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1

Sarin, Shiv K., e Manoj Kumar. "HBV prevalence, natural history, and treatment in India and Indian Americans in the United States". Current Hepatitis Reports 8, n. 1 (febbraio 2009): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11901-009-0005-y.

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Ullrich, Helen E. "Culture, Empathy, and the Therapeutic Alliance". Psychodynamic Psychiatry 50, n. 1 (marzo 2022): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/pdps.2022.50.1.151.

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When the therapist and patient are from different cultures, there may be impediments to the development of empathy and a therapeutic alliance. South India culture provides an example of contrasting values and customs about which patients may be reluctant to discuss. The initial case history is of a South Indian who sought treatment in the United States. The remaining cases, drawn from a village in South India with which the author has had a 55-year history of research, illustrate cultural factors potentially inhibiting or facilitating the development of empathy and a therapeutic alliance.
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Sagar, Deepika, e Priyanka Gupta. "A Comparative Study of Medical Device Regulation in US and India". International Journal of Drug Regulatory Affairs 10, n. 1 (15 marzo 2022): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22270/ijdra.v10i1.511.

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Articles, instruments, apparatuses, or machines used in the prevention, diagnosis, or treatment of illness or disease, or for detecting, measuring, restoring, correcting, or modifying the structure or function of the body for some health purpose, make up the medical technology industry (commonly referred to as medical devices). Medical supplies India's medical market is one of the top twenty in the world. By 2025, it is estimated to be valued $5.2 billion. India produces very little medical equipment and currently imports more than 70% of its medical supplies. In India, medical devices were governed by The D&C Act is a federal law that regulates the sale of drugs and cosmetic of 1940, which included specific medical device laws. India Medical Device Rules 2017, which are new medical regulations in India, were issued to fill this hole by the CDSCO. There are many doctors and pioneers in the field. On the other hand, the United States continues to be the world's largest medical device market, with $156 billion in sales. It is estimated to reach $208 billion by 2023. In 2018, the United States exported $43 billion worth of medical equipment in key product categories specified by the Department of Commerce.
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Asl, Moussa Pourya, Nurul Farhana Low Abdullah e Md Salleh Yaapar. "Sexual Politics of the Gaze and Objectification of the (Immigrant) Woman in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Interpreter of Maladies". American Studies in Scandinavia 50, n. 2 (30 ottobre 2018): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5779.

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Gayatri Spivak’s repeated accusations against the hyphenated Americans of colluding in their own exploitation is noteworthy in the context of diasporic writers’ portrayal of immigrant women within the prevailing discourse of anti-Communism in the United States. The woman in South Asian American writings is often portrayed as still stuck in the traditional prescribed gender roles imposed by patriarchal society. This essay explores Jhumpa Lahiri’s literary engagement with the contemporary racialization and gendering of a collective subject described as the Indian diaspora in her Pulitzer Prize winning short story collection, Interpreter of Maladies (1999). Specifically, it focuses on the two stories of “Sexy” and “The Treatment of Bibi Haldar” to analyse the manner dynamics of the gaze operate between the male and female characters. The numerous acts of looking that take place in these stories fall naturally into two major categories: the psychoanalytic look of voyeurism and the historicist gaze of surveillance. Through a rapprochement between the two seemingly different fields of the socius and the psychic, the study concludes that the material and ideological specificities of the stories that formulate a particular group of women as powerless, passive, alien and monstrous are rooted in the contradictory cultural and moral imperatives of the contemporary American society.
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Treadwell, Henrie M., Marguerite Ro, LaTonya Sallad, Erica McCray e Cheryl Franklin. "Discerning Disparities: The Data Gap". American Journal of Men's Health 13, n. 1 (20 ottobre 2018): 155798831880709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988318807098.

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Health disparities that focus on gender and on the ancillary dependent variables of race and ethnicity reflect continually early illness, compromised quality of life, and often premature and preventable deaths. The inability of the nation to eliminate disparities also track along race and gender in communities where a limited number of health-care providers and policymakers identify as being from these traditionally underserved and marginalized population groups. Epidemiologists and other researchers and analysts have traditionally failed to integrate the social determinants of health and other variables known to support upward mobility in their predictive analyses of health status. The poor, and poor men of color particularly, begin a descent to invisibility and separation that has been witnessed since the early days of this nation. This history has the majority of men of color mired in poverty or near poverty and has more substantively and explicitly affected both American Indians and Africans forced into immigration into the United States and into slavery. Other racial and ethnic groups including large distinct ethnic groups of Asian Americans and Hispanics/Latinx do not have their treatment by systems fully reported from a health and social justice perspective simply because the systems do not disaggregate by race and ethnicity. It is axiomatic that examining disparities through the lens of race, ethnicity, and gender provides a unique opportunity to reflect upon what is known about boys’ and men’s health, particularly men from communities of color, and about payment systems. Integration of all populations into the enumeration of morbidity, mortality, and disparity indices is a dynamic reflection of the vision and exclusive actions of decision makers.
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Chen, Yiming, Haijun Wang, Jorge E. Cortes e Hagop M. Kantarjian. "Trends in Chronic Myeloid Leukemia Survival in the United States From 1975–2009". Blood 120, n. 21 (16 novembre 2012): 3780. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v120.21.3780.3780.

