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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

1

Larsen, Øjvind. "IMAGINARY DEMOCRACY". DANISH YEARBOOK OF PHILOSOPHY 33, n. 1 (2 agosto 1998): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300_0330103.

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Hindess, Barry. "Imaginary presuppositions of democracy∗". Economy and Society 20, n. 2 (maggio 1991): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085149100000008.

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LITTLE, ADRIAN, e KATE MACDONALD. "Pathways to global democracy? Escaping the statist imaginary". Review of International Studies 39, n. 4 (8 febbraio 2013): 789–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000551.

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AbstractCritics of global democracy have often claimed that the social and political conditions necessary for democracy to function are not met at the global level, and are unlikely to be in the foreseeable future. Such claims are usually developed with reference to national democratic institutions, and the social conditions within national democratic societies that have proved important in sustaining them. Although advocates of global democracy have contested such sceptical conclusions, they have tended to accept the method of reasoning from national to global contexts on which they are based. This article critiques this method of argument, showing that it is both highly idealised in its characterisation of national democratic practice, and overly state-centric in its assumptions about possible institutional forms that global democracy might take. We suggest that if aspiring global democrats – and their critics – are to derive useful lessons from social struggles to create and sustain democracy within nation states, a less idealised and institutionally prescriptive approach to drawing global lessons from national experience is required. We illustrate one possible such approach with reference to cases from both national and global levels, in which imperfect yet meaningful democratic practices have survived under highly inhospitable – and widely varying – conditions.
4

Gourgouris, Stathis. "Democracy Is a Tragic Regime". Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, n. 4 (ottobre 2014): 809–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.4.809.

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In this brief meditation i am less concerned with how tragedy as a theatrical form relates to democracy than with how democracy entails a tragic politics, in its ancient and contemporary manifestations. My broader argument follows from three presuppositions:Philosophically speaking, democracy is a historical manifestation of self-organized politics that rests on no foundation other than self-authorization, which, being occasional and provisional, has no antecedent and is therefore abyssal.Politically speaking, democracy requires an imaginary of rule without archē or telos—an an-archic imaginary that disengages itself from traditional parameters of the command-obedience structure. This isn't to say that democracy entails no rule. On the contrary, it engages in the paradoxical practice of anarchic rule, or rule shared by all (even those in opposition), so that the traditional division of power between rulers and ruled is destabilized.Ethically speaking, there is nothing good or bad about democracy; all moral imperatives are foreign, perhaps even contrary, to democracy. Hence, democratic politics operates in an ethical realm without categorical imperatives, a priori principles, or transcendental guarantees and is thereby constitutively perilous and precarious. Democracy involves a tragic imaginary, enacting a politics of tragic life that includes folly without heroic salvation and demands lucidity in conditions of total uncertainty.
5

Fanuzzi, Robert. "Everybody's Faneuil Hall: The Imaginary Institution of Democracy". Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory 54, n. 2 (1998): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arq.1998.0013.

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Ankersmit, Franklin Rudolf. "Tocqueville and the Sublimity of Democracy". Tocqueville Review 14, n. 2 (gennaio 1993): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.14.2.173.

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'All this can be taken as evidence of the recognition that narrative, far from being merely a form of discourse that can be filled with different contents, real or imaginary as the case may be, already possesses a content prior to any given actualization of it in speech or in writing'.
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Premat, Christophe. "Castoriadis and the Modern Political Imaginary—Oligarchy, Representation, Democracy". Critical Horizons 7, n. 1 (21 febbraio 2006): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851606779308170.

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Arias-Maldonado, Manuel. "An Imaginary Solution? The Green Defence of Deliberative Democracy". Environmental Values 16, n. 2 (1 maggio 2007): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096327107780474573.

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Arias-Maldonado, Manuel. "An Imaginary Solution? The Green Defence of Deliberative Democracy1". Environmental Values 16, n. 2 (maggio 2007): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096327190701600206.

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As part of the recent rethinking of green politics, the construction of a green democracy has been subjected to increasing scrutiny. There is a growing consensus around deliberative democracy as the preferred model for the realisation of the green programme. As a result several arguments emerge when deliberative principles and procedures are to be justified from a green standpoint. This paper offers a critical assessment of the green case for deliberative democracy, showing that deliberation is being asked to deliver more than it is able to. However, it is suggested that the connection between sustainability, understood as a normative principle, and deliberative procedures may ultimately offer the best grounds for such a defence.
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Rudiyanto, Rudiyanto. "SOSIALISME BUNG KARNO: MEMAHAMI IMAJINASI SOSIAL BUNG KARNO". Jurnal Abdiel: Khazanah Pemikiran Teologi, Pendidikan Agama Kristen, dan Musik Gereja 1, n. 01 (17 aprile 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37368/ja.v1i01.83.

