Tesi sul tema "Ideology in general"
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1
Constant, Thomas. "Possible worlds and ideology". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/107744/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The broad aim of this thesis is to explore fruitful connections between ideology theory and the philosophy of possible worlds (PW). Ideologies are full of modal concepts, such as possibility, potential, necessity, essence, contingency and accident. Typically, PWs are articulated for the analysis and illumination of modal concepts. That naturally suggests a method for theorising ideological modality, utilising PW theory. The specific conclusions of the thesis proffer a number of original contributions to knowledge: 1) PWs should only be used for explication and not as (intrinsic) evidence or criteria of assessment in ideology theory. The estimation of (e.g.) utopian possibilities, human essences and freedoms must be determined by extrinsic criteria. PWs can serve only as a window or means of expression but not as a set of evaluative premises. 2) For this purpose, a modified version of Lewisian genuine realism (GR), with its device of counterpart theory, is the best approach; the alternative theories risk constricting possibilities or smuggling in assumptions that ought to be objects of analysis in ideology theory. This is instructive, since ideology theorists are prone to pick and choose favoured aspects of modal philosophy without further argument. 3) Conclusions (1) and (2) suggest the adoption of GR or fictionalist GR. Overall, the actualist options are less adequate. Fictionalism, by contrast, is a worthwhile contender, but it too presents comparative weaknesses which reinforce GR’s standing as a potent challenger to the modal metaphysician. Therefore, this thesis presents additional reasons (to Lewis’s) to think GR true. The conclusions are not knockdown, and I draw out incentives and consequences for adopting alternative stances. The various chapters also provide specific details for comprehending and debating ideological modals.
2
Frowe, Ian. "Language, ideology and education". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50486/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the relationship between language and social reality. The position argued for is one which sees language as having a constitutive role to play in the formation and maintenance of the social world. It elaborates and develops a view expressed by Quentin Skinner, namely, that language and the social world are mutually supportive and exist in a state of dynamic interaction. Because language has this constitutive role in relation to the social world attention to the use of language is important for the language we employ will be a significant factor in determining the nature of that world. The notion of ideology is defined in a critical sense as 'malign decontestation', i. e., the presentation of that which is contestable as if there were only one legitimate perspective. The concepts of absolutism and universalisation are taken as key ideological markers. Given the constitutive role of language, the identification of ideological language becomes important because aspects of the social world which are informed by such a language will reflect the errors inherent in the linguistic structures themselves. One of the central arguments of the thesis is that ideological language often arises when insufficient attention is paid to the ontological differences between activities whose subject matter is the natural world and those whose subject matter is the social world. There is a focus on educational issues because the impetus for this thesis arose out of a growing unease with the nature of the language used in relation to this topic. Although a concern with the language of education is not uncommon, the full significance of the language we use in this area is often unacknowledged because the necessary theoretical background is absent. It is the main purpose of this thesis to provide a philosophical justification for this concern.
3
Matsuno, Yuko. "A study of Okinawan language shift and ideology". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291630.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ryukyuan, the Indigenous language of Okinawa, Japan, is in danger of being lost within a generation or two. There has been a rapid shift from Ryukyuan to Japanese and Uchina-Yamatoguchi, consisting of both Ryukyuan and Japanese. This linguistic situation has been brought on by many years of colonization by foreign nations and most recently by massive wave of globalization and modernization. This research examines language loss and shift in one Okinawan village, Henna, through an examination of its history and by exploring the people's language attitudes and ideologies. This study seeks to understand the multidimensional factors that contribute to language choice of the Okinawan people. In the case of Okinawa, it may be said that one's perspective toward Okinawan culture is a key to the future of the Ryukyuan language. With this understanding, it is hoped that the Okinawans can then determine themselves what their futures may be and what language they embrace.
4
Smith, Jeffery Bradley Stewart 1965. "The Brazilian military ideology: Implications for institutionalized democracy". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291675.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Brazilian military possesses an institutional ideology separate from that of civil society. This ideology has in the past mistakenly been identified as the National Security Doctrine (NSD). However, the NSD is merely the codification of a flexible and continuous ideology that began to develop in the nineteenth century. The ideology is based on geopolitical theory which the military believes offers an objective and scientific approach to the problems of national security. According to the ideology, the organic state's national security is in a constant state of peril which grants the military the role of state guardian. As guardians of the state the military also views itself as society's tutor in the process of preparing the nation for the responsible exercise of democracy. As long as the flexible and authoritarian military ideology is present, democracy in Brazil cannot be institutionalized and will, at best, be a limited democracy.
5
Allsobrook, Christopher John. "'On genealogy and ideology criticism'". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6319/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis identifies and explains a fundamental philosophical problem of self-implication in Marxian ideology criticism that has led to its misuse and rejection in social theory and political philosophy. I argue that Friedrich Nietzsche's development of genealogy as a method of social criticism complements ideology criticism in a way that overcomes this problem, by addressing it explicitly, rather than trying to avoid it. In making this argument, I hope to bridge a widely perceived gap between Nietzsche's and Michel Foucault's genealogical approaches to social criticism, on the one hand, and Marxian ideology criticism on the other. The conflict between these approaches has been exaggerated in contemporary academic literature, to the loss of invaluable contributions Nietzsche and Foucault make to the theory and practice of ideology criticism. I begin by defining ideology in way that, I demonstrate, takes into account the use of the notion by Karl Marx and the early Frankfurt School Critical Theorists, Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno. I identify two central components of ideology, namely, an epistemic aspect, regarding illusion, and a functional aspect, which links ideology to its role in maintaining oppression. I also defend the notion of ideology against major objections to each of these aspects. In Chapter 4, I introduce the problem of self-implication that, I take it, poses the greatest challenge to the coherence of ideology criticism. The remainder of the thesis examines two alternative ways of dealing with this problem, namely immanent and transcendent criticism. I explain the weaknesses with each approach and, in doing so, show why Marx and Adorno each succumb to the problem of ideological self-implication. In the final chapter I argue that Nietzsche's method of genealogy is compatible with ideology criticism and can complement such criticism, to overcome the problems that have been examined.
6
Edwards, Robert. "Mythology, ideology and the contemporary American short story cycle". Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/55957/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present study proposes that there is an intrinsic relationship between the contemporary American short story cycle and the myth and ideology of the United States. I argue that the contemporary form of the story cycle has become the genre of choice for certain authors whose work explicitly challenges the dominant ideological discourses of Euroamerica and its underpinning mythologies. The five authors and the texts I discuss are Tim O’Brien and The Things They Carried, Julia Alvarez and How The Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents, Gerald Vizenor and Landfill Meditation, Sherman Alexie and Ten Little Indians, and Thomas King and Green Grass, Running Water. In the thesis I address the interrelationship between ideology and mythology and this is the foundation for my examination of the way that these five disparate writers each uses the story cycle in his or her own distinctive way to challenge a dominant ideology and the mythology that underpins it.
7
Pelanda, Brian Lee. "“For The General Diffusion Of Knowledge”: Foundations of American Copyright Ideology, 1783-1790". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1216072749.
Testo completo
8
Brenner, Michelle Klein. "Ideology and decision making in school-based counseling". Thesis, City University of New York, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3601695.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present study built on the design and results from the pilot study in an attempt to explore the relationship between psychologists' personal ideologies and the decisions they make in school-based counseling. Of particular interest was whether higher levels of self-reported ideology were related to support of relevant school policies. Participants included 166 psychologists who responded to an online survey that included questions related to personal and professional ideologies, attitudes toward school policies, training and preparedness in four areas of interest, and hypothetical scenarios. Consistency among responses in areas including theoretical orientation, political party, and training and preparedness in ethics and multicultural issues limited the analyses that could be performed to compare different populations. Correlation data indicated that there was no relationship between those who reported to be religious and those who reported that they were not religious, though slight differences were noted qualitatively. There was also no difference between responses of individuals who had not taken a class but felt prepared as compared with responses of the rest of the population. Correlation data also indicated some associations between the school policies related to liberal/conservative political views and the vignette designed toward that ideology.
