kepemimpinan ulama (wilâyah al-faqîh) yang tercermin dalam peran sentral ulama dalam politik kenegaraan dan implementasi besar-besaran nilai-nilai keislaman dalam politik dan kehidupan sosial. Iran bahkan berusaha melakukan ekspansi ideologi Islam mereka ke wilayah-wilayah Islam lainnya, khususnya yang memiliki paham Syi’ah yang sama. Akan tetapi, dalam praktiknya upaya ini tidak dapat dilaksanakan secara murni tanpa akomodasi terhadap pragmatisme politik. Dalam politik kenegaraan, hal ini tercermin dengan kemunculan kelompok ideologis dan pragmatis-reformis dalam politik, diantaranya dalam pemilihan presiden. Beberapa presiden Iran tergolong ideologis seperti Ali Khamenei dan Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, sedangkan Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, Muhammad Khatami dan presiden saat ini Hassan Rouhani termasuk reformis-pragmatis. Ekspansi ideologis yang tidak menghasilkan apa-apa kecuali resistensi juga nampak dibatasi. Dalam kehidupan sosial, semakin banyak kecenderungan masyarakat Iran untuk menonjolkan identitas Persia pra-Islam, khususnya di kalangan generasi muda yang tidak berpartisipasi dalam revolusi Iran di tahun 1979.
33
Doostdar, Alireza. "Empirical Spirits: Islam, Spiritism, and the Virtues of Science in Iran". Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, n. 2 (29 marzo 2016): 322–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000098.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article examines some aspects of the reception of French Spiritism and psychical research in twentieth century Iran: its promotion by Iranian modernist intellectuals before the Second World War, and its appropriation by Shi‘i Muslim ‘ulama in the 1940s and 1960s. Spiritism appealed to those intellectuals and scholars who sought to reconcile their commitments to science with their religious longings and dedication to moral reform. In comparing these encounters with spirit communication, I show that the adoption of putatively scientific claims in contexts that professional scientists usually disavow can be about much more than strategic appropriation and attempts to justify preexisting doctrines. They also allow us to understand science's power to mold the moral subjectivities of reformers through selective absorption into long-continuous traditions of virtue.
34
Indriana, Nilna. "PEMETAAN KONFLIK DI TIMUR TENGAH". An-Nas 1, n. 1 (9 marzo 2017): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36840/an-nas.v1i1.166.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Middle East in all its complexity, has always been an area of concern to humanity from time to time. So much history is engraved in this area, began its cultural golden stretches in the valley of the Nile, Euphrates and Tigris, until the major political forces of Iran with the birth of Islam were able to change the form of government of the Islamic Republic, until the blood battle in a variety of domestic political interests, regional and international level in various conflict situations; Arab-Israeli war, the US-invasion of Iraq until the political revolution "Arab Spring" in some Arab countries. Not only that, The Middle East is also a spiritual direction with the birth of the great religions of the world, whose influence was felt hundreds of millions of human beings until today. But ironically, The strategic location of the region with all the wonders that should make this a more stable, but otherwise This area is known as "Hot area" with conflicts of interest. From this condition, I am interested to analyze why the frequent conflicts in the Middle East and the factors that cause these conflicts.”
35
Akhavan, Niki. "Nonfiction Form and the “Truth” about Muslim Women in Iranian Documentary". Feminist Media Histories 1, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2015): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2015.1.1.89.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
More than three decades of hostile relations between Iran and the West have meant that images about Iran and Iranian women circulate in a charged political environment. In this geopolitical context, Iranian women filmmakers have often found receptive audiences abroad who turn to documentaries as sites to reveal the truths of contemporary Iran. The enthusiasm for these works, however, also exerts pressures on filmmakers to adhere to familiar narratives about Iran and Iranian women or risk losing their audiences. Focusing on Nahid Sarvestani's Prostitution behind the Veil (2004) and Mahvash Sheikholeslami's Where Do I Belong? (2007), this article examines two tendencies in recent Iranian documentary. The former film exemplifies the prevalent trend of repeating troubling but familiar tropes about Islam and Muslim women, while the latter is an example of attempts to provide a more nuanced picture of Iran's social and political problems. Placing these films in the broader context of the history of nonfiction films in Iran, the article also draws from both feminist scholarship on representations of the Muslim world and longstanding debates within documentary studies to show the high stakes of producing films about Iran and to suggest that documentary works by and about Iranian women should be more rigorously interrogated for their ethical and political implications.