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This paper attempts to look at the ideas of Sukarno in regulating the nation with the theory of Social Imaginary. This theory speaks about portrayal of a nation through the eyes of the people. The portrayal is usually projected through legends, tales folktales and so forth. This paper saw Sukarno combines Western Social Imaginary with Social Imaginary of Indonesia to build a society of Indonesia. Sukarno then combines the concept of Internationalism to Nationalism. As well as the people’s democracy or Marhaen with a conviction if people politically sovereign and economically the nation will experience social justice.

Tesi sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

1

Mizoguchi, So. "IMAGINARY DEMOCRATIZATION UNDER TURMOIL: EMBRACING THE REAL POLITICS AND BROADCASTING IDEALIZED DEMOCRATIC IMAGES OF THE JAPANESE EMPEROR, 1945-1947". [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1271527718.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2010.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 17, 2010). Advisor: Mary Heiss. Keywords: Japanese Emperor; American Occupation; Democracy; Censorship. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100).
2

Rechia, Tania Maria. "O imaginario da violencia em minha vida em cor-de-rosa". [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252475.

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Orientador: Aurea Maria Guimarães
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Este estudo trata do imaginário da violência a partir do filme Minha vida em cor-de-rosa, de Alain Berliner. Define-se como uma pesquisa qualitativa, baseada nos pressupostos da fenomenologia. A partir das descrições de algumas seqüências do filme, escolhidas intencionalmente, procedeu-se a uma reflexão que buscou compreender e não explicar uma das modulações da violência, isto é, a violência sutil que impõe determinados papéis sociais. Os sentidos produzidos dizem respeito ao mito de Dionísio e à vítima expiatória ¿ sentidos que nos levam a pensar que, apesar de nossa vida ser alicerçada em artifícios que produzem padrões comportamentais exemplares veiculados pelo cinema e pela televisão, há também possibilidade de recriar esses sentidos e escapar de todo domínio e controle, uma vez que os modos de socialidade existentes não são os únicos e nem tampouco definitivos
Abstract: This study deals with violence imagery, as exposed in Alain Berliner¿s motion picture Ma vie en rose, and is defined as a qualitative research based on phenomenology presuppositions. From the description of some intentionally chosen scenes of that film, a reflection was made to understand, not to explain, one of violence¿s modulations, i. e., the subtle violence that imposes certain social roles. Senses produced refer to Dionysius myth and to expiatory victim ¿ senses that lead to think that, no matter how our life is founded on artifices that produce exemplar behavioral patterns transmitted by movie and TV, there is also the possibility of recreating those senses and of escaping all domain and control, for existing sociality ways are not the only nor definitive ones
Doutorado
Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura
Doutor em Educação
3

Hallade, Sébastien. "« A la recherche de la meilleure des républiques ». Les romanciers-feuilletonistes engagés sous la Deuxième République française. Littérature, presse, politique et morales". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL036.pdf.