9
Geddes, Graham R. "Ideology, federalism, and the welfare state the public debate concerning guaranteed annual incomes, 1968-1976". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5632.
Testo completo
10
Deacon, James P. "Crime, terrorism and ideology an analysis of Ronald Reagan's discourse on terrorism from 1981 through 1986". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5638.
Testo completo
11
Benaissa, Amal. "BLOG.GOV : winning digital hearts and minds? : professionalization, personalization and ideology in foreign policy communication". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/245/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Discussions of blogging as a form of political communication have mainly centred on the context of election campaigns, national domestic issues, citizen political blogging and mainstream media blogs. The rise of government blogging as an alternative news source in the aftermath of the 2003 war in Iraq, however, is much less addressed by scholars. This thesis examines the case of the US State Department blog Dipnote in order to study the dynamics of blogging as foreign policy communication and public diplomacy. The focus of the analysis is on posts relating to the Middle East, towards which US foreign policy attention was primarily geared after 9/11. The broader research question of this thesis attempts to determine the relative importance of professionalization, personalization and ideology in influencing the content on the official foreign policy blog of the U.S. government, in order to advance the theoretical understanding of blogging in the context of foreign policy communication and public diplomacy. A content analysis of blog posts was conducted between the period of September 2007, when the blog was launched, and March 2010. In addition to this, several interviews were conducted with the management of the blog at the State Department. Furthermore, by comparing the blog content under the Bush and Obama administrations, this study was able to trace patterns of continuities and discontinuities over time. The analytical framework is adapted from Farrell and Webb’s (2002) professionalization framework, and as such it breaks down the blog’s elements into technical, resource, and thematic developments. First, it is argued that the utilization of the blog as a cultural space is a new interpretation for foreign policy communication not previously considered in studies of government blogging in political communication or public diplomacy research. Second, blogging enables a new form of official yet casual communication which serves to legitimize American activities and presence in the Middle East through personalization and de-ideologization of content that make the blog a source of soft power. Third, the blog is a “protected space” (adapted from Gumbrecht, 2004) where the government maintains editorial control, low immediacy, low interactivity and low engagement. Overall, the findings point to the classic contradictions that the government faces both offline and online in the digital era; between openness and control, as well as secrecy and transparency, especially in the foreign policy context. In conclusion, the analysis suggests that blogging is part of an evolution and does not amount to a revolution in political communication and public diplomacy. I thus argue that in their adoption of new technology, the government moves from a new technology experimental phase to a new technology consolidation phase.
12
Virga, Andrea. "Fascism and nationalism in Cuba : a case study on the global projection on an European ideology". Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2018. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/242/1/Virga_phdthesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on the diffusion of fascism in Cuba and
its relationship with local nationalism, since up to now this
question has not been studied satisfactorily by historiography,
as most works on the subject still resent of World
War propaganda. The research makes mostly use of original
sources, both archival and printed, with the help of press
and previous studies, in order to reconstruct and discuss
historical events and ideological standpoints in Cuba, in
the time that goes from Machado’s dictatorship to Castro’s
Revolution.
To this extent, a clarification on the too often mistaken
concept of fascism, in the light of scientific literature, is necessary.
Fascism as a modern 20th-century ideology, strongly
opposed and reactive to liberalism and communism, advocated
a radical inter-class mobilization and rebirth of the
nation, in militaristic and organicistic sense, under a totalitarian
revolutionary single party or movement headed by
a charismatic leader. Inside fascism, four main trends can
be distinguished, according to different conceptions of nation:
classical Fascism, National Socialism, Integrism and
Falangism.
In the ‘30s, due to the crisis of Liberalism and the advance
of Communism, Fascism had become a viable ideological
alternative in many undeveloped countries, even outside
Europe. This was especially true in Latin America, where
European fascist regimes created local sections of the ruling
party to cater with the large immigrant communities (especially
Italians, Germans and Spaniards). This fascist influence,
with its revolutionary nationalism, was strong on local nationalist
forces, which struggled for national sovereignty
and economic independence from colonial powers. These
founded native fascist and populist groups, with the support
of lower and middle classes.
At the same time, the socioeconomic and political situation
in Cuba was not exceptional in comparison with other
Latin American countries. In 1933, Machado’s dictatorship
was brought to an end by a heterogeneous coalition of political
forces. After a convulse phase of struggle, power was
assumed by Fulgencio Batista who controlled Cuba, either directly or indirectly, until 1944. This long period, marked
by the emergence of social mass movements and the relative
decline of the old political class of independence veterans,
was crucial for the development of new Cuban nationalism,
which had to cope with United States influence and Batista’s
strategy to preserve his personal authority.
In the core part of the thesis, nationalist people and
groups in Cuba are examined and analysed to ascertain
their ideological and political relationships with fascism.
The Cuban conservative Right is explored through the study
of three important figures: the authoritarian writer Alberto
Lamar, apologist of Machado’s rule, the aviation heroAgustín
Parlá and the journalist José Ignacio Rivero, a great sponsor
of Francoism in Cuba. It is also observed how, following
the Second World War, the Cuban Right gradually lost its
European influence, becoming more and more Americanized
by the time of Castro’s Revolution, despite Franco’s attempt
at maintaining cultural and political ties.
The period of the Spanish Civil War was the high-water
mark of foreign Fascist influence in Cuba, because of the
influence exercised by the wealthier sectors of the Spanish
colony, organized in the Spanish Nationalist Committee, in
favour of the Nationalist faction in order to collect money
and obtain diplomatic recognition. Along with it, and not
without some contrasts, the Foreign Service of the Spanish
Falange had set up a branch in Cuba, which operated among
Spanish immigrants, with a Social Aid section, which raised
funds to finance assistance projects for poor Spaniards in
Cuba and in the Fatherland. On the other hand, Italy and
Germany were much less influential, due to the scarce size
of their respective communities.
Nonetheless, the aforesaid organizations only catered
for foreign minorities in Cuba, and were all illegalized,
when Cuba entered war along with the United States. Their
example, aswell as the circumstance of the legalization of the
hated Communist Party, inspired a few native fascist groups.
Still, even the only one, which could actually be considered
fully fascist, the National Revolutionary Syndicalist Legion,
still remained a minor actor in national politics, before being
outlawed. For certain, they did not left any lasting mark in
Cuban society and history.
On the other hand, the study of the main Cuban nationalist
forces disproves any actual connection with fascism, despite the accusations made by contemporary political
opponents. It is the case of the ABC Party, who shared
with fascism some ideological features (corporatism, anti-
Communism, nationalism), as well as means of political
and economical mobilization (paramilitary parades, armed
struggle). Another such example is Batista himself, with his
corporatist three-year plan (1937-40), his support from the
Army and his authoritarian leadership, well before the 1952
coup. Finally, Eduardo Chibás, in the post-war period, presented
an anti-imperialist, anti-Communist, populist party,
rooted in the Cuban nationalist tradition. Nevertheless, all
of these projects declared to be antifascist and committed to
the values of liberal democracy.
Last but not least, the accusations of “Red Fascism” levelled
against Castroism, even in academic literature, cannot
be ignored. In fact, there are a few elements who would
support this hypothesis, namely Fidel Castro’s conservative
upbringing, his good standing with Francoist Spain,
and some aspects of his government and ideology, such
as militarism, charismatic leadership, voluntarism, nationalism,
which deviate from standard Marxism. However,
these features have been typical of most real socialist States.
Furthermore, Castroism is distinctly different from fascist
ideology, since it embraced Marxist-Leninism and refused
class collaboration between capitalists and workers.
In sum of all, this thesis demonstrates how Cuba constituted
an exception among main Latin American countries,
insofar as fascism did not hold sensible sway on local politics,
despite the social and economical situation was comparable.