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Abstract Abstract 3780 Background: The use of interferon-alfa and allogeneic-stem cell transplantation, and more recently of tyrosine-kinase inhibitors (TKIs) has improved the outcome of patients with chronic myeloid leukemia (CML). The purpose of this large scale population-based study is to provide comprehensive, up-to- date analysis of the short- and long-term RS of patients with CML over different treatment eras, with particular focus on the era of TKI targeted therapy. Patients and methods: Data from SEER 9 registries database were selected for the present study. The 9 registries covered about 10% of the US population. A total of 13,871 patients with an initial diagnosis of CML between1975–2009 were reported to the SEER 9 registries. Two patients were excluded from this study because of unknown ages. The remaining 13,869 patients with CML were included for the incidence rate calculations. In 1740 reported cases, CML was not the first primary cancer, 188 cases were diagnosed by autopsy or reported by death certificate, and 52 cases were without active follow-up, leaving 11,888 cases for the survival analysis. Patients were grouped into 3 calendar periods according to year of diagnosis: 1975–1989, 1990–2000, and 2001–2009, representing the three main eras in the history for CML therapy: the era of cytotoxic therapy (busulfan and hydroxyurea), the era of interferon-alfa and allo-SCT; and the TKIs era. Patients were grouped into six age groups. Age-adjusted incidence rate was expressed per 100,000 persons per year. We analyzed relative survival (RS) using the Kaplan-Meier method. Results: Among 13,869 patients with CML, 7941 were male (57%) with a median age at diagnosis of 66 years (range, 0 to 108 years); 85 % of patients were Caucasians. The incidence of CML was 1.75 cases/100,000 persons per-year, and was essentially stable during the study periods. The incidence increased with age from a rate of 0.09/100,000 among those ≤15 years old to 7.88/100,000 among those ≥75 years old with a relative risk of 85. The male to female ratio was 1.7. There were ethnic and geographic differences in the incidence on CML. The incidence was lowest among American Indian/Alaska Native and Asians/Pacific populations and was highest in Detroit (P<0.05). Overall, 1-year, 5-year and 10-year RS after diagnosis was 0.74, 0.36 and 0.21, respectively. There were no significant differences in RS between male and female, and Caucasian and African-American patients, but the 10-year RS ratios were considerably higher among Asians compared to Caucasian and African-American patients (P<0.05). The cumulative RS for all patients with CML under study improved significantly with each study period, with the greatest improvement among patients diagnosed during the 2001–2009 period. The 5-year RS ratios were 0.26 for the calendar period 1975–1989, 0.36 for the calendar period 1990–2000, and 0.56 for the calendar period 2001–2009. The cumulative RS were significantly higher in the 2005–2009 calendar period compared with the 2001–2004 calendar period corresponding to the introduction of second generation of TKIs. As expected, age was a strong predictor of survival through all 3 calendar periods. The 5-year and 10-year RS ratios decreased rapidly for patients age greater than 64 years old. Patients diagnosed in 2001–2009 had the highest RS among all age groups. Of note, the1-year and 5-year RS ratios in all calendar periods were highest in AYA. In the last two calendar periods under study, the 5-year RS ratios improved significantly for all groups (P<.05) except for the group aged <15 years (P>.05). The increases were: from 0.56 to 0.70 for patients aged <15 years, from 0.56 to 0.86 for patients aged 15–29 years, from 0.53 to 0.84 for patients aged 30–49 years, from 0.45 to 0.70 for patients aged 50–64 years, from 0.29 to 0.47 for patients aged 65–74 years and 0.16 to 0.25 for patients aged ≥ 75 years. 1-year and 10-year RS ratios showed similar trends. Conclusions: The incidence of CML was stable over time; there are ethnic and geographic variations in the incidence of CML. The RS of patients with CML increased with each treatment eras, with the greatest improvement occurring in 2001–2009 for all age groups, presumably because of increasing use of TKIs. Future research should focus on methods to identify and to eliminate residual dormant CML stem cells that cure relapse, so we can achieve the ultimate goal of cure in CML. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.
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Monroy, Fernando P., Heidi E. Brown, Claudia M. Acevedo-Solis, Andres Rodriguez-Galaviz, Rishi Dholakia, Laura Pauli e Robin B. Harris. "Antibiotic Resistance Rates for Helicobacter pylori in Rural Arizona: A Molecular-Based Study". Microorganisms 11, n. 9 (12 settembre 2023): 2290. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/microorganisms11092290.