36
Tohidi, Nayereh. "ZIBA MIR-HOSSEINI, Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999). Pp. 329." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, n. 1 (febbraio 2002): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802401067.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book is unique in several ways. It is the product of unprecedented research collaboration between a Muslim feminist female anthropologist (Ziba Mir-Hosseini), based and educated in the West, and a Muslim feminist male cleric (Hujjat al-Islam Sayyid Muhsin Sa[ayin]id Zadih), based and educated in Islamic seminaries in Iran. For the first time, the Qom seminary (Hawzih)—the center of religious and political power of Shi[ayin]i clerics—opened its doors to a feminist female scholar, letting her engage in a face-to-face encounter on gender issues with several prominent Islamic ulema (clerical scholars). Much of the book is a transcription of dialogues between Mir-Hosseini and eminent clerics in the Iranian religious seminaries in the city of Qom. The central concern of these dialogues is the way religious knowledge is produced in Shi[ayin]i Islam and the complex relationship among the believer, religious authority, and political action.
37
Waharjani, Waharjani. "PENGARUH PENAFSIRAN THABA’ THABA’I TERHADAP TAFSIR AL-MISBAH KARYA MUHAMMAD QURAISH SHIHAB". Al-Misbah (Jurnal Islamic Studies) 5, n. 1 (17 ottobre 2019): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26555/almisbah.v5i1.166.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ghirah mempelajari tafsir Qur’an bagi umat Islam sangat mengembirakan. Hal itu terlihat antusias umat mengikuti siaran saur bersama M. Quraish Shihab di Metro TV pada Ramadhan 1428 H. Namun ketika penulis membaca Tafsir Al-Misbah ternyata tidak sedikit penafsir merujuk pada Tafsir Al-Mizan. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini bermaksud untuk menjawab permasalahan sejauhmana pengaruh penafsiran Thaba’i Thaba’i terhadap tafsir Al-Misbah karya Muhammad Quraish Shihab? Untuk memecahkan masalah tersebut peneliti menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif dengan objek pembahasan tafsir Al-Misbah volume 8 surat Al-Kahfi karya Muhammad Quraish Shihab. Diantara hasil temuan penelitian ini bahwa di dalam tafsir Al-Misbah vol. 8 surat al-Kahfi pembahasannya banyak merujuk pada pandangan mufassir (Syiah dari Iran) Thaba’ Thaba’i. Banyaknya kutipan dari penafsiran Thaba’ Thaba’i dalam tafsir Al- Misbah menunjukkan adanya kesesuaian pandangan antara M. Quraish Shihab dengan pandangan Thaba’ Thaba’i pengarang tafsir Al-Mizan. Dan hal ini menunjukkan pula bahwa tafsir Al-Mizan adalah tafsir Qur’an yang dianggap paling memadai untuk memahami Al-Qur’an masa kini.
38
Leichtman, Mara. "Revolution, Modernity and (Trans)National Shi'i Islam: Rethinking Religious Conversion in Senegal". Journal of Religion in Africa 39, n. 3 (2009): 319–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006609x461456.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe establishment of a Shi'i Islamic network in Senegal is one alternative to following the country's dominant Sufi orders. I examine Senegalese conversion narratives and the central role played by the Iranian Revolution, contextualizing life stories (trans)nationally in Senegal's political economy and global networks with Iran and Lebanon. Converts localize foreign religious ideologies into a 'national' Islam through the discourse that Shi'i education can bring peace and economic development to Senegal. Senegalese Shi'a perceive that proselytizing, media technologies, and Muslim networking can lead to social, cultural and perhaps even political change through translating the Iranian Revolution into a non-violent reform movement.