The most immediate cause lies in the fact that the United
States power was stronger in the Caribbean than in South
American countries, so that it hampered any foreign ideological
influence. A deeper root of Cuban antifascism lies in the
process of development of Cuban nationalism, which took
place before the independence and involved a political debate
and reflection among Cuban intellectuals and activists.
This explains the prominence of democratic and progressive
thought in later Cuban nationalists, which engendered in
Cuban public opinion a general loathing for fascism, that
fascist police makers were not able to understand.
13
Crines, Andrew. "Michael Foot, the role of ideology and the Labour leadership elections of 1976 and 1980". Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2010. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/9646/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The orthodox interpretation of Michael Foot's election as Labour Party leader in 1980 is that it resulted from a left-wing surge within the broader Party throughout the 1970s. This thesis challenges this assumption. It does so by presenting a contextualised analysis of Foot, the Labour Party and the leadership elections of 1976 and 1980. This thesis argues that it was Foot's reputation and loyalty in government that enabled his political evolution to accelerate towards becoming a conciliatory figure during his leadership. To undertake this reconsideration of the orthodoxy, this thesis has adapted a previously illuminating research approach as utilised by Timothy Heppell. Heppell has produced a number of analyses upon ideological compositions of the Conservative Party during leadership elections, and, more recently, the Labour Party. This research approach was initially devised to consider only ideology. The approach has been improved by this thesis by including non-ideological considerations in order to draw out Labour specific factors in this analysis, because the extent to which the approach can be transferred to a different party at a different time required scrutiny. It is also necessary to acknowledge the need for a re-categorisation of the ideological factions within the Labour Party in order to gain a more complete understanding of Labour's ideological eclecticism. The social democratic right, the centrists, the inside left and outside left demonstrate that the simple assumption of 'left' and 'right' conceals a more complex Parliamentary composition. It is important to contextualise the analysis with a philosophical and historical discussion which places Michael Foot within Labour history. This enables a greater understanding of why he became the Labour leader to emerge. Foot's appropriateness as leader can only be fully appreciated by considering those who influenced him and his career in the Party along with the divided nature of the Labour Party over the period prior to his election. Through these discussions it becomes clear that Foot was able to secure the leadership because of his loyalty to the Labour Party, his record in government, and his Parliamentary interpretation of socialism which separated him from the outside left. This enabled him to be a leader the mainstream of the Party were able to broadly accept at a time of extreme division. His increased appropriateness as leader becomes more evident when contrasted against the likelihood of destructive divisions had a more ideologically dogmatic candidate such as Denis Healey or Tony Benn secured the leadership. The prevailing circumstances as well as the man must, therefore, be considered. This thesis also evaluates Foot's leadership with a view to demonstrate his ability to navigate the Labour Party following his election. The conclusion must be drawn that Labour's ability to prevail without disintegrating illustrates Foot's success as leader, and that the simplistic view that his leadership was simply the result of a left-wing surge is inadequate.
14
Barry, Thomas J. "The rock star as contemporary cowboy : film mythology and ideology". Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/212.
Testo completo
15
Hyman, Zoe Laura. "American segregationist ideology and white Southern Africa, 1948-1975". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39449/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the relationship between segregationist organisations, publications and individuals in the United States and their pro-apartheid counterparts in southern Africa. It uncovers a sustained and extensive foreign policy of segregationists that has hitherto been overlooked and a relationship between the countries that goes beyond existing analyses of Cold War cooperation or comparative studies of the countries' racial systems. When the civil rights movement began, steadfast segregationists in the American South looked further afield for support, inspiration and ideological affirmation of their belief in white supremacy. They found this in South Africa and its apartheid policies as well as in other right-wing organisations and individuals outside the American South. Through the archives of segregationist organisations, civil rights organisations, anti-communist groups, individuals, governmental records and newspapers, this thesis charts the journey southern segregationists took from the creation of massive resistance in 1954 – a movement focused on regional problems – to a dramatically less isolationist standpoint one decade later. By 1965, white southern Africa had really captured the imagination of segregationists, alliances had been forged and when massive resistance failed, segregationists did not retreat from their international agenda. Although South Africa was a focal point of segregationists' attention during massive resistance, they also became committed to white rule in Rhodesia after 1965. This thesis examines the groups across America that supported the isolated bastions of white supremacy in southern Africa and demonstrates that the Cold War alliance between U.S. and southern African governments inadvertently helped to maintain and conceal the racism that drove segregationists to form fruitful links in southern Africa. The tangible and ideological links segregationists made abroad internationalised a concept of white supremacy in which race trumped nationality. This global white supremacy has endured and reveals that segregationists were not insignificant reactionaries with a short lived movement but people who affected race relations in the long term.
16
Nolan, Suzanne. "Late classic politics and ideology : a case study of Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 at Yaxchilan, Chiapas, Mexico". Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16983/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This project examines Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 (HS. 2) at Yaxchilan, a Classic Maya city in Southern Mexico. Uncovered in 1975 as part of the clearing and consolidation of Structure 33, HS. 2 is made up of thirteen carved blocks which form the riser to the last step in the ascent to this building. The blocks depict thirteen different individuals (four female and nine male) in a series of elaborate ballgame rituals that demonstrated the legitimacy and power of Bird Jaguar IV, the ruler over Yaxchilan from 752-768 A.D. In this study, the previous work conducted around this monument is examined, and argue that it has been insufficient to draw the conclusions commonly presented about it. A translation of the hieroglyphic inscriptions from all blocks is provided, where previously only translations from the central three blocks (VI, VII, VIII) have been made available. This study also provides an analysis of the imagery on the blocks to better understand the ideology of Late Classic Yaxchilan (530-830 A.D.). This work relies on the hieroglyphic and archaeological data available from the site to demonstrate the geographical and temporal variation in lowland Maya political organisation, and to provide a model for Late Classic Yaxchilan. Overall, the author argues that the Late Classic political organisation of Yaxchilan underwent a period of centralisation followed by decentralisation and collapse. The contribution of this study to the literature is the conclusion that the representation of so many individuals on HS. 2 reveals that political power was being conferred upon the elite through ‘empowering,’ which led to a delocalisation of authority. This may also have led to dissatisfaction among the general population of the ideology of kingship, which may have caused the community to reject uncharismatic rulers.
17
Bar-Yoseph, Benjamin A. "Ideology, culture change, and management patterns in the Israeli Kibbutz". Thesis, City, University of London, 1997. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/19947/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis addresses the problem of the cultural change in the Israeli Kibbutz, its relevance to the Kibbutz ideology and its implication on Management patterns in the Kibbutz. The thesis is based on four hypotheses. Two of the hypotheses address the cultural changes and two address the changes in management patterns. The cultural change is hypothesised by assuming a change in life style and a change in the attitude to work as a value. The change in management patterns is hypothesised by assuming a change, at a policy level, of resource allocation and a change in the decision making process. The research includes several stages: • A literature research which established the historic cultural and ideological roots of the Kibbutz movement. • A collection of general statistics of the Kibbutz movement. • Five case studies - An in depth analysis of five individual Kibbutzim. A model of the Kibbutz values and principles is developed and used in analysing the changes in values and principles in the Kibbutz. The outcome of the research reveals that the Kibbutz is changing from an ideology based commune, which prefers values over matter and is ready to sacrifice individual freedom for the ideals, to a more bureaucratic organisation alming for profits that prefers individual freedom on equality and communality. The Kibbutz movement is turning from an agrarian closed system to a technically advanced community with open economy and culture. The research outcomes enhance Bertalaruy's claim that a culture within a culture has to change in order to survive. It also demonstrates that a cultural change is an incremental change. What seems to be a radical change is an aggregate result of several incremental changes. It is suggested that a radical change can not be implemented successfully in an organisation unless broken to incremental changes.
18
Melanye, Price Tarea. "Warring Souls, Reconciling Beliefs: Unearthing the Contours of African American Ideology". The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1046194786.