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Helicobacter pylori (H. pylori) is a common bacterial infection linked to gastric malignancies. While H. pylori infection and gastric cancer rates are decreasing, antibiotic resistance varies greatly by community. Little is known about resistance rates among rural Indigenous populations in the United States. From 2018 to 2021, 396 endoscopy patients were recruited from a Northern Arizona clinic, where community H. pylori prevalence is near 60%. Gastric biopsy samples positive for H. pylori (n = 67) were sequenced for clarithromycin- and metronidazole-associated mutations, 23S ribosomal RNA (23S), and oxygen-insensitive NADPH nitroreductase (rdxA) regions. Medical record data were extracted for endoscopic findings and prior H. pylori history. Data analysis was restricted to individuals with no history of H. pylori infection. Of 49 individuals, representing 64 samples which amplified in the 23S region, a clarithromycin-associated mutation was present in 38.8%, with T2182C being the most common mutation at 90%. While the prevalence of metronidazole-resistance-associated mutations was higher at 93.9%, the mutations were more variable, with D95N being the most common followed by L62V. No statistically significant sex differences were observed for either antibiotic. Given the risk of treatment failure with antibiotic resistance, there is a need to consider resistance profile during treatment selection. The resistance rates in this population of American Indian patients undergoing endoscopy are similar to other high-risk populations. This is concerning given the high H. pylori prevalence and low rates of resistance testing in clinical settings. The mutations reported are associated with antibiotic resistance, but clinical resistance must be confirmed.
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Chumburidze, Tea. "Native Americans in the United States Civil War". Journal in Humanities 4, n. 1 (28 settembre 2015): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v4i1.292.

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Native Americans played a vital role in the history of the United States of America. During the upheaval of the Civil War (1861-1865), many American Indians expressed their commitment to the Union or Confederacy. They assembled armies and participated in battles. Their alliance was important for both sides of the war (the Union and the Confederacy) as they recognized that American Indians’ involvement in this conflict could influence the outcome of the bloody conflict. At the same time, Native Americans were affected by the Civil War, because during this period they faced division among their tribes, and after the war they struggled to exist without slavery and to cope with broken treaties and territorial growth despite promises by the United States government. This article examines the role of American Indians during the Civil War and their condition after the war. The research explains how slavery affected the American Indians’ commitment and how their decision shaped the American experience in the Civil War.
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Abler, Thomas S., e Roger L. Nichols. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History." Journal of American History 86, n. 3 (dicembre 1999): 1328. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568635.

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Higham, C. L., e Roger L. Nichols. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History". Michigan Historical Review 25, n. 1 (1999): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173814.

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Swagerty, William R., e Roger L. Nichols. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History". Western Historical Quarterly 31, n. 1 (2000): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971248.

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Zontek, Ken. "Why You Can’t Teach United States History without American Indians". Ethnohistory 63, n. 3 (luglio 2016): 585–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-3496939.

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Miller, D. R. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History". Ethnohistory 48, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2001): 732–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-48-4-732.

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Nestor, Rob, e Roger L. Nichols. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History". American Indian Quarterly 23, n. 2 (1999): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185969.

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Glenn, Elizabeth J. "Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History". Journal of American Ethnic History 19, n. 3 (1 aprile 2000): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502599.

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Hauptman, Laurence M., e Frank W. Porter. "Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States". Western Historical Quarterly 18, n. 4 (ottobre 1987): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969380.

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Brøndal, Jørn. "“In a Few Years the Red Man Will Live Only in Legend and in Cooper’s Charming Accounts”: Portrayals of American Indians in Danish Travel Literature in the Mid- and Late Nineteenth Century". American Studies in Scandinavia 48, n. 2 (1 novembre 2016): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i2.5453.

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During the middle and late nineteenth century, a number of Danish travel writers visited the United States with a view to narrating about the New World to their readers back home. Four of the most prominent writers were Hans Peter Christian Hansen, Vilhelm C.S. Topsøe, Robert Watt, and Henrik Cavling. Among the many topics covered by these writers was that of American Indians. Establishing a narrative of the “vanishing Indian,” the writers endeavored to tie the Indians to a receding landscape of the past and—for the most part—to establish a contradiction between Indians and white “civilization.” Likewise displaying an interest in Scandinavian immigrants, the travel writers sometimes attempted to create links between the Indians and Scandinavian settlers. With no clear Danish interest in celebrating American exceptionalism in the shape of classical U.S. “Manifest Destiny,” the travel writers were nevertheless involved in processes of bonding with the dominant population element of the United States through their common “civilization” and whiteness.
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A S, Vasudevan. "The Future of Work is a ‘Work in Progress’". NHRD Network Journal 13, n. 4 (ottobre 2020): 454–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631454120968950.

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This article is a phenomenological interpretation of the myriad processes that influence the transient nature of ‘work’ and measures to retrieve the dignity it deserves. Vasu is an emerging organisational futurist whose passion is to develop management educational approaches that ensure a positive outlook of the uncertain future ahead. The differences between Eastern and Western history, especially Indian history is ingrained with a unique resilience to catastrophic events, invasions and embedded diversity. Leaning more in defence of human dignity at work according to Pablo Gilbert, Victor Frankl, World Happiness Report 2012 and the contemporary theory of autopoiesis, he conjectures a ‘FUTOPIA’ rising in the horizon, where humanistic valuing of work becomes culture. The corporate world is realizing the shifting paradigms—from end goals of profit-centric strategies and exploitation of human futures to partnerships with associates and ‘working resources’ that optimize creative contribution from work environments. At a meta level, the nation-building agenda of development is talking the language of equal opportunity for and treatment of women at work, with equitable wage parity and abolition of forced labour in the United States. Recent bills in the Indian Parliament on education and farmers’ rights and tailoring of the archaic labour laws will strengthen the negotiation for equitable fund allocation. The spirit of enterprise will boost small and medium sectors, especially farming and food product preservation, innovation and research and development (R&D), and rapid skill development will for sure retrieve the dignity tag for academics, farm labourers and those in the service sector, such as paramedics, the police, etc. According to thought leaders, corporate founders and contemporary authors, the future of work can be seen as a promising work in progress towards a new work ethic. This article risks suggesting radical steps needed in challenging traditional leadership styles and human resource (HR) practices of a growth economy that draws on patriarchal alpha-male prominence. What will replace traditional leadership styles is compassionate servant leadership, with leaders who will become designers of future ‘work’ environments.
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Campisi, Jack, e Frank W. Porter. "Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States". Ethnohistory 36, n. 2 (1989): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482285.