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Le titre de ma thèse reprend en partie le titre d'un roman satirique de Louis Reybaud, romancier, chroniqueur et représentant du peuple, élu à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques en 1850 : Jérôme Paturot à la recherche de la meilleure des Républiques, offert en feuilletons, par extraits, au printemps et à l'été 1848. A partir du 1er août 1850, en vertu de l'article 14 de la loi sur la presse votée le 16 juillet 1850, tout roman-feuilleton est taxé - jusqu'à l'abrogation de cet article par l'article 36 du décret organique sur la presse du 17 février 1852, qui prend effet le 1er mars 1852. Pourquoi la majorité de l'Assemblée nationale législative décide-t-elle à l'été 1850, environ 29 mois après la naissance de la Deuxième République, de taxer le roman-feuilleton ? Cette thèse s'appuie sur le recensement de 155 auteurs de romans-feuilletons engagés et des 952 romans-feuilletons publiés dans la presse politique des départements de la Seine et de Seine-et-Oise - particulièrement visée par le timbre Riancey (du nom du représentant du peuple à l'origine de l'article 14) -, et sur une démarche prosopographique, afin de retracer le parcours littéraire et politique et la réception des auteurs de romans-feuilletons étudiés. Au carrefour d'une histoire politique, littéraire et religieuse, cette thèse entend surtout interroger l'objet roman-feuilleton et la figure du romancier-journaliste quarante-huitard à la lumière de la question morale sous la Deuxième République ainsi que la pertinence de la césure de 1850 comme rupture littéraire, esthétique et éthique
The title of my thesis partly takes up the title of a satirical novel written by Louis Reybaud, a novelist, columnist and representative of the people, elected to the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences in 1850: Jérôme Paturot à la recherche de la meilleure des Républiques, offered in serials, by extracts, in the spring and summer of 1848. From August 1, 1850, under article 14 of the law on the press passed on July 16, 1850, any serial novel was taxed - until the repeal of this article, after 19 months of existence, by article 36 of the organic decree on the press of February 17, 1852, which took effect on March 1, 1852. Why did the majority of the National Legislative Assembly decide in the summer of 1850, about 29 months after the birth of the Second Republic, to tax serial novels? This PhD is based on the census of 155 authors of committed serial novels and of 952 serial novels published in the press of the departments of the Seine and of the Seine-et-Oise - particularly targeted by the Riancey stamp (after the name of the representative of the people who was behind article 14) - and on a prosopographic approach, in order to retrace the literary and political career and the reception of the authors of serial novels studied. At the crossroads of a political, literary, and religious history, this thesis intends, above all, to question the object of the serial novel and the figure of the 1848 novelist-journalist in light of the moral question under the Second Republic as well as the relevance of the caesura of 1850 as a literary, aesthetic and ethical break
4

Trevisol, Joviles Vitorio. "O imaginario social da democracia : uma analise sociologica a partir de algumas organizações da sociedade civil de Florianopolis". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1995. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/76332.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Centro de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Pesquisa desenvolvida entre dez organizações da sociedade civil de Florianópolis com o objetivo de analisar criticamente o conjunto dos elementos cognitivos, simbólicos e normativos presente nos discursos destes atores sociais e perceber como a pluralidade das experiências, conhecimentos, imagens, esperanças, utopias, valores.... enfim, o imaginário social se dialetiza e se converte numa estrutura analítica e normativa que, tanto serve para avaliar o nível da democracia brasileira vigente como para propor ou idealizar sua transformação. O entendimento de democracia destes atores é resultante da embricação dos sentidos descritivos e prescritivos. Ser e dever ser, realidade e imaginação, objetivo e subjetivo formam uma totalidade, às vezes contraditória entre si, mas quase sempre, integrada. A democracia não é entendida apenas como um regime de governo - dimensão político-institucional -; é um projeto societal.
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Dlimi, Nadia. "L'adultère dans le cinéma italien (1950-2013)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H301.

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Notre choix de vingt-huit films qui ponctuent le cinéma italien s’articule sur l’acte de l’adultère qui sera traité sous l’angle de la formation du couple triangulaire et de l’éclatement du couple initial. Cinéma et sociologie, en étroite liaison, vont essayer de montrer l’évolution du filmage de l’intimité entre les amants, à travers les époques marquées, entre autres, par l’influence de la religion catholique sur les comportements des différents protagonistes. La relation extraconjugale est proposée comme une «représentation» qui, selon José Moure, dispose d’une «double valeur», qui peut se ranger dans la perception de l’image et dans celle de la bande sonore répondant à une « éthique » et à une « esthétique »
My choice of twenty-eight films that span Italian cinema is predicated on the act of adultery, from the perspective of the advent of the threesome and the breaking up of the initial couple. I shall use cinema and sociology in close connection to try and show the evolution of the filming of lovers’ intimacy, throughout periods marked, among other things, by the influence of the Catholic religion on the behaviour of different protagonists. Relations outside of marriage are offered as “representations” which, according to José Moure, have “a dual value” that can come into the perception of both images and soundtracks, and meet both an “ethical” and an “aesthetic” standard
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Pochetti, Irène. "La cité des enfants des rues. Représentations, politiques et expériences des jeunesses urbaines marginales à Mexico et Tijuana". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0018.