Testo completo
19
Johnson, Gregg B. "The political economy of market-oriented reform ideology and institutions in Latin America /". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/59007141.html.
Testo completo
20
Paffey, Darren J. "Language, discourse and ideology : the Real Academia Española and the standardisation of Spanish". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2008. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/66541/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to investigate the nature of ideologies of language, and specifically to understand what kinds of linguistic, social, political and historical factors impact upon and inform ideologies of standardisation. I consider the particular case of the Spanish language, and examine how public debates in Spain’s press constitute discursive sites in which the ideologies of language authorities are evidenced. There are few studies which identify and critique the social actors in Spanish standardisation, and this thesis is a contribution to addressing that absence. By adopting a Critical Discourse Analysis approach , I seek to relate the microstructures of texts from two of Spain’s best-selling daily newspapers (El País and ABC) to the socio-political macrostructures in which press discourse is produced, and in which hegemonic ideologies underpin debates about Spanish. The press is a crucial vehicle of transmission in which language ideologies are staked out, and the large data corpus allows me to identify recurring aspects of discourse which become ‘naturalised’ and form ‘common sense’ beliefs about Spanish, its role, its authorities, and the practices of those who ‘guard’ the language. The principal guardian of Spanish, the Real Academia Española (RAE), is the particular focus of this thesis. I interrogate RAE discourse and shed light on this institution’s role in producing and maintaining a ‘standard’ Spanish in the contemporary context. Discourses of language unity and community are central, as are themes which form a vision of Spanish on an international scale. I argue that the RAE’s discourse serves to reinforce its authority and leadership in standardisation. I further argue that this centralisation of linguistic authority is occurring simultaneously with a rescaling and expansion of standardisation practices which go beyond the nation-state paradigm in pursuit of a ‘total Spanish’ guided by ‘panhispanic norms’. The role of other elite institutions in the panhispanic language policy is also legitimised in press discourse, with important social, cultural and commercial implications for not just Spain, but the entire Spanish-speaking world.
21
Louro, Maria Filomena Pereira Rodrigues. "The drama of J.M. Synge : a challenge to the ideology and myths of Irishness". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/108624/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Opinions about Synge's work vary from redundant noise to van-guardist art, or the embodiment of the spirit of the Nation. The literary mask created by Yeats and the disparaging caricature his opponents publicised, have barred access to the unbiased study of his work documents. Synge's plays changed the course of the emerging National Theatre. Yeats's plays were attacked for not serving well enough the nationalist cause, but Synge's were seen by nationalists as working completely on the other side of the fence. This argument and the poetical fallacy of Synge's political inactivity are here reappraised. For the nationalists both his witting silence and his social and family background caused aggravation which found opportunity to be voiced at each production of his plays. What still disturbs in the plays is the interaction between individuals and social groups. The exchanges between characters, the progress or stasis of individual characters through the play, the continual change of perspective forced on the audience, these are the features that still strike a controversial note today. Synge is here seen as a "colonizer who refuses" as he frees himself from family strict rule. The first two chapters analyse the historical and personal evolution towards a native Irish Theatre in English. The following chapters study the process by which each play diverts the expectations it arouses in the audience, following the genesis of each play through its source material when possible, to see how some controversial images and dialogues were arrived at, where they acquired their polemic weight. This part of the study focuses on the writing methods of Synge, and the "reading formation” of the public. The grotesque style of the plays and prose is found to be similar in tone to the Rabelaisian grotesque: both share the hope of regeneration in life's forces and nature, as opposed to a strict Christianity. Synge's use of grotesque shattered aesthetic and philosophical expectations in his intellectual audience, causing the anger among the nationalists and the literary coterie. The particular depiction of women's roles in his plays are compared with Victorian and modern patterns of female behaviour. In the plays Nature is seen not as the bucolic "locus" for philosophical self-contemplation, but as nurturer and threat for its original dwellers. The knowledge of and closeness to the forces of Nature elicit respect for outsiders as possessing a valuable culture, either in isolation or organised in marginal societies. The outcasts in Irish society are given an articulate voice in Synge's plays: beggars, vagrants, tinkers, the blind and women. In all plays strong female characters assert themselves in unorthodox ways, defying custom and legend. The use of legend in his last play shows Synge as heralding the end of a mythologising era, presenting legendary events issuing not from fate but personal heroic decision, that of a woman who choses her life and death, following her own values.
22
Smith, Richard Trevor. "Asserting republican manhood and bringing the Bashaw to reason : the evolution and defense of republican ideology during America's Tripolitan War, 1801-1805 /". Full-text of dissertation on the Internet (614.50 KB), 2010. http://www.lib.jmu.edu/general/etd/2010/masters/smithrt/smithrt_masters_04-19-2010.pdf.
Testo completo
23
Modrea, Andreea. "Ideology, subversion and the translator's voice: A comparative analysis of the French and English translations of Guillermo Cabrera Infante's Tres Tristes Tigres". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26718.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
For the past twenty years, there has been a growing trend in translation studies to follow a deconstructionist philosophy and give translators authorship of their work. Translation, in this sense, is no longer a target language equivalence of an 'original' text by an author, but rather a creative process of 're-writing.' In this regard, translators have the possibility of showing their own voice in the translation.
The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether either of the French or English translators (Albert Bensoussan and Suzanne Jill Levine, respectively) of the Cuban novel Tres Tristes Tigres (Barcelona: 1967) intervened in the text to show their own voices; and in Levine's case, whether this intervention corresponded to a declared ideology of 'subversion.'
A systematic analysis of the wordplay in Chapters 16, 17 and 18 of the two translations reveal significant differences. Whereas the French translation has only minor adjustments, the English translation shows a large number of alterations to existing source text wordplay as well as additional instances of wordplay. In the final tally, there are almost twice as many instances of wordplay in Levine's English translation than in the Spanish source text.
From the results of the analysis and from Levine's own self-portrayal in her book The Subversive Scribe (St. Paul: 1991), it would appear that her extensive intervention in the text is ideologically motivated. However, closer examination of circumstances surrounding the actual translation process reveals that the author, Guillermo Cabrera Infante, greatly influenced the final 're-writing.' Therefore, Levine's translation was not so much subversion as it was a sub-version of the original.
24
Wildman, Jonathan. "Ideology and politics in the struggle to regulate the talking therapies : the rise and fall of the HPC plans, 2006-2011". Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22652/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a post-structuralist – ‘logics’/discourse analytic – account of the 2006-2011 struggle over plans to make the Health Professions Council (HPC) statutory regulator of the field of counselling and psychotherapy. I contextualise the plans in relation to the Government’s parallel Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) programme and the Skills for Health (SfH) project to map competencies within the field. These projects, along with HPC regulation, promised to render practice safe and effective. However, the HPC plans were seen by some as a threat to diversity within the field and were met with resistance from the (especially formed) Alliance for Counselling and Psychotherapy Against State Regulation. I assess these competing evaluations and argue that the HPC plans would have advanced a ‘transactional’ orientated regime, in which the field would have been assimilated to a more ‘consumerist’ and ‘transactional’ mould, and that in contrast, the Alliance were seeking to defend a more ‘contextual’ and ‘relational’ conceptualisation of practice in which expertise tends to be seen as co-created between client and practitioner. The HPC adopted a series of bald strategies to marginalise opposition voices, conditioned in part by structural features of the policy making process and supported by a ‘problem minority’ narrative in which inherent uncertainties about what counts as good and effective talking therapy are eclipsed from view by a near-exclusive focus on a minority of unethical and incompetent practitioners. The Alliance, for its part, I argue tended at times to espouse a position close to talking therapy ‘exceptionalism’, thus eclipsing similarities with more contextual healthcare imaginaries. Policy implications for regulation and policy making process are drawn out. More broadly my account contributes to literature which questions both the democratizing credentials and the often supposed ‘inevitability’ of the highly calculative forms of regulation and audit which are installed across the health and social care professions and which have constituted the so called rise of the regulatory state in recent decades.