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Edmunds, R. David, e Frank W. Porter III. "Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States". Journal of American History 74, n. 1 (giugno 1987): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908525.

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Berthrong, Donald J., e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians". Western Historical Quarterly 17, n. 1 (gennaio 1986): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968646.

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Porter, Joseph C., e Shelley Bowen Hatfield. "Chasing Shadows: Indians along the United States-Mexico Border, 1876-1911". Western Historical Quarterly 30, n. 2 (1999): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970509.

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Lucas, Joseph S. "Civilization or Extinction: Citizens and Indians in the Early United States". Journal of the Historical Society 6, n. 2 (giugno 2006): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2006.00177.x.

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Skop, Emily, e Wei Li. "Diaspora in the United States: Chinese and Indians Compared". Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, n. 2 (2010): 286–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x526131.

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AbstractIn recent years, the migration rates from both China and India to the U.S. have accelerated. Since 2000 more than a third of foreign-born Chinese and 40% of foreign-born Indians have arrived in that country. This paper will document the evolving patterns of immigration from China and India to the U.S. by tracing the history of immigration and racial discrimination, the dramatic transitions that have occurred since the mid-20th century, and the current demographic and socioeconomic profiles of these two migrant groups.
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Satz, Ronald N., e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians". Journal of American History 72, n. 3 (dicembre 1985): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904308.

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Remini, Robert V., e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, n. 3 (1986): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204522.

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Iverson, Peter, e Shelley Bowen Hatfield. "Chasing Shadows: Indians along the United States-Mexico Border, 1876-1911." Journal of American History 85, n. 4 (marzo 1999): 1607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568332.

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TROVATO, FRANK. "ABORIGINAL MORTALITY IN CANADA, THE UNITED STATES AND NEW ZEALAND". Journal of Biosocial Science 33, n. 1 (gennaio 2001): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932001000670.

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Indigenous populations in New World nations share the common experience of culture contact with outsiders and a prolonged history of prejudice and discrimination. This historical reality continues to have profound effects on their well-being, as demonstrated by their relative disadvantages in socioeconomic status on the one hand, and in their delayed demographic and epidemiological transitions on the other. In this study one aspect of aboriginals’ epidemiological situation is examined: their mortality experience between the early 1980s and early 1990s. The groups studied are the Canadian Indians, the American Indians and the New Zealand Maori (data for Australian Aboriginals could not be obtained). Cause-specific death rates of these three minority groups are compared with those of their respective non-indigenous populations using multivariate log-linear competing risks models. The empirical results are consistent with the proposition that the contemporary mortality conditions of these three minorities reflect, in varying degrees, problems associated with poverty, marginalization and social disorganization. Of the three minority groups, the Canadian Indians appear to suffer more from these types of conditions, and the Maori the least.
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Isenberg, Andrew C. "An Empire of Remedy". Pacific Historical Review 86, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2017): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.1.84.

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In 1832, the United States began an extensive program to vaccinate Indians against smallpox. The program reached roughly 50,000 Indians both friendly and hostile to U.S. authorities. The program was far-reaching because more than they feared Indians, Americans feared the smallpox virus. Their terror was palpable in narratives published in the 1830s. In addition, as narratives from the period make clear, rather than thinking of diseases such as smallpox as providential scourges that would clear the way for U.S. settlement, officials offered the smallpox vaccine to Indians in an effort to win their goodwill, and detach them from alliances with Britain or Mexico (both of whom also offered vaccine to the Indians). Finally, as the U.S. began its tentative first moves into the West, narratives about vaccinating Indians helped Americans convince themselves that they were not simply conquerors but healers.
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Sheehan, Bernard W., e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians". American Historical Review 91, n. 1 (febbraio 1986): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867366.

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Altomare, Ivy, Philomena Colucci, Shreekant Parasuraman, Dilan Chamikara Paranagama e Anas Al-Janadi. "Disease Characteristics of Minority Patient Populations with Polycythemia Vera: An Analysis from the Reveal Study". Blood 132, Supplement 1 (29 novembre 2018): 4735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2018-99-112530.