39
Pierre, Simon. "La ṣadaqa des chrétiens des Banū Taġlib : un enjeu tribal et administratif d’époque abbasside (v. 153–193/770–809)?" Der Islam 100, n. 1 (1 aprile 2023): 120–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2023-0007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The fiscal tradition regarding the taxation of the “Christians of the Banū Taġlib” is related to a ṣulḥ established by caliph ʿUmar b. al-Ḫaṭṭāb. He is said to have ordered to double the social contribution of Muslims, called ṣadaqa, in return for their renunciation of baptizing their children. This contribution analyzes the chronology of the emergence of this case in Abbasid literature. By studying the isnād on which scholars, beginning with the Grand Qāḍī Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798), relied, I suggest a new theme at the end of the eighth century CE. On the one hand, all the issues of the ṣadaqa levying, the social bonds with Christian Arabs, and finally, the category of the Banū Taġlib itself, are related to the ongoing construction, and then to the freezing, of two social categories: the ethnical “arabness” and the genealogical tribal organization. On the other hand, Miaphysite ecclesiology confirms a consistent timeline for the rise of the Taglibōyē bishopric. In order to explain this late inrush of information, two events of ca. 153/770 and 171/787, respectively from the Syrian-Orthodox and the Arab-Muslim literatures, refer first to the migration/invasion of pastoralists and farmers of Banū Taġlib towards the north, and second to their anti-ṣadaqa revolt in the steppe of the hinterland of Mosul. The second occurrence takes place amidst numerous local insurgencies whose motivation are in part tribal, khariji, and – perhaps foremost – anti-fiscal. Indeed, the dynamics of formation of this peculiar Mosulian tribe were partly generated by the irruption of the state in Northern Iraq and the Jazīra during the 170s/790s, between al-Mahdī’s founding of Rāfiqa in ca. 154/772 and Hārūn al-Rashīd’s strengthening of administrative pressure. The key factor for state building at this time was the development of a new set of taxation on agricultural incomes of (Muslim) Arabs, called ṣadaqat al-māl or zakāt, whose first traces are attested in Middle Egypt during the late Marwānid period. A generation later, the anonymous author of Zuqnīn, who lived at the beginning of this period, is not only the first Syriac writer to mention the Taglibōyē, but also bears witness of the first extension of the levy of ṣadaqa to Northern Mesopotamia. He even gives data about its ex officio settlement (taʿdīl) as a non-proportional (ʿalā misāḥa) and in-cash tax, exactly the same as for the properties of the (Christian) Syrians. Both kinds of rural landlords probably petitioned against this system during the following decades, aiming to switch to a proportional (muqāsama) and in-kind method of taxation. This resistance perhaps involved the anti-ṣadaqa revolt of the Taġlib in 171/787, as it was decisive to transform the kharāj on the Muslims into a tenth (ʿushr). Whereas Abū Yūsuf suggests an analogical doubling of the tax on a Muslim land to convert it into kharāj for a Christian purchaser, the very idea of a double ṣadaqa as kharāj for Christian Arabs had perhaps been invented a very short time before.
40
Schlatmann, Annemeik. "Review of Zahra Tizro, Domestic Violence in Iran: Women, marriage and Islam (Iranian Studies series), London and New York: Routledge 2012". Religion and Gender 3, n. 2 (21 agosto 2013): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.9181.
Testo completo
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Meirison, Meirison. "The Political-Religious Relations between Kurds and the Ottoman Empire". TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 9, n. 1 (1 giugno 2019): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.1.131-151.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Kurds are an ethnic group that has undergone a lot of friction with other countries such as Persia, Arabia, Mongols, and Turkey. However, the Kurdish and the Ottoman Empire had established a completely distinct relation, including the mutual attraction of the Islamic Faith, school of thought, and the problem of nationalism. Islam discerns no people due to ethnicity they belong to, but it is a devotion that distinguishes their degree before God. This article attempts to examine how the Kurds have been able to survive under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire, an empire that was considered a substitute for the previous Islamic caliphate that ruled based on Islamic shari‘a. This study finds that the political and legal transformation in the body of the Ottoman Empire made the Kurds extremely depressed and agitated. This has subsequently brought about the rise of their nationalism and intention to establish an independent state. Unfortunately, this was difficult to realize since the map of the region is shaped by the winning countries of World War I. These countries did not recognize what so-called Kurdistan State. Besides, the surrounding countries like Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq did not want to lose their territory.