25
Katirci, Guldeniz. "The Transformation Of The Nationalist Ideology: The Nationalist Action Party In Turkey After The 1999 Elections". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608115/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACT
Katirci, Güldeniz M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz December 2006, 157 pages The main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate whether or not the rapid rise and decline of radical nationalism between 1999 and 2002 elections may be related to an ideological identity crisis of the Nationalist Action Party. In this context, the focus will be on the transformation of the nationalist ideology, &ldquo
nationalisms&rdquo
in the Ottoman Empire, Kemalist/official nationalism, and transformation of Turkish nationalism to a political party ideology and its further transformation in Turkey. The reason for drawing such a framework is related to the fact that the developmental line of the nationalist phenomenon shows a three dimensional historical continuity line in influencing Turkish nationalism as a political party ideology. The possible ideological identity crisis in the NAP ideology, which has been visible between the 1999 and 2002 general elections, should be searched in the genetic categorical paradoxes and in the transformation of nationalism as a modern phenomenon, which have been influential upon all nationalism types emerged after it. The complex structure of the nationalist phenomenon, which started to be influential on the Ottoman Empire had influenced the developmental periods of &ldquo
nationalisms&rdquo
appeared in their original structure. Turkish nationalism, which had developed on the same line with Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, had inherited both the categorical paradoxes of nationalism and the emergence of &ldquo
original&rdquo
Turkish nationalism. Thus, Turkish nationalism, as a nation-state ideology, had been the carrier of these categorical inconsistencies, which had remained until the multi-party period and which were transformed to a political party ideology with the NAP in the 1960s. Therefore, throughout the thesis, the possible ideological identity crisis of the NAP ideology will be searched in its complex relation with the transformation history of political nationalism and its specific transformation in Turkey. At the end, the ideological statute of nationalism in the political spectrum will be questioned.
26
Uysal, Yildirim. "The Reflection Of Kemalist Ideology In The Perception Of Metu Students: A Theoretical And Practical Examination". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610195/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to examine Kemalism perception of METU students. Author intends to display how METU students imagine and think Kemalism. Thesis first examines the ideological journey of Kemalism to indicate the main notions of Kemalism to the reader and by doing so, explains the intellectual ground of the statements which were used in the survey of thesis. The way how Kemalism was constructed, the stages that Kemalism passed through the past, the connections of Kemalism with other ideologies, the formation and standing of current Kemalism and the arguments of Kemalism against globalization, European Union, Kurdish issue and Islamism will all be analyzed.
27
CHRISTEN, KATHERINE CARR. "CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL LEADERS' PERCEPTIONS OF THE EFFECTS OF GLOBALIZATION TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS, AND NEO-LIBERAL EDUCATION IDEOLOGY ON AN URBAN MIDWESTERN TOWN". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1108409101.
Testo completo
28
Avsar, Esra. "The Transformation Of The Political Ideology And The Democracy Discourse Of The Muslim Brotherhood In Egypt". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609555/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the main ideological transformation that the Muslim Brotherhood has undergone in Egypt. The recurring theme issued throughout this thesis is &lsquotransformation&rsquo
that stands in an evolutionary interaction with the local, regional and external environment. Within the scope of this leading theme, the study examines the historical overview of the Movement and analyzes the central periods and turning points of this transformation at two basic levels: Domestic and international. The study argues that, the 1980s came as the first pivotal turning-point where the Muslim Brotherhood began to enter the political system with a greater freedom. With the beginning of the change in the 1980s, this thesis argues, the Muslim Brotherhood began to transform itself in a way that opposed the dominant discussion in the literature over Islamists - state relations: &lsquo
Cooperation brings moderation and repression brings radicalization.&rsquo
(Repression - repression, cooperation - cooperation pattern). The study investigates how the Muslim Brotherhood broke this single-track rotation by standing consistently moderate during the periods of repression as well, after the 1980s. In particular after the 1990s, the study extends the domestic-oriented scope of the observation to take into consideration the influence of regional and international variations that have begun to be increasingly influential over the transformation of the Movement. The study argues that, the 2000s came up as the second and the most important landmark that opened a new momentum with the rise of the &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
discourse in the Movement&rsquo
s ideological change. The study provides a wide-ranging analysis over the democracy discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2000s and brings the challenges of this newfound ideological process into focus. It is argued that, the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s ambiguous stance on &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
reinforces the discussions on the validity of the Movement&rsquo
s moderate political actor role. In conclusion, some conclusive remarks are introduced by making an overall assessment over the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s political participation crisis and the future of the Egyptian political liberalization experiment.
29
Aras, Esra. "The Question Of The West In The Ideology Of Revivalism: Perspectives From Mawlana Abu". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610272/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis surveys the response of the ideology of 20th century Islamic revival to the West and the Western-inspired regimes at home. Based on J.S. Mill&rsquos &ldquo
method of difference, it compares the ideological perspectives of the prominent figures of Islamic revival: Mawlana Abu&rsquo
l-A&lsquo
la Mawdudi in Indio-Pakistan, Sayyid Qutb in Egypt and Ruhollah Khomeini in Iran. In this context, it analyzes the appraisal of Islam as a total way of life in order to refute the Western tradition and refuse its interference into the socio-politics of the Islamic world in the ideal order proposed by those ideologues. The question of the West is the dependent variable of the comparison and is searched through two independent variables: (1) ontology/epistemology of the ideal Islamic order which necessitates a socio-political transformation from &ldquo
jahiliyya&rdquo
to &ldquo
hakimiyya&rdquo
and (2) the methodology to attain the ideal order which is based on activism. In this perspective, it questions the revivalist proposal of &ldquo
Occidentalism&rdquo
as a reaction to the Western-originated system of governance. To this end, the thesis firstly explores the characteristics of the independent variables &ndash
the epistemology/ontology and methodology- of Islamic revival from a historical point of view. Then, it continues with comparing how Mawdudi, Qutb and Khomeini respectively regard the West in the theory of ideal Islamic order which reads a process from &ldquo
jahiliyya&rdquo
to &ldquo
hakimiyya&rdquo
through activism.
30
Charléz, Sara. ""A Mere Dream Dreamed in a Bad Time" : A Marxist Reading of Utopian and Dystopian Elements in Ursula K. Le Guin's Always Coming Home". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för språkstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-156031.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Ursula K. Le Guin’s novel Always Coming Home, utopian and dystopian elements interact according to patterns inspired by anarchism and Taoism to criticise material excesses and oppressive social structures under capitalism. Via discussions of gender, state power, and forms of social (re)production, this Marxist reading proposes that the novel’s separation of utopia from dystopia hinges on the absence or presence of a state. The reading also suggests that the novel’s utopia is by its own admission a “mere dream” with limited relevance to anti-capitalist politics, and employs the novel’s own term “handmind” to show that the aesthetic and philosophical dimensions of its anti-capitalist sentiments encourage a reconsideration of utopia, to be viewed not as a fixed future product – a good-place – but as a constant process of becoming – a no-place.