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Abstract Introduction: Polycythemia vera (PV) is associated with increased blood cell counts, risk of thrombosis, and symptoms including fatigue and pruritus. Few studies have examined the presence or absence of racial/ethnic disparities among patients with PV. The objective of this analysis is to describe differences in disease characteristics, diagnosis, treatment, and quality of life (QOL) among Caucasian and non-Caucasian patients with PV in the United States enrolled in the prospective, observational REVEAL study. Methods: The ongoing REVEAL study (ClinicalTrials.gov ID, NCT02252159) is a prospective, multicenter, observational study of adult patients with PV in the United States. Patients were observed during a 36-month period, during which clinical data were collected from usual care visits. This analysis compared demographics, disease and clinical characteristics, disease management, comorbidities, and QOL between Caucasian and non-Caucasian patients with PV at enrollment. QOL was measured by the European Organisation for Research and Treatment of Cancer Questionnaire C30 (EORTC QLQ-C30) and Myeloproliferative Neoplasm Symptom Assessment Form Total Symptom Score (MPN-SAF TSS). Results are summarized with descriptive statistics. Results: Of the 2,510 patients enrolled in REVEAL, 2,237 were Caucasian (89.1%); 199 (7.9%) were non-Caucasian, comprised of African American (5.7%), Asian (1.5%), Native American Indian (0.2%), Pacific Islander (0.1%), and other patients (0.4%); no information was provided regarding race or ethnicity for 74 patients (2.9%). Baseline disease characteristics were similar for Caucasian and non-Caucasian groups with respect to gender and disease duration. There were no differences in method of diagnosis, laboratory values, or overall history of thrombosis between groups (Figure 1A). Mean age was higher among Caucasian patients compared to non-Caucasian patients (66.6 vs 63.8 years, respectively). The proportion of patients from rural areas was higher among Caucasian vs non-Caucasian patients (28.8% vs 12.6%); similarly, the proportion of patients from urban areas was lower among Caucasian vs non-Caucasian patients (23.1% vs 46.7%). The proportion of patients with some college or higher level of education was higher among Caucasian vs non-Caucasian patients (64.1% vs 50.3%). A higher proportion of Caucasian vs non-Caucasian patients were retired (52.0% vs 43.2%); a higher proportion of non-Caucasian patients reported being unable to work or were disabled (3.8% vs 10.1%). More Caucasian patients had high-risk disease (78.0%) compared with non-Caucasian patients (71.4%), and patients with high-risk disease were managed similarly between groups. However, Caucasian patients with low-risk disease received more phlebotomies (56.6%) than non-Caucasian patients with low-risk disease (40.4%), and over twice as many non-Caucasian patients received hydroxyurea (38.6%) than Caucasian patients (15.6%) (Figure 1B). MPN-SAF TSSs were higher for non-Caucasian patients compared with Caucasian patients, suggesting a worse symptom burden. Similarly, non-Caucasian patients reported lower functional and symptom outcomes on the EORTC QLQ-C30, including a disparity in financial difficulties, compared to Caucasian patients (Figure 1C). Conclusions: This analysis evaluated a cohort of racial/ethnic minority patients with PV treated in the United States. As in other cancer-related trials, there is a risk that racial and ethnic minorities may be underrepresented in REVEAL. With this limitation in mind, in this analysis, differences were not observed among Caucasian and non-Caucasian patients with respect to method of diagnosis, duration of disease, thrombosis rates, or management of high-risk disease. Non-Caucasian patients demonstrated higher rates of low-risk disease and cytoreductive therapy for low-risk disease yet had worse symptom burden, lower functional scores, and greater disability. This study underscores the importance of symptom assessment and ancillary resource availability for patients with PV Disclosures Altomare: Bayer: Consultancy; Genentech: Consultancy; Ipsen: Other: Advisory Board Member; Celgene: Other: Advisory Board Member; Incyte: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy. Colucci:Incyte: Employment, Equity Ownership. Parasuraman:Incyte: Employment, Equity Ownership. Paranagama:Incyte: Employment, Equity Ownership.
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Davis, Shelton. "Supporting Maya Home Town Associations in the United States". Practicing Anthropology 34, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2012): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.34.1.p087vl55p041388g.

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According to the 2008 article "Unmasking the Maya: The Story of Sna Jtz'ibajom," which appears on the website of the Department of Anthropology of the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of Natural History, "One million Maya Indians from Mexico and Guatemala are living here in the United States." This same piece states that "unlike earlier waves of immigrants to our shores the Maya are descendants of a New World civilization whose mystery resonates across this continent, and the globe" (http://anthropology.si.edu/maya/mayaprint.html).
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33

Tamura, Eileen H. "Asian Americans in the History of Education: An Historiographical Essay". History of Education Quarterly 41, n. 1 (2001): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2001.tb00074.x.

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Asian Americans have lived in the United States for over one-and-a-half centuries: Chinese and Asian Indians since the mid-nineteenth century, Japanese since the late nineteenth century, and Koreans and Filipinos since the first decade of the twentieth century (an earlier group of Filipinos had settled near New Orleans in the late eighteenth century). Because of exclusion laws that culminated with the 1924 Immigration Act, however, the Asian American population was relatively miniscule before the mid-twentieth century. As late as 1940, for example, Asian immigrants and their descendants constituted considerably less than 1 percent (0.0019) of the United States population. In contrast, in Hawai'i, which was then a territory and therefore excluded from United States population figures, 58 percent of the people in 1940 were of Asian descent.
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34

Paulet, Anne. "To Change the World: The use of American Indian Education in the Philippines". History of Education Quarterly 47, n. 2 (maggio 2007): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00088.x.