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Cette thèse traite de la question des enfants des rues au Mexique, de son histoire, de sa construction en enjeu social et de l’expérience des jeunes aux marges des villes de Mexico et de Tijuana. Symbole de « l'enfance délaissée » dans les pays en voie de développement, cette catégorie sociale a été l'une des « priorités officielles » du premier gouvernement élu démocratiquement à la tête du pays en 2000. La thèse montre comment se configure le monde des enfants des rues en analysant les acteurs de l’intervention sociale auprès des jeunes mais également la façon dont se déploient les existences de ces jeunesses urbaines marginales dans un pays traversé par d’importantes reconfigurations politiques et sociétales. Par une approche sociohistorique de 1880 à nos jours, cette thèse se penche en premier lieu sur l'émergence de cette catégorie dans l’espace public et sa mise en problème qui s'articulent aux transformations sociopolitiques du pays. L’analyse de plusieurs supports iconographiques et documentaires révèle une tension constante entre les figures de la victime et du délinquant qui va de pair avec les angoisses que produit l’important développement urbain du Mexique. L'enquête ethnographique réalisée à Mexico et Tijuana entre 2003 et 2010 montre la pertinence de l'étude à l'échelle de la ville pour comprendre comment s'articulent les politiques, les représentations et les expériences sociales. L'analyse met au jour les spécificités de ces deux villes dans l'appréhension et le traitement du problème, mais également dans les modes d’individuation et les trajectoires biographiques de ces jeunes : si un « effet de frontière » est observé à Tijuana, la dynamique du monde des rues à Mexico se caractérise plutôt par un « effet de capitale ».Finalement, l'analyse par le genre met en évidence les tensions à l'œuvre entre la traduction du langage des droits dans les pratiques quotidiennes des organisations qui travaillent avec cette population et la permanence d'un imaginaire de la famille sexué et hiérarchisé, qui s'articule au récit national
This thesis deals with the history and construction of the social problem of Mexican street children and with the actual experience of marginalised youth in Mexico City and Tijuana. Symbol of the issue of “abandoned children” in developing countries, this social category has become one of the priorities of the first democratically elected Mexican government in 2000. The thesis examines how the world of “street children” is shaped by analysing the actors of social intervention and the effects of the country’s deep political and societal changes on these marginalised urban youth.Through a socio-historic approach from 1880 to nowadays, this thesis firstly studies the emergence of this category within the public space and its construction as a social problem, embedded in the socio-political transformations of the country. By exploring iconographic and documentary supports, the analysis identifies a constant tension between the figure of ‘victim’ and of ‘delinquent’, a tension which goes hand in hand with the anxiety produced by the tremendous urban development of Mexico.This ethnographic research, carried out in Mexico and Tijuana between 2003 and 2010, demonstrates the relevance of observing at city level in order to understand how the policies, representations and social experiences articulate. The analysis brings to light the specific features of these two cities in their perception and treatment of the problem as well as in the resulting individualisation modes and biographies of these young people. In Tijuana, a “border effect” is observed, whereas the streets dynamics in Mexico City are characterised by a “capital effect”. Finally, the gender analysis demonstrates the tensions between the appropriation of a law terminology in the everyday practices of the organisations working with this population and the traditional image of a sexualised and hierarchic family, embedded in the national narrative
7

Doz, Emilie. "Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : rupture ou continuité du péronisme ? : Les mutations du populisme en Argentine". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20072.