31
Conklin, Rich. "Braucht mein Teddybaer auch Visum: The Implicit Cultural Demands of the German Nationality Act and the Heritage of Ethnocultural Ideology in German Immigration Policy". Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis advisor: Jonathan LaurenceIn the context of western liberal democracies, both the German state and the German nation have undergone a unique evolutionary process during the twentieth century. Stemming from this anomalous development, citizenship in Germany represents not only membership in the German polity but also membership in the German cultural community. Naturalization standards, in contrast to every major immigrant-receiving state, were thus traditionally based on descent-based (as opposed to territorial-based) standards. Consequentially, the large population of foreign guestworkers that entered Germany through post-War labor recruitment programs has been systematically excluded from formal state membership. This exclusion, by producing a disempowered and disillusioned class of pseudo-citizens, has produced alarming tensions between ethnic German citizens and foreign resident minorities. The Nationality Act, enacted in 2000, attempted to address this friction by implementing a naturalization regime with a partial jus soli element. This study thus aims to determine whether the Nationality Act of 2000, by implementing paradigmatic reforms, has proven capable of facilitating the desired process of structural integration
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies
Discipline: College Honors Program
32
Akcesme, Ifakat Banu. "Comparative Discourse Analyses Of Gender Constructions In The Novels Of Robert Heinlein, Ursula Le Guin, Joanna Russ And Samuel Delany". Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612223/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation examines the gendered discourses in the novels of the writers of different sexes/genders, Robert Heinlein&rsquos Stranger in a Strange Land, Ursula Le Guin&rsquo
s The Left Hand of Darkness, Joanna Russ&rsquo
The Female Man and Samuel Delany`s Trouble on Triton: An Ambiguous Heterotopia. This study investigates how writers linguistically construct their characters as gendered/sexed beings as an effect of certain identity politics, ideologies and power structures. In order to do so, critical discourse analysis is applied to the passages chosen from different parts of the novels under consideration. Moreover, Butler&rsquo
s performativity theory of gender and Foucault&rsquo
s theory of discourse/power/knowledge and his conceptualization of subjectivity are employed in the discursive analyses of the novels. The argument of the study is that there is a close relationship between discourse, ideology and the constitution/representation of gender/sex as contingent on a particular socio-cultural and historical context. This study is based on Butler`s assertion that gender is a doing, a performance, and it is a cultural and ideological construct. Thus, the study shows that writers&rsquo
linguistic choices for the constructions and descriptions of their characters are not ideologically or politically innocent but imbued with socio-cultural and ideological meanings.
33
Hermansson, Glen. "The phenomenal ideology : Phenomenological investigations of EFL teacher methodologies, experiences, and the 2011 syllabus". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65254.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study aims to outline, describe, and analyse, using interviews, phenomenology and Marxism, the manner in which EFL teachers in Sweden have experienced the methodological impacts and the ideological implications of the 2011 syllabus reforms. By means of phenomenological reduction, this study aims to accurately represent the life-world of the Swedish EFL professional. Doing so yields insight into the connections between ideology, syllabi, teaching methodologies, and the manner in which these are experienced. The study is based on a text analysis of the 2011 syllabus grounded in Marxist philosophy and four interviews with teachers active in southern Sweden. The design of the interviews was drawn from the phenomenological approach, meaning that the teachers were asked to describe and conceptualise freely. In this manner the phenomena will occur as they are, enabling the researcher to describe without intruding, and extrapolate without interrupting. The interviews revealed the syllabus to be a document with which EFL professionals have little quarrel. Its communicative approach was well-received by the teachers, but by no means overwhelmingly revolutionary. Its openness and interpretative aspects were positive and negative, as it created both freedoms and risks in terms of content and assessment. In ideological terms, the syllabus represented a skill-value relation, where skills and knowledge are subject to criteria of usefulness and marketability within the learners’ future work life.
34
Sengul, Ali Fuat. "Cinema And Representation In International Relations: Hollywood Cinema And The Cold War". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606291/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis seeks to trace the development of the process of ‘
reflection as reality&
#8217
through a politico-historical analysis of the intimacies between the United States governments and Hollywood cinema during the Cold War. The working assumption while projecting this study is as follows
the Hollywood cinema and the United States governments enjoyed a close relationship during the period in question. The latter actively involved in the inscription of the wills and desires of US Foreign policymakers into the American popular culture. The thesis will also extend the discussion to a politic cultural assessment of how the United States, through the films, represents and re-presents its superiority, and more importantly, how these films affect and shape the spectators perceptions about its foreign policy.
35
Bicaksiz, Pinar. "The Effects Of Gender Role Ideology, Role Salience, Role Demands And Core Self-evaluations On Work-family Interface". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610950/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the present study was to develop two conceptual frameworksthat are antecedents of family-to-work conflict and enhancement in the family domian, and antecedents of work-to-family conflict and enhancement in the work domain
and to test the relationships that are proposed by these frameworks. A pilot study was conducted with 73 career people to investigate the psychometric qualities of the adapted or constructed measures. The main study was conducted with 293 married career people. Results supported some of the hypotheses. In the family-to-work framework, gender role ideology, family salience, perceptions of family/home demands and core self-ealuations predicted family-to-work conflict. Furthermore, direct effects of family salience and core self-evaluations on family-to-work enhancement were found. In the work-to-family framework, work salience predicted both work-to-family conflict and work-to-family enhancement. In addition, core self evaluations moderated the relationship between subjective work demands and work-to-family conflict and between subjective work demands and work-tofamily enhancement.
36
Sener, Mehmet. "Reviewing The Periodical Yapi (1941-1943): A Study On Architectural Practice And Ideology In Turkey During The Second World War". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607668/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to analyse the architectural production in Turkey during the Second World War period with reference to its socio-political contexts, by examining and scrutinizing an architectural periodical published in this period: Yapi. The conceptual framework of this study about the practical and ideological aspects of the discipline are drawn by considering the developments and dynamics of the early Republican Period.
In the first chapter of the study after the introduction, the functions of periodical publications for the cultural atmosphere and the architectural periodicals for the discipline of architecture in particular, are examined in the direction of clarifying the reason of choosing a periodical for an architectural analysis of a specific period. In the following part of this chapter, the early Republican architectural periodicals are introduced together with their reasons of establishment and the architectural conditions of the period. Lastly, the focus of this study, Yapi, is introduced with its identity as a periodical by examining its founders, content and publication quality.
In the second chapter, firstly architecture of the country throughout the early Republican period is examined by focusing on the significance and effects of the Second World War on Turkey so as to reveal the existing medium that compelled the architects and intellectuals to reconsider their points of view. The second part of this chapter attempts to make a comparative architectural analysis of the period based on the approaches and articles of Yapi by determining the characteristics and objectives of the periodical and demonstrating the main arguments of the editors and authors on contemporary architectural practice and ideology.
In the conclusion part, the outcomes of the analysis of Yapi and its arguments on the architecture and contextual developments of the Second World War period are evaluated in correlation with the meaning and place of these struggles in the contemporary medium of architecture.
37
Guerra, Tiago Cavalcante. "A práxis e as representações ideológicas do General Jayme Portella: a 'linha-dura' no cenário político brasileiro (1964-1969)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13072.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Tiago Cavalcante Guerra.pdf: 1061946 bytes, checksum: 10db5d0b40562cef51c69e52682e7d18 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008-06-27Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This research aims to examine a central figure in the military dictatorship in Brazil and "engineer" of the candidacy and the government by Costa e Silva: the general Jayme Portella. From the study of his writings, noting the historical and social conditions of production, we want to understand the policy of general practices, and showing the social function of his actually ideology. Jayme Portella is considered as one of the greatest exponents of the "linha -dura (hard-line) , the research seeks to explain details about this historical current military, which has in "castelismo" the counterpoint s main and coup d'état of 1964, as founding myth. Investigated the way that general conceives his conception about the conspiracy and consolidation of military autocracy in Brazil and e stablishing the links from their concrete ideology under history
Esta pesquisa visa analisar uma figura central na ditadura militar no Brasil e engenheiro da candidatura e do governo Costa e Silva, o general Jayme Portella. A partir do estudo imanente de seus escritos, observando as condições históricas e sociais da sua produção, pretendemos compreender a práxis política do general, desvelando a função social de sua ideologia na realidade vivida. Tratado como um dos maiores expoentes da linha-dura , a investigação pretende explicar as nuances históricas desta corrente militar que tem no castelismo o seu principal contraponto e o golpe de estado de 1964, como mito fundador. Investigamos as ideações do general quanto à conspiração militar e à consolidação da autocracia bonapartista no Brasil, estabelecendo os vínculos concretos de sua ideologia no quadro histórico desnudado
38
Ozaksoy, Gonca. "Urbanization And Social Thought In Turkey". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606088/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Each social thought has reflection in space. Especially, the urban space becomes the transformer for these thoughtsideologies. Material activities and the ideological concepts of social processes are related to space. In fact, they need to be embodied within the very dynamics of space. To see the effects of ideologies within urban space, there is a need for analyzing the urbanization in terms of social thought Therefore, in order to understand social phenomena, it is also important to conceive their spatial determinations, and their reflection in the urban space. Related to this thought, in this study the relationship between the social thought and the urban space is examined. Accordingly, the opinions of experts in Turkey are examined throughout the concept of the study. By using the technique of depth-interview, academicians&rsquo
evaluations are gathered.