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In a Brule Sioux legend, Iktome, the trickster, warns the various Plains tribes of the coming of the white man: “You are the Ikche-Wichasha—the plain, wild, untamed people,” he tells the Lakota, “but this man will misname you and call you by all kinds of false names. He will try to tame you, try to remake you after himself.” Iktome, in essence, describes the conflict that occurred when American Indians encountered Euro-Americans, who judged the Indians in relation to themselves and found the Indians lacking. Having already misnamed the people “Indians,” Euro-Americans proceeded to label them, among other things, “savages.” By the latter half of the nineteenth-century, such terms carried scientific meaning and seemed to propose to Americans that Native Americans, having “failed to measure up” to the standards of white society, were doomed to extinction unless they changed their ways, unless they were “remade.” And that was, indeed, the aim of American endeavors at Native American education, to remake or, in the words of Carlisle president Richard H. Pratt, “Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.” These educational efforts at restructuring Native American lifestyles were more than the culmination of the battle over definitional control; they were precedents for future American imperial expansion as the United States discovered, at the turn of the century, that “Indians” also lived overseas and that, just like those at home, they needed to be properly educated in the American way of life. The United States' experience with American Indians thus provided both justification for overseas expansion, particularly into the Philippine Islands, and an educational precedent that would enable Americans to claim that their expansion was different from European imperialism based on the American use of education to transform the cultures of their subjects and prepare them for self-government rather than continued colonial control.
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35

Horsman, Reginald, e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians". Journal of the Early Republic 5, n. 2 (1985): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3122956.

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36

HIGHAM, C. L. "Saviors and Scientists: North American Protestant Missionaries and the Development of Anthropology". Pacific Historical Review 72, n. 4 (1 novembre 2003): 531–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.4.531.

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Few historians of anthropology and missionary work examine the relationship of Protestant missionaries with nineteenth-century anthropologists and its effect on anthropological portrayals of Indians. This paper poses the question: Does it make a difference that early anthropologists in Canada and the United States also worked as Protestant missionaries or relied on Protestant missionaries for data? Answering yes, it shows how declining support for Indian missions led missionaries to peddle their knowledge of Indians to scholarly institutions. These institutions welcomed missionaries as professionals because of their knowledge, dedication, and time in the field. Such relationships helped create a transnational image of the Indian in late nineteenth-century North American anthropology.
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37

Smith, Sherry. "Comments: Native Americans and Indian Policy in the Progressive Era". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, n. 4 (ottobre 2010): 503–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400004230.

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For years, scholars of Native American history have urged U. S. historians to integrate Indians into national narratives, explaining that Indians' experiences are central to the collective story rather than peripheral to it. They have achieved some successes in penetrating and reworking traditional European-American dominated accounts. Nowhere is this better demonstrated than in the field of colonial history. In fact, for several decades now colonialists have placed Native Americans at the center, seeing them as integral to imperial processes and as forces that simply can no longer be ignored. To omit them would be to leave out not only crucial participants but important themes. Native people occupied and owned the property European nations coveted. They consequently suffered great losses as imperialists bent on control of land, resources, cultures, and even souls applied their demographic and technological advantages. But conquest did not occur overnight. It took several centuries for Spain, France, the Netherlands, Russia, Great Britain, and eventually the United States to achieve continental and hemispheric dominance. Nor was it ever totally achieved. That 564 officially recognized tribes exist in the early 2000s in the United States demonstrates that complete conquest was never realized.
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38

Rosenthal, Nicolas G. "Repositioning Indianness: Native American Organizations in Portland, Oregon, 1959––1975". Pacific Historical Review 71, n. 3 (1 agosto 2002): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.3.415.

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This article examines the processes of community building among American Indians who migrated to Portland, Oregon, in the decades following World War II, contextualized within a larger movement of Indians to the cities of the United States and shifts in government relations with Indian people. It argues that, during the 1960s, working-and middle-class Indians living in Portland came together and formed groups that enabled them to cultivate "Indianness" or to "be Indian" in the city. As the decade wore on, Indian migration to Portland increased, the social problems of urban Indians became more visible, and a younger generation emerged to challenge the leadership of Portland's established Indian organizations. Influenced by both their college educations and a national Indian activist movement, these new leaders promoted a repositioning of Indianness, taking Indian identity as the starting point from which to solve urban Indian problems. By the mid-1970s, the younger generation of college-educated Indians gained a government mandate and ascended to the helm of Portland's Indian community. In winning support from local, state, and federal officials, these leaders reflected fundamental changes under way in the administration of U.S. Indian affairs not only in Portland, but also across the country.
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39

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land". New West Indian Guide 89, n. 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

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The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.
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40

Herman, R. ""Something Savage and Luxuriant": American Identity and the Indian Place-Name Literature". American Indian Culture and Research Journal 39, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2015): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.39.1.u435154w2j7n2112.