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Le 25 mai 2003, le peuple argentin assistait à l’investiture présidentielle du candidat du Frente Para la Victoria, Néstor Kirchner. Suite à la défection de Carlos Menem pendant l’entre-deux tours, il est élu avec 22% des suffrages. Malgré cette faible légitimité, il réussit à insuffler un changement certain dans la politique argentine. L’objectif de ce travail de thèse est de montrer comment Néstor Kirchner est arrivé à imposer un nouveau système de référence et à tourner la page du passé néolibéral qui a conduit le pays à l’effondrement. Pour cela, notre travail se concentre d’abord sur la présentation nécessaire du contexte économique et politique antérieur aux élections de 2003. Cette contextualisation permet de mieux cerner les conditions dans lesquelles Néstor Kirchner est porté au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous étudions la lutte idéologique qui se met en place, notamment à l’intérieur même du péronisme, afin d’identifier les processus qui permettent au discours kirchnériste de devenir discours dominant. Enfin, il s’agira d’étudier les points de ruptures ou de convergences du kirchnérisme avec le populisme et le péronisme afin de mieux le caractériser. De plus, le décès de Néstor Kirchner survenu le 27 Octobre 2010 a provoqué un véritable choc. Aussi, l’étude de la figure post mortem de Kirchner permet de prendre la mesure du phénomène K, dans le sens où il symbolise à la fois une réhabilitation du politique, une reconstruction de la nation argentine et une refondation du péronisme au XXIème siècle
On 25 May 2003, argentinian population attended the presidential nomination of the "Frente Para la Victoria" party candidate, Néstor Kirchner. Thanks to the defection of Carlos Menem between the two rounds, he was elected with 22% of votes. Despite this weak legitimacy, he succeeded in impulsing changes in Argentina political agenda. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Néstor Kirchner managed to impose a new system as a new reference, and to move on from a neoliberal past which led the country to collapse. Therefore, our work first focuses on a necessary presentation of economic and political background prior to 2003' elections. Such contextualisation allows us to have a better understanding of the conditions in which Néstor Kirchner reached the presidency. Then, we study the ideological struggle taking place afterwards, particularly within peronism itself, in order to identify the processes allowing the kirchnerist line to become a dominant speech. Finally, we will focus on Kirchnerism’s breakpoints or convergences with Peronist populism for a better characterization. In addition, the death of Néstor Kirchner the 27th of october 2010 caused a real shock. Also, the study of the postmortem figure of Kirchner allows us to estimate the "K" phenomenon, in the sense it symbolizes as well a rehabilitation of politics as a reconstruction of the argentinian nation, or an overhaul of peronism in the XXIst century
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Carney, Zoe. "Transnational Presidential Rhetoric and the Global Imaginary: George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama". 2017. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss/80.

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This dissertation analyzes moments in which presidents interact with transnational audiences, identifying and explaining their rhetorical strategies for developing a global imaginary. Specifically, I first consider how George H.W. Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev negotiate geo-political and spatial metaphors leading up to their joint press conference, symbolically ending the Cold War. Second, I discuss how Bill Clinton and George W. Bush universalize the trope of “democracy” in their speeches before the United Nations General Assembly. Third, I explain how Barack Obama figures transnational citizens and himself as a global leader in his transnational town hall meetings. Together, these case studies show the ways contemporary presidents call forth particular understandings of “the global” through speech. Politically, this study is significant because it broadens our understanding of the institution of the presidency from the framework of a national institution to that of a global one. Rhetorically, this study illuminates the relationship between presidential speech, transnational audiences, and the rhetorical imaginary of the global sphere.
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Delorme, Katherine. "Imaginer l’intime à l’ère du néolibéralisme : analyse d’Une affaire de famille (2018) de Hirokazu Kore-eda et de Naissance et maternité (2006) de Naomi Kawase". Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24294.

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Ce mémoire s’applique à analyser la mise en forme de l’intime dans Une affaire de famille (2018) d’Hirokazu Kore-eda et dans Naissance et maternité (2006) de Naomi Kawase, deux cinéastes japonais œuvrant dans une période alliant crise économique, adoption de politiques néolibérales et regain en popularité du nationalisme. À l’aide d’une approche principalement esthétique, l’objectif sera d’examiner les moyens disposés par ces films à représenter et à imaginer deux types de relations intimes pouvant être mobilisées par le cinéma, soit respectivement la relation entre les personnages de la diégèse et la relation entre le cinéaste et le spectateur. Bien que leurs films semblent apolitiques en étant centrés sur les relations humaines, il sera question d’observer comment une approche centrée sur l’intime permet d’en révéler les ramifications d’ordre politique et social.
This thesis aims to analyse the formatting and the representation of the intimate in Hirokazu Kore-eda's Une affaire de famille (2018) and in Naomi Kawase's Naissance et maternité (2006), two Japanese filmmakers creating during a period marked by economic crisis, the adoption of neoliberal politics, and nationalism regaining popularity. From a mainly aesthetic point of view, the goal will be to examine the ways in which these two films represent and imagine two types of intimate relationships mobilized by cinema, which are respectively the relationship between the diegesis' characters and the relationship between filmmaker and spectator. Although their films seem apolitical, as they are centred around human relationships, the question is to observe how an approach focused on the intimate brings to light political and social ramifications.

Libri sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

1

Smith, Anna Marie. Laclau and Mouffe: The radical democratic imaginary. London: Routledge, 1998.

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2

Ginsborg, Paul. La democrazia che non c'è. Torino: G. Einaudi, 2006.