39
Fehim, Kennedy Nilgun. "The Ethos Of Architects Towards An Analysis Of Architectural Practice In Turkey". Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606584/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A certain architectural "ethos"
come into being as a result of the specific training which architects receive as producers of space, of their dual status as artists and professionals, of the conditions in which they live and the social status of their profession. This ethos is a product of the architects'
collective habitus. The attitudes of architects regarding their position in the building industry, their role in society and their self-image (or its lack of) as artists determine the transformation within the architectural profession under the impact of the changes in society. This study investigates architects'
professional practice by focusing only on those architects working independently and mostly having their on offices. Thirty-one architects were grouped by age, gender, the faculties from which they graduated and province of residence and work. The international influence on architectural discourse, the effects of architects'
organisations and their professional ideology were introduced as additional variables for investigating the nature of their habitus. The interviews revealed that the architects'
"
spontaneous professional ideology"
(SPI) is the main adhesive of their collective habitus and ethos, and it force architects to think in a specific way about space, the sovereignty of architecture, its art component, its legitamacy, architects'
devotion to their profession, their feelings of superiority over clients and users as well as their overall code of conduct.
40
Carlshamre, Love. "Den omöjliga utopin : En läsning av Sara Stridsbergs Drömfakulteten". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-180902.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Utopias, by their very nature, verge on the impossible. Yet utopian dreams continue to inform the literary imagination. Why is that, and how? The present thesis approaches these questions through a reading of Drömfakulteten: - tillägg till sexualteorin (The Faculty of Dreams: Amendment to theTheory of Sexuality or Valerie), a novel or “literary fantasy” about the life and work of radical feminist and writer Valerie Solanas, by the Swedish writer Sara Stridsberg. The reading examines the possibility of utopian desire and imagination in a hopeless and anti-utopian world. I argue that Drömfakulteten revolves around, and tries to resolve, a seemingly impossible contradiction: to represent an unbearably closed and confined existence, and, at the same time, to break out of this closure from within. A pervading aim of the thesis, then, is to render visible the forms and flows of utopian desire in Stridsberg’s novel. The first part of the reading does this by connecting Drömfakulteten to Fredric Jameson’s and Northrop Frye’s perspectives on historical genres and modes; especially, but not exclusively, on romance. Here, I primarily examine the mechanisms that continually distort and pervert utopian desire in the text. The second part, in contrast, takes as its starting point those utopian forms and impulses that appear to escape or unsettle such distorting mechanisms. The theoretical framework at this stage is provided by Jameson’s structural readings of romance and the utopian form, as well as José Esteban Muñoz queer-utopian thinking. I contend that Drömfakulteten can be read as a narrative structure directed towards a determined closure or ending, which is opened up through various – essentially utopian – strategies.
41
Jönsson, Isak. "International Intrusion in China Miéville's The City & The City : Construction and Deconstruction of Ideological State Apparatus". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42888.
Testo completo
42
Cakar, Mehmet. "A Critical Appraisal On The Societal Effects Of Television Magazine Programs In Turkey". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605339/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the contents of the Turkish magazine programs to explore as if the contents feed anti- establishment feelings or reinforce the existing hegemony in the society. The theses also traces the audience attitudes and beliefs towards the magazine programs in Turkey. The results suggested that programs do not represent any threat to the existing hegemony. On the contrary, it is more plausible to suggest that they represent a serious support to the existing order. The audience reactions revealed an oppositional attitude towards such programs in general which shows differences in terms of gender, education, political views, father's education level and hours of TV watching.
43
Turk, H. Bahadir. "Pierre Bourdieu'". Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605767/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE HAVE A RICH AND COMPLICATED HISTORY. MOVING FROM THIS HISTORY, THIS THESIS AIMS TO INVESTIGATE HOW PIERRE BOURDIEU, ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT SOCIOLOGISTS IN EUROPE, CAN BE READ ON THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE.ALTHOUGH THE TERM IDEOLOGY IS NOT PARTICULARLY CENTRAL TO BOURDIEU'S WORK, WE ASSERT THAT HIS CONCEPTUAL WORLD TELLS US A STORY WHICH IS PERTINENT TO THE ONES IN IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE DEBATES.MOVING FROM THIS AXIS, WE SHED LIGHT UPON BOURDIEU'
S CONCEPTS SUCH AS HABITUS, DOXA, FIELD, SYMBOLIC POWER AND SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE. WE EXAMINE BOTH THE ANATOMY OF THE CONCEPTS MENTIONED AND THEIR RELATIONSHIPS WITH EACH OTHER.WE SHOW THAT HOW THESE CONCEPTS CAN BE OPERATIONAL FROM THE ANGLE OF THE DEBATES ON IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE. IN OUR STUDY, WE ARGUE THAT BOURDIEU'
S CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK EXTENDS THE SOCIOLOGICAL DIMENSION OF THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE AND PIERRE BOURDIEU CAN BE READ WITH THE OTHER MONUMENTAL NAMES, FROM MARX TO FOUCAULT, IN THE HISTORY OF THE DEBATES.
44
Vuoristo, Kaisa. "Republicanism Recast : How the "Veil Affairs" Transformed French Republican Ideology and Public Discourse (2004-2014)". Thèse, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19601.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis prepared for a joint degree (cotutelle) between Université de Montréal and École Normale Supérieure de Cachan, Université Paris-Saclay.Depuis la loi interdisant le port de signes religieux "ostensibles" dans les écoles publiques (2004), un changement progressif s'est opéré en France. De l'interdiction du port du foulard intégral dans l'espace public (2010) aux mesures touchant les parents d'élèves (2012) et les employées des crèches privées (2014), les femmes portant le foulard islamique ont graduellement été exclues de différents espaces publics. Ces mesures sont souvent justifiées au nom de la nécessité de défendre la République ou de revitaliser les valeurs qui la sous-tendent. À travers quels processus politiques y compris discursifs l'exclusion des femmes voilées est-elle devenue une composante de la promotion des valeurs républicaines ? Ma recherche se penche sur cette question à l'aide d'une approche conceptuelle et discursive de l'étude des idéologies politiques. Plus précisément, en ancrant mon analyse dans les discours publics entourant quatre "affaires du voile", ma recherche met en lumière la transformation graduelle du républicanisme français – une construction complexe à travers laquelle les concepts politiques acquièrent un sens. Cette analyse de l'idéologie républicaine française dans le contexte des "affaires du voile" révèle et continuité et changement. Continuité, car les anciens principes de liberté, égalité et fraternité y demeurent centraux ; et changement, car de nouveaux idéaux ont modifié la signification de son noyau conceptuel. Dans le chapitre 4, "Le foulard de l'étudiante : Le succès du séxularisme", j'analyse le début de ce processus. En examinant la controverse publique au sujet du port du foulard islamique dans les écoles publiques, je démontre comment les acteurs politiques français ont graduellement construit la question de l'égalité des sexes – qui, historique¬ment, a été plutôt marginale dans la pensée républicaine française – comme une valeur contiguë au principe de la laïcité, ouvrant ainsi la porte à d'autres redéfinitions. Dans le chapitre 5, "La burqa dans l'espace public : L'ordre social républicain", mon analyse démontre comment les hommes politiques et les juristes, en visant à interdire le port du voile intégral, ont revivifié et transformé la notion de l'ordre public à travers la construction d'une nouvelle définition de l'ordre social. Dès lors, le républicanisme français s'oriente vers la protection de "valeurs communes". D'un point de vue théorique, je soutiens que ce glissement implique une transformation naissante au sein même du noyau républicain : la priorisation de fraternité aux dépens de liberté et d'égalité. Le chapitre 6, "Baby-Loup et l'emploi privé : de discrimination à la cohésion sociale", et le chapitre 7, "Mères 'voilées' et sorties scolaires : une extension de la norme sociale républicaine", analysent la consolidation et les conséquences du noyau républicain transformé : la priorisation de l'intérêt public au détriment des droits et libertés individuels. Ces chapitres démontrent comment les acteurs politiques et juridiques ont appliqué ce républicanisme remanié aux nouveaux espaces et aux nouveaux groupes. Ce faisant, ils ont contribué à l'émergence et à l'enracinement d'un nouveau discours de cohésion sociale, imprégné par l'exigence de neutralité religieuse individuelle et conditionné par l'exclusion des femmes "voilées" d'une variété d'espaces publics.