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The treatment of American Indian place-names provides a window into the growth of American nationalism since 1776 and attitudes towards Indians by the new settler society. Originally ignored or erased by European colonists, Indian place-names became a subject of fascination and scholarship from the late-nineteenth century, at the same time that Indians themselves were marginalized to reservations. A large body of literature produced by non-Natives sometimes frames these place names as "romantic," and other times as distinctly unromantic. In the voluminous literature on this topic, the treatment of Indians and their place-names reflects diverse and shifting attitudes towards American Indians in United States culture, as elaborated by Philip Deloria and Robert Berkhofer. Drawing on approximately 120 texts on Indian place-names, this study uses the lens of romance, a polyvalent term with various implications, to examine how non-Native writings on these toponyms reveals attitudes towards Indians themselves and their place in the American nationalist imagination.
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41

Molina, Natalia. ""In a Race All Their Own": The Quest to Make Mexicans Ineligible for U.S. Citizenship". Pacific Historical Review 79, n. 2 (1 maggio 2010): 167–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.2.167.

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This article traces challenges to Mexicans' legal and racial status by various groups, including federal bureaucrats, nativist organizations, and everyday citizens. Early twentieth-century efforts to make Mexicans ineligible for U.S. citizenship, despite provisions in the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, focused on the premise that Mexicans were neither "black" nor "white"; interest groups and politicians both strove instead to categorize Mexicans as "Indian." These efforts intensified after the 1924 Immigration Act and two Supreme Court decisions, Ozawa v. United States (1922) and United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923), which declared Japanese and Asian Indians ineligible for citizenship because they were not white. Underlying U.S. efforts to resolve Mexican immigration and citizenship issues was the ongoing problem of determining who could be considered white; this concern clashed with positive Mexican understandings of mestizaje.
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42

Misra, Ranjita, Padmini Balagopal, Sudha Raj e Thakor G. Patel. "Vegetarian Diet and Cardiometabolic Risk among Asian Indians in the United States". Journal of Diabetes Research 2018 (2018): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/1675369.

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Abstract (sommario):
Research studies have shown that plant-based diets confer cardiovascular and metabolic health benefits. Asian Indians (AIs) in the US (who have often followed plant-based diets) have elevated risk for chronic diseases such as diabetes, metabolic syndrome, and obesity suggesting ethnic vulnerability that imply genetic and/or lifestyle causative links. This study explored the association between this ethnic group and diabetes, obesity, and metabolic syndrome after controlling for demographics, acculturation, family history of diabetes, and lifestyle and clinical risk factors. The sample comprised of 1038 randomly selected adult AIs in seven US sites. Prevalence and metabolic syndrome was estimated, and obesity was calculated using the WHO Asian criteria. Multivariate analysis included multinomial logistic regression. The mean age and length of residency in the US were 47 and 18.5 years, respectively. The majority of respondents were vegetarians (62%) and educated. A vegetarian lifestyle was associated with females, food label users, respondents with poor/fair current health status, less acculturated, and those who reported their diet had not changed after coming to the US. Vegetarian status was a protective factor and lowered the risk for diabetes but not for metabolic syndrome and obesity in the regression model. Results provide a firm basis for educational programs.
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43

Nakayama, Don K. "Old Hickory's Violent Past Medical History". American Surgeon 84, n. 11 (novembre 2018): 1717–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481808401124.

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The past medical history (PMH) of Andrew Jackson (1767–1845) reflects one of the emblematic nicknames in Americana, “Old Hickory.” As a 14-year-old Rebel volunteer in the Revolutionary War, he survived a blow from a British saber and smallpox that he contacted in a prison camp epidemic. In 1806, Jackson challenged a rival who had made the mistake of maligning his beloved wife Rachel. He deliberately allowed his opponent to shoot him in the chest, and then killed him when he took his turn. A gunshot shattered his arm in an 1813 street fight that involved Thomas Hart Benton, who later became his ally in the United States Senate during his presidency. His PMH would not include a duel in 1787, where both parties shot and somehow missed; an escape from a party of Indians in 1791; a shootout in 1796 with the future governor of Tennessee; and in 1833 and 1835, the first two assassination attempts on a United States President. Wracked from a lifetime of maladies and wounds, he sought relief through heavy doses of nostrums laced with heavy metals and self-phlebotomy. He likely hastened his own death. The PMH gives perspective on a patient's present condition. In Jackson's case, it reveals traits that allowed him to survive and thrive in a dangerous age. His belligerence, fiery temper, and intransigence were qualities that led to success in war against the British and the Native American tribes of the southern United States, and in a political career that climaxed as the seventh United States President.
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44

Usner, Daniel H., e Francis Paul Prucha. "The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians, Volumes I & II". Ethnohistory 34, n. 2 (1987): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482254.

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45

Hauptman, Laurence M. "American Indians and the Right to Vote: United States v. Elm (1877), Its Origins, and Its Impact". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, n. 2 (aprile 2021): 234–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000081x.

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AbstractIn November 1876, two Oneida Indians, Abram Elm and Lewis Doxtator, were arrested for voting illegally in the twenty-third congressional district election in New York. Their trial was held the next year in a federal court in the Northern District of New York, the same venue where Susan B. Anthony had been tried and convicted on a similar charge four years earlier. This essay focuses on the significance of the historically neglected United States v. Elm case, its origins, why the decision was rendered, and its short-term and long-term impact. Importantly, United States v. Elm has cast a long shadow over Supreme Court decisions—from the time of Elk v. Wilkins in 1884 right up to City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation in New York in 2005. In going to the polls, the two Native Americans were not trying to deny their Oneida identity; they saw themselves as dual citizens advocating a different course of resistance.
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46

Ferguson, Kennan. "Why Does Political Science Hate American Indians?" Perspectives on Politics 14, n. 4 (dicembre 2016): 1029–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002905.