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3

Ginsborg, Paul. Wie Demokratie leben. Bonn: Bpb, Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 2008.

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4

Ginsborg, Paul. Wie Demokratie leben. Bonn: Bpb, Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 2008.

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5

Dobrov, V. N. Kak Stalin pobedit Putina: "i na nasheĭ ulit︠s︡e budet prazdnik-- " : nauchno-fantasticheskiĭ reportazh o sobytii︠a︡kh blizkogo budushchego s ikh ot︠s︡enkami uchenymi-obshchestvovedami kommunisticheskogo obshchestva. Aleksandrov: Korad-M, 2007.

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Dobrov, V. N. Kak Stalin pobedit Putina: "i na nasheĭ ulit︠s︡e budet prazdnik--" : nauchno-fantasticheskiĭ reportazh o sobytii︠a︡kh blizkogo budushchego s ikh ot︠s︡enkami uchenymi-obshchestvovedami kommunisticheskogo obshchestva. Aleksandrov: Korad-M, 2007.

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Dobrov, V. N. Kak Stalin pokhoronit Putina. [S.l.]: [s.n.], 2011.

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Mendes, José Manuel, e Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Demodiversidade: Imaginar novas possibilidades democráticas. Belo Horizonte, MG: Autêntica, 2018.

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Cecilia, Macón, e Cucchi Laura, a cura di. Pensar la democracia, imaginar la transición, 1976-2006. Buenos Aires: Ladosur, 2006.

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Fong, Siao Yuong. Performing Fear in Television Production. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724579.

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Abstract (sommario):
What goes into the ideological sustenance of an illiberal capitalist democracy? While much of the critical discussion of the media in authoritarian contexts focus on state power, the emphasis on strong states tend to perpetuate misnomers about the media as mere tools of the state and sustain myths about their absolute power. Turning to the lived everyday of media producers in Singapore, I pose a series of questions that explore what it takes to perpetuate authoritarian resilience in the mass media. How, in what terms and through what means, does a politically stable illiberal Asian state like Singapore formulate its dominant imaginary of social order? What are the television production practices that perform and instantiate the social imaginary, and who are the audiences that are conjured and performed in the process? What are the roles played by imagined audiences in sustaining authoritarian resilience in the media? If, as I will argue in the book, audiences function as the central problematic that engenders anxieties and self-policing amongst producers, can the audience become a surrogate for the authoritarian state?

Capitoli di libri sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

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Lyon, Charlotte Haines. "Working towards a democratic home-school imaginary". In Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education, 123–33. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |Includes bibliographical references and index. |Summary: Provided by publisher.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351029186-9.

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Oleart, Alvaro. "From European Demoi to the Decolonial Multitude: Democratising the EU’s Political Imaginary". In Democracy Without Politics in EU Citizen Participation, 25–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-38583-4_2.

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Sano, Lucia, e Breno Battistin Sebastiani. "Democracy under the kothornos: Thucydides and Xenophon on Theramenes". In Studi e saggi, 73–92. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-612-4.06.

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We analyze the political actions of Theramenes as described by Thucydides (during the coup of 411 BCE) and Xenophon (under the Thirty, 404-403 BCE) to map the features that converged to make him a paradigmatic character in the ancient Greek political imaginary. Xenophon, at least, may have been an eyewitness to the facts reported and both historians have conditioned Theramenes’ portrayal by later authors. We highlight the traits of Theramenes that fostered his identification as either the quintessence of the turncoat or as a role-model for moderate politics. Our goal is also to discuss the implications of his political stances for the configuration of Athenian democracy in the last quarter of the 5th century and how this may still help us consider our own democratic system and its flaws.
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Oleart, Alvaro. "The Genealogy of the ‘Citizen Turn’ in the EU: The European Citizen Consultations, the Citizen Dialogues and the Antipolitical Imaginary". In Democracy Without Politics in EU Citizen Participation, 69–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-38583-4_3.

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Rial, Juan. "The Social Imaginary". In Repression, Exile, and Democracy, 59–82. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822397854-003.

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Rial, Juan. "The Social Imaginary:". In Repression, Exile, and Democracy, 59–82. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11cw7sf.6.

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Bondebjerg, Ib. "The European Imaginary:". In Media, Democracy and European Culture, 215–36. Intellect Books, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv36xvz2g.17.

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"La Bandera in the Social Imaginary". In Marketing Democracy, 21–26. University of California Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520935747-005.