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RIZVI, SAJJAD H. "“Only the Imam Knows Best” The Maktab-e Tafkīk's Attack on the Legitimacy of Philosophy in Iran". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 22, n. 3-4 (ottobre 2012): 487–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000417.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractPhilosophy, as an intellectual discipline emerging from Hellenism, had an ambiguous and disputed role in the theology and apologetics of Islam and continues to be contentious. In this article, I examine the arguments over the legitimacy of philosophy between the philosophical school of Mullā Ṣadrā (d.c. 1635), dominant in the present Shiʿi seminary in Iran, and its detractors in themaktab-i tafkīkwho insist that knowledge of reality and the faith only derives from the teachings of the Shiʿi Imams and cannot be contaminated with Aristotelianism. After an introduction to this fideist school of separating religious and ‘foreign’ sciences, three questions are analysed. What is philosophy? How do we know God? How can we demonstrate the Qurʾanic doctrine of the resurrection of bodies? What emerges is a more radical challenge touṣūlīrationalism than that posed previously from theAkhbāriyyaand their insistence upon aḥadīth-based jurisprudence.
43
Sinaga, Agustinus Alexander. "Penganut Agama Baha’ I dan Posisinya sebagai Kelompok Minoritas di Indonesia". Al Qalam: Jurnal Ilmiah Keagamaan dan Kemasyarakatan 16, n. 6 (13 dicembre 2022): 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35931/aq.v16i6.1410.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p>Perkembangan agama di dunia turut serta menyebar dan memberi dampak yang signifikan bagi kehidupan beragama di Indonesia. Tidak hanya itu, berkembangnya masyarakat yang menganut agama atau kepercayaan baru menambah persoalan baru dalam kehidupan sosial dan politik di Indonesia. Baha’I merupakan sebuah perkembangan agama Islam yang lahir di Iran dan semakin menyeber luas ke seluruh dunia, bahkan ke Indonesia. Hal tersebut menambah permasalahan baru seperti penolakan oleh masyarakat beragama mayoritas di Indonesia. Penolakan tersebut juga didasari oleh landasan beragama yang kuat yang telah di atur oleh negara jauh sebelum kepercayaan-kepercayaan baru tersebut berkembang di Indonesia. Artikel ini membahas mengenai posisi penganut Baha’I sebagai kelompok minoritas yang sering mendapatkan diskriminasi, baik dari masyarakat maupun negara. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif secara observasi, artikel ini menunjukkan beberapa hal yang menjadi poin penting mengapa masyarakat penganut kepercayaan Baha’I dikategorikan oleh penulis sebagai kelompok minoritas. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa masyarakat penganut kepercayaan Baha’I masih berjuang untuk mendapatkan hak-hak dasar mereka seperti pengakuan dari negara dan perlakuan adil sebagai sesama rakyat Indonesia, terlepas dari bagaimana sistem politik Indonesia telah mengatur kehidupan beragama dalam masyarakat.</p>
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Daaif, Lahcen. "L’histoire de la judicature musulmane revisitée: l’exercice de la justice sous les Abbassides". Arabica 60, n. 3-4 (2013): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341239.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract While it is true that little is known about justice (qaḍāʾ) and how it functioned in the first century of Islam, this is no longer the case for Iraq during the Abbasid period (up to the arrival of the Būyids in 334/945), the subject of Mathieu Tillier’s recent study. In the following pages, I will provide a presentation that traces, chapter by chapter, the history of the judicial institution during this period according to the author’s outline, both in the evolution of its practices and of its means of expression and in its troubled relationship, often one of subordination to political power. When necessary, I will examine points that seem subject to debate and I will suggest some small improvements and formal corrections.