Since the law prohibiting the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols in public schools (2004), a gradual development has taken place in France. From the law banning full-face covering in public space (2010) to measures concerning the parents of students (2012) and the employees of private nurseries (2014), women wearing the Islamic headscarf have step-by-step been excluded from different spheres of public life. These measures have been publicly justified by the necessity of defending the French Republic or of reinvigorating its underlying principles. Through which political including discursive processes did the public promotion of republican values come to signify the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from public spaces? My research tackles this question by employing a conceptual and discursive approach to the study of political ideology. More specifically, by focusing on the public discourses surrounding four so-called "veil affairs," my research sheds light on the gradual transformation of French republicanism – a complex construct through which political concepts gain meaning. Examining contemporary French republicanism through the context of the "veil affairs" reveals both continuity and change. Continuity, because the age-old principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity still form its cornerstone; and change, because newer ideals have modified the meaning of its conceptual core. In Chapter 4, "The Student's Headscarf: The Success of Sexularism," I analyze the beginning of this process. By examining the public controversy surrounding the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in public schools, I show how French political elites gradually constructed the question of gender equality – which, historically, has been rather marginal in French republican thought – as a value adjacent to the principle of laïcité, thereby opening the door for further redefinitions. In Chapter 5, "The Burqa in Public Space: The Republican Social Order," my empirical analysis demonstrates that, in aiming to ban face-covering veils, French political and legal actors ended up reviving and transforming the notion of public order through the construction of a new definition of republican social order. Thus, French republicanism took an important turn towards the protection of "shared values." From a theoretical point of view, I argue that this shift implies a nascent transformation within the very core of the republican-ideological construct: the prioritization of fraternity over liberty and equality. Chapter 6, "Baby-Loup and Private Employment: From Discrimination to Social Cohesion," and Chapter 7, "'Veiled' Mothers and School Outings: Extending the Republican Social Norm," examine the consolidation and consequences of the transformed republican-ideological core: the prioritizing of the "common good" (intérêt public) over individual rights and freedoms. These chapters shed light on how political and legal actors applied the transformed republican ethos to new spheres and new groups of people. In doing so, they contributed to the emergence and entrenchment of a new discourse on social cohesion – one permeated by the requirement of individual religious neutrality and dependent on the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from a variety of public spaces.
45
Suveren, Yasar. "The Right Wing Conservative Politicians In Turkey: Ideological And Political Imaginations". Phd thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615763/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to describe and analyze the politicians who belong the right-wing political conservative traditions in Turkey by the mediation of their understanding and mentality. In this framework, the study primarily intends to investigate and analyze their perceptions of political and ideological imaginations. Turkish right seems to have a quite heterogeneous structure. While the recognition of the heterogeneity embodied around the political-institutional structuring is crucial to understand the Turkish right-conservatism, focusing merely on the heterogeneity and differences is inadequate to understand the right-conservative tradition. This study aims to analyze the aforesaid diversity and heterogeneity in the axes of politics and ideology. In spite of its heterogeneous qualifications, there are some attributions which made the Turkish right-wing conservative tradition homogeneous on certain economic, social and cultural issues. In this context, the study aims to analyze and understand the differentiations and affinities among the politicians who belong to the mainstream right-wing conservative political parties by focusing on the politicians discourses.
46
Ganioglu, Zafer. "The Visual Formation Of Cartesian Subject In Modern Metaphysics: A Critique Of Cogito Philosophy". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607778/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis scrutinizes modern metaphysics through a specific reading and critique of Cartesian Philosophy. In the study, the concepts of metaphysics, ideology, modernity, subject and modern science are re-examined in their relations among them and in that the peculiarity of modern metaphysics is attempted to be revealed. At the core of the thesis, Descartes&rsquounderstanding of subject is inquired to be modern subject, and its role in the transformations happened in Western world with the advent of modern age is studied. Also, the two main axes of the critique of subject, subject as substance and subject as effect, are questioned in their difference or similarity regarding in essence their matter of inquiry, by modeling the Cartesian Subject.
47
Ates, Gulbin Aysi. "Representing Centre-right Or Conservative Right? The Case Of The Democratic Party In Turkey, 1970-1980". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614459/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Democratic Party which was established in 1970, splitting from the Justice Party will be analyzed within this thesis in terms of its ideological components. In this sense, centre right wing and conservative political parties are taken into account to understand the ideology of the party. The period of the Democratic Party is so sufficient to compare and contrast the ideologies of different parties. The Democratic Party is also critical as the party did not participate into any governments, different from the all parties at that period. So, it will show a centre right wing party&rsquos reactions in the absence of patronage routes which is a difference from other members of the centre right wing tradition of the DP and the JP. The absence of the concrete ideological explanations, doctrines which can be observed as an handicap of the centre right wing will be analyzed whether the Democratic Party can overcome or not.
48
Visnjar, Mojca. "Negotiating Identity : A sociolinguistic analysis of adult English speaking immigrants in Sweden". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-137862.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Due to increased transnational migration and globalisation, English has come to have a high status in Sweden, and is used in daily communication. The purpose of this research is to investigate how immigrants with English as their first language, negotiate their identity in Sweden, how they construct the need to (not) speak Swedish, and, finally, how their linguistic trajectories inform us about their linguistic ideologies and reported practices. Identity, constantly performed on the border between the self and the other, is greatly dependent on the language. Recent research in the field has focused mainly on immigrants moving to English speaking countries, while migrants with English as their first language have been somewhat neglected. This study investigates identity negotiation based on linguistic repertoire, Spracherleben, and linguistic ideologies, based on data collected through interviews. The results indicate that the fact that all informants prefer to, and mostly do use English, has a meaning beyond the language. It is namely in the language choice itself that the participants negotiate and demonstrate their identity. Language, therefore, is not the main issue the informants find problematic. Instead, it is the sense of alienation and the inability to convey their message in the way they feel would best represent who they are.
49
Horta, José da Silva 1961. "A "Guiné do Cabo Verde"-produção textual e representações (1578-1684)". Phd thesis, Instituições portuguesas -- UL-Universidade de Lisboa -- -Faculdade de Letras, 2002. http://dited.bn.pt:80/30703.
Testo completo
50
Henning, Bruce Hedvig. "Varning! Liberal, närodlad politik : En sociosemiotisk studie av valaffischer från Centerpartiet och Liberalerna under valrörelsen 2018". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Svenska, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38965.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Denna studie undersöker valaffischer från Centerpartiet och Liberalerna 2018. Utgångspunkt i studien är den politiska kommunikationen som visar att politiska samarbeten mellan partier kan försvåra möjligheterna för partierna att profilera sig som enskilda partier. Således är syftet med undersökningen att undersöka hur Centerpartiet och Liberalerna profilerar sig genom kommunikationen