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"Democracy and Natural Law". In Hobbes and the Democratic Imaginary, 139–79. SUNY Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781438490441-007.

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LECHNER, NORBERT. "On the Imaginary of the Citizenry". In The Quality of Democracy, 203–10. University of Notre Dame Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvpj74f5.13.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

1

Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier. "ATACAR LA FRONTERA: LA POESÍA COMO POLÍTICA EN LA OBRA DE FRANCIS ALŸS." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10288.

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Desde finales de los años 90’s el artista belga radicado en México, Francis Alÿs (1959) ha extrapolado su labor artística al abandonar el Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México como su principal laboratorio social, para incidir en diversas regiones del mundo -principalmente territorios de conflicto bélico, socioeconómico, político y migratorio-, en un afán de imaginar realidades distintas a las establecidas por medio de la activación de relatos urbanos, fábulas, moralejas, actividades fútiles y juegos de niños; deviniendo en variadas y aparentemente inocentes metáforas que esconden complejas y poderosas reflexiones sociales. El presente trabajo plantea trazar una acupuntura que sigue algunas acciones de Francis Alÿs fuera del territorio mexicano para construir un imaginario global desde lo poético de su labor: en un mundo gobernado por la desesperanza, y las tensiones generadas por las fronteras de los países, la voz de Alÿs se vuelve un bálsamo necesario que permite visualizar otras soluciones posibles a los conflictos políticos derivados de la independencia y la consecuente autonomía de un determinado territorio. I. En 1997, Alÿs viaja de Tijuana, Baja California, México a San Diego, California, EUA, -ciudades vecinas separadas únicamente por la valla Internacional-; pero el artista lo hace sin cruzar la frontera norte; imaginando una nueva y absurda ruta migratoria que evade la burocracia necesaria para ingresar legalmente a los Estados Unidos; iniciando su viaje en Tijuana, y prosiguiendo por Ciudad de México, Panamá, Santiago de Chile, Auckland, Sydney, Singapore, Bangkok, Rangún, Hong Kong, Shanghái, Seul, Anchorage, Vancouver, Los Ángeles y concluir finalmente en San Diego, California, arribando 35 días después de haber iniciado su travesía. II. En 2005, Alÿs convoca a lancheros voluntarios de Cayo Hueso, Florida, EUA y de La Habana, Cuba, a construir con sus endebles barcas un sólido puente que permita enlazar estas dos naciones sobre el Golfo de México. III. En 2004, Alÿs recorre la ‘Línea verde’, demarcación establecida para promover un alto al fuego entre Israel y Palestina, con una lata de pintura verde agujereada, trazando con su andar una línea verde, que materializa esta división naturalmente imaginaria. IV. En 2008, Alÿs invita a niños de las comunidades pesqueras de Tánger, Marruecos y Tarifa, España a construir una línea humana que permita liberar pequeños barcos de juguete para navegar de norte a sur, y viceversa el Estrecho de Gibraltar. Para Alÿs, la poesía posee una cualidad disruptiva, capaz de hacernos imaginar otros futuros posibles.
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Sagasti Alegría, Ione, e Izaskun Alvarez Gainza. "KIT DE FUGA PARA QUEDARSE- Incluye manual de fuga hacia Idilia: Herramientas para atender a la necesidad de cuidado de los cuerpos habitantes de la Facultad de Bellas Artes de la UPV/EHU situándolos en un nuevo espacio pedagógico." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10329.