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Native Americans have been structurally excluded from the discipline of political science in the continental United States, as has Native epistemology and political issues. I analyze the reasons for these erasures and elisions, noting the combined effects of rejecting Native scholars, political issues, analysis, and texts. I describe how these arise from presumptions inherent to the disciplinary practices of U.S. political science, and suggest a set of alternative formulations that could expand our understanding of politics, including attention to other forms of law, constitutions, relationships to the environment, sovereignty, collective decision-making, U.S. history, and majoritarianism.
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47

Rosenthal, Nicolas G., e Liza Black. "Introduction". American Indian Culture and Research Journal 42, n. 3 (1 luglio 2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.42.3.rosenthal-black.

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Together, the articles in this special issue of the American Indian Culture and Research Journal offer a discussion of how Indigenous peoples have represented themselves and their communities in different periods and contexts, as well as through various media. Ranging across anthropology, art history, cartography, film studies, history, and literature, the authors examine how Native people negotiate with prominent images and ideas that represented Indians in the dominant culture and society in the United States and the Americas. These essays go beyond the problems of cultural appropriation by non-Indians to probe the myriad ways Native Americans and Indigenous people have challenged, reinforced, shifted, and overturned those representations.
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48

Link, Alessandra. "Editing for Expansion: Railroad Photography, Native Peoples, and the American West, 1860–1880". Western Historical Quarterly 50, n. 3 (2019): 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whz043.

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Abstract In the nineteenth century, both railroad expansion and photography influenced relations between the United States and Native peoples in powerful ways. Scholars have often dealt with these two technological developments separately, but photographs and railroads have a shared history. Throughout the mid-to-late nineteenth century railroad companies engaged with photographs and photographers to promote travel on their lines. This article evaluates the production and circulation of transcontinental railroad photographs, and it concludes that the so-called golden age of landscape photography was built on the suppression of peopled scenes in the West. Images of Indians and trains that reached broad audiences placed Indigenous peoples in opposition to the modern forces cast in steel and running on steam. Picturing an unpeopled West and anti-modern Indians brightened business prospects for those investing in the promise of U.S. expansion beyond the 100th meridian.
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49

Jansen, Jan C. "American Indians for Saint-Domingue?" French Historical Studies 45, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2022): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9434866.

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Abstract The article examines plans for a military reconquest of Haiti and uses them as a lens to explore broader connections between exile, diplomacy, violence, and geopolitics in the wake of Haiti's independence. It retraces the networks and core elements shaping a plan involving Louis Marie Turreau de Garambouville, infamous veteran of the War in the Vendée and then French ambassador to the United States, as well as refugees from Saint-Domingue and Native Americans. On the one hand, the plan attests to the interconnections of the French and Haitian Revolutions with regard to the circulation of concepts of irregular warfare. On the other hand, the links between a veteran of the Revolutionary Wars, “counterrevolutionary” exiles, and Native Americans serve as a window onto the complex and messy realities of diplomacy in the rapidly shifting and uncertain geopolitical setting of the Americas in the midst of the Age of Revolutions. Cet article étudie des projets de reconquête d'Haïti au milieu des années 1800, les prenant comme point de départ pour explorer les rapports entre exil, diplomatie, violence et géopolitique au lendemain de l'indépendance. Il retrace les réseaux sociaux et les éléments-clefs d'un plan de reconquête impliquant à la fois Turreau de Garambouville, célèbre général de la guerre de la Vendée, puis ambassadeur de France aux Etats-Unis, des réfugiés de Saint-Domingue et des groupes amérindiens. Cette étude de cas permet de démontrer, d'une part, la circulation des concepts de guerre irrégulière entre les révolutions en France et en Haïti ; de l'autre, la mise en évidence des interactions entre un ancien combattant des guerres révolutionnaires, des exilés « contre-révolutionnaires », ainsi que des Amérindiens, permet d'analyser les réalités diplomatiques complexes et des alliances surprenantes dans le contexte géopolitique incertain et changeant des Amériques au milieu de l’ère des révolutions.
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50

Hieta, Erik. "“Awakening the Racial Spirit”: Indians, Sámi, and the Politics of Ethnographic Representation, 1930s–1940s". American Studies in Scandinavia 51, n. 1 (2 marzo 2019): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v51i1.5789.

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The article focuses on the efforts by scholars and activists in the 1930s–1940s to reinvigorate discussions of cultural preservation for indigenous peoples at the transnational level. It focuses in particular on the correspondence between, and overlap in, the efforts of ethnographers in the United States and Finland to secure homelands for the indigenous Sámi and American Indians as the cornerstone of cultural preservation efforts. The title, “awakening the racial spirit,” a term used by U.S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier (1934–1945), highlights the extent to which ethnographic representations of the time built on racialized and stereotyped images from the past to project onto indigenous peoples a distinctive future. Increasingly, both Sámi and American Indians engaged with and disrupted such representations. The impacts of the efforts to document and demarcate a distinctive indigenous past continue to underpin and inform indigenous rights discussions to this day.
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