45
Salamzadeh, Aidin, Zahra Arasti e Ghanbar Mohamadi Elyasi. "Creation of ICT-Based Social Start-Ups in Iran: A Multiple Case Study". Journal of Enterprising Culture 25, n. 01 (marzo 2017): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218495817500042.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Despite the importance of social startups, their evolution is rarely investigated. Thus, in this manuscript, the emergence of ICT-based social start-ups is studied using a multiple case study research method. To do so, five social start-ups are selected using a combination of purposive and convenience sampling and studied in detail, based on Lanteri’s (2015) model regarding creation of social enterprises. Eight cofounders are interviewed and data triangulation is employed by collecting data from both primary and secondary sources. Also, replication logic is considered to be able to generalize the findings. Moreover, in order to better understand the phenomenon, the history of social entrepreneurship and its evolutionary trend in Iran is elaborated. The findings show that the evolutionary trend of social entrepreneurship in Iran could be classified into three stages, i.e. ancient Persia, entrance of Islam, and emergence of entrepreneurship as a field. Finally, the findings are categorized in four categories: (i) process, (ii) social entrepreneur/founder, (iii) activities, and (iv) organization.
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Gruber, Christiane. "The ‘Restored’ Shīʿī muṣḥaf as Divine Guide? The Practice of fāl-i Qurʾān in the Ṣafavid Period". Journal of Qur'anic Studies 13, n. 2 (ottobre 2011): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2011.0019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study argues that the exponential growth of divinatory texts variously attributed to ʿAlī and Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq included at the end of Qur'ans produced during the Ṣafavid period provides further evidence for the widespread interest in divination during the tenth/sixteenth and eleventh/seventeenth centuries in Iran. Treatises on ‘divination by the Qur'an’ (fāl-i Qurʾān) indicate that it was considered permissible to seek guidance by means of holy scripture at this time. On a more symbolic level, fāl-i Qurʾāns can be understood as a kind of restoration of the ‘defective’ ʿUthmānic codex by re-Shīʿifying it – if not by reinserting supposedly dropped verses on the ahl al-bayt, then at the very least by adding terminal divinations attributed to the figureheads of Shīʿī Islam. This particular practice therefore follows general ‘Shīʿification’ trends found in a number of cultural and artistic practices of the Ṣafavid period, which also are potentially discernible within the domain of Qur'an production.
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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "Imperial Talismanic Love: Ibn Turka’s Debate of Feast and Fight (1426) as Philosophical Romance and Lettrist Mirror for Timurid Princes". Der Islam 96, n. 1 (9 aprile 2019): 42–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This study presents and intellectual- and literary-historically contextualizes a remarkable but as yet unpublished treatise by Ibn Turka (d. 1432), foremost occult philosopher of Timurid Iran: the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm. As its title indicates, this ornate Persian work, written in 1426 in Herat for the Timurid prince-calligrapher Bāysunghur (d. 1433), takes the form of a literary debate, a venerable Arabo-Persian genre that exploded in popularity in the post-Mongol period. Yet it triply transgresses the bounds of its genre, and doubly marries Arabic-Mamluk literary and imperial culture to Persian-Timurid. For here Ibn Turka recasts the munāẓara as philosophical romance and the philosophical romance as mirror for princes, imperializing the razm u bazm and sword vs. pen tropes within an expressly lettrist framework, making explicit the logic of the coincidentia oppositorum (majmaʿ al-aḍdād) long implicit in the genre in order to ideologically weaponize it. For the first time in the centuries-old Arabo-Persian munāẓara tradition, that is, wherein such debates were often rhetorically but never theoretically resolved, Ibn Turka marries multiple opposites in a manner clearly meant to be instructive to his Timurid royal patron: he is to perform the role of Emperor Love (sulṭān ʿishq), transcendent of all political-legal dualities, avatar of the divine names the Manifest (al-ẓāhir) and the Occult (al-bāṭin). This lettrist mirror for Timurid princes is thus not simply unprecedented in Persian or indeed Arabic literature, a typical expression of the ornate literary panache and genre-hybridizing proclivities of Mamluk-Timurid-Ottoman scientists of letters, and index of the burgeoning of Ibn ʿArabian-Būnian lettrism in late Mamluk Cairo; it also