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Hay una opinión generalizada de que la Facultad de Bellas Artes de la UPV/EHU no es un edificio amable, de que sus espacios no son acogedores: hace frío o calor, el aire no circula, la luz predominante es fluorescente y te envuelve como un laberinto de altos muros que elevan las escasas ventanas sobre nuestras cabezas en los despachos y las ocultan en recovecos del techo al llegar a las aulas. Se organiza sobre una retícula de estancias estancas rectilíneas que imposibilitan el contacto corporal y visual. Esta disposición tiene sus causas y efectos. La forma viene determinada por la división académica del saber en ramas y niveles -disciplinas y progreso-, y por la idea de que el saber está guardado a buen recaudo en su interior. Y ahora esta forma es alimentada por la fragmentación y compresión del tiempo con la llegada de los nuevos planes docentes que empuja hacia el funcionalismo educativo y la disfunción. Todo ello afecta directamente en las dinámicas vitales del espacio académico, provocando simulacros de acuerdos, y violencias sistémicas que derivan en desconexión y desafección. El clientelismo y la maquinaria de promoción académica quedan compartimentadas en espacios virtuales y físicos acotados que no dejan ver, sentir e imaginar otras formas de ser y relacionarse. Habiendo recogido en el marco de una investigación sobre la política de los afectos en las relaciones pedagógicas en la Facultad de Bellas Artes información sobre las afecciones del habitar sus espacios, el Kit de fuga para quedarsesurge como respuesta práctica a la detección de los peligros de permanecer en ellos y la necesidad del cuidado de los cuerpos y su ambiente. Como solución hemos iniciado un proceso de fuga, una respuesta declarativa y radical que posibilite desplazar los sujetos hacia otro lugar aún por construir y que ofrezca una visión activa y afirmativa a la conquista y defensa de un nuevo territorio pedagógico. Se huye para quedarse, queremos quedarnos, y por ello el plan se desarrolla dentro del sistema, tendiendo la mano a otros, ideando un kit básico de usuario con sus útiles y un manual.
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García Parreño, Enrique. "La caricatura política norteamericana de derechas en Internet: repercusión y difusión digital de la obra de Ben Garrison." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10513.

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El presente trabajo trata de mostrar la repercusión y difusión de las ilustraciones políticas del caricaturista norteamericano Ben Garrison en Internet como ejemplo de un activismo de derechas realizado desde una técnica tradicional, la caricatura editorial, en un medio actual, Internet. Con todo esto, el objetivo es demostrar, desde este caso concreto, los beneficios y perjuicios de la libertad de expresión en la red, así como el poder de la metaforización de las emociones para construir comunidades virtuales. A la hora de abordar este trabajo, en primer lugar, se explican las motivaciones de su inicio como caricaturista político independiente durante la crisis económica de 2008. Es a partir de su frustración ante el rescate financiero del Congreso a los grandes bancos cuando decide publicar, en su blog personal, dibujos que denuncian la corrupción de la Reserva Federal por parte de una élite mundial. En segundo lugar, se establecen las razones de la viralización de su obra: la controversia de sus imágenes contra lo «políticamente correcto», el poder de difusión en Internet y su libertad de expresión frente a la limitaciones materiales e ideológicas de la prensa escrita. Finalmente, se compara la recepción de su obra desde dos flancos. Por una parte, la reproducción y admiración de su obra desde el movimiento «alt-right» en redes sociales y periódicos digitales. Sus dibujos, que incitan al odio contra lo «políticamente correcto» y el miedo hacia el poder de una supuesta élite mundial, han ayudado a consolidar el imaginario político de la «alt-right» mediante la metaforización de dichas emociones. Por otra parte, lo «políticamente incorrecto» de su obra es criticado y rechazado por los sectores progresistas norteamericanos; además, sus dibujos son manipulados anónimamente desde, principalmente, los foros «4chan» y «8chan» en pro del racismo para perjudicar la imagen del caricaturista y reforzar los discursos ultraderechistas norteamericanos. Como consecuencia de esta situación, Ben Garrison ha declarado pública y reiteradamente ser un liberal conservador, alejado de cualquier ideología extremista, y seguidor de Donald Trump; comparándose con él por ir en contra del «establishment» y de la «corrección política», luego, apoyándole y estilizando su figura de líder carismático en sus dibujos.

Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Imaginary democracy":

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Bustinduy, Pablo. Fin de ciclo: política y democracia en tiempos de miedo. Fundación Carolina, dicembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_19.2023.

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Abstract (sommario):
Este artículo plantea una reflexión sobre el auge contemporáneo de formaciones y movimientos políticos antidemocráticos, poniendo el foco sobre la sensación de inestabilidad y malestar que les sirve como clima político de fondo. Una reafirmación democrática, sostiene el artículo, no vendrá inspirada por el miedo ni por la simple reafirmación de lo existente, sino que requiere abordar las causas profundas de esa inestabilidad percibida: la desigualdad, la precariedad y la vulnerabilidad eco-social que caracterizan las sociedades contemporáneas. En consonancia, se presenta una serie de consideraciones relativas a la conformación de un nuevo imaginario democrático por medio de la recuperación, la adaptación y el refuerzo de la idea de bienestar que sirvió como horizonte ideológico a los movimientos progresistas del siglo XX.

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