serves as key to Timurid universalist imperial ideology itself in its formative phase – and consciously epitomizes the principle of contradiction driving Islamicate civilization as a whole. To show the striking extent to which this munāẓara departs from precedent, I provide a brief overview of the sword vs. pen subset of that genre; I then examine our text’s specific political-philosophical and sociocultural contexts, with attention to Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī’s (d. 1274) Akhlāq-i Nāṣirī and Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī’s (d. 1502) Akhlāq-i Jalālī on the one hand – which seminal Persian mirrors for princes assert, crucially, the ontological-political primacy of love over justice – and the Ẓafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn Yazdī (d. 1454), Ibn Turka’s student and friend, on the other. In the latter, much-imitated history Amir Temür (r. 1370‒1405) was definitively transformed, on the basis of astrological and lettrist proofs, into the supreme Lord of Conjunction (ṣāḥib-qirān); most notably, there Yazdī theorizes the Muslim world conqueror as historical manifestation of the coincidentia oppositorum – precisely the project of Ibn Turka in his Debate of Feast and Fight. But these two ideologues of Timurid universal imperialism and leading members of the New Brethren of Purity network only became such in Mamluk Cairo, where lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) was first sanctified, de-esotericized and adabized; I accordingly invoke the overtly occultist-neopythagoreanizing ethos specific to the Mamluk capital by the late 14th century, especially that propagated at the court of Barqūq (r. 1382‒1399). For it is this Cairene ethos, I argue, that is epitomized by our persophone lettrist’s munāẓara, which it effectively timuridizes. To demonstrate the robustness of this Mamluk-Timurid ideological-literary continuity, I situate the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm within Ibn Turka’s own oeuvre and imperial ideological program, successively developed for the Timurid rulers Iskandar Sulṭān (r. 1409‒1414), Shāhrukh (r. 1409‒1447) and Ulugh Beg (r. 1409‒1449); marshal three contemporary instances of the sword vs. pen munāẓara, one Timurid and two Mamluk, by the theologian Sayyid Sharīf Jurjānī (d. 1413), the secretary-encyclopedist Aḥmad al-Qalqashandī (d. 1418) and the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406), respectively; and provide an abridged translation of Ibn Turka’s offering as basis for comparative analysis.
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Ali, Seyed Mostafa Ale. "AKHLĀQ‐I SIYĀSĪ DAR ISLĀM [POLOTICAL ETHICS IN ISLAM]. By Seyed Kazem SeyedBaqeri. Qom, Iran: Research Institute for Islamic Culture and Thought, 2023. pp. 296. paper, 1,500,000 IRR." Religious Studies Review 50, n. 1 (marzo 2024): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.16976.
Testo completo
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Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East". American Journal of Islam and Society 19, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East.
The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of nationalism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime discussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pessimism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states.
The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in Bthi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in Bthist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civilization and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...
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Shekarchi, Ahmad. "The History in Procession". Anthropology of the Middle East 17, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2022): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2022.170207.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article investigates emerging patterns of pilgrimage in the context of Shiʿite Islam and studies the case of Arbaʿyin based on two weeks of participatory observation, walking from the al-Faw peninsula in the far south of Iraq to the city of Karbalâ. I identify three narratives in this pilgrimage—tribal, ideological and orthodox—and discuss their commonalities and differentials. The maʿāzīb system of the tribal narrative is the core of the comparison, yet each narrative is interrelated with the others through the central themes of war, political Islam and religious seminaries. In the last section, I explore recent transformations of these themes as well as the pilgrims’ configuration. The tribal narrative of Arbaʿyin presents itself as a rival to the ideological narrative pilgrimage. Although this narrative is based on the social structure of a tribal system, it struggles with new transformations and challenges in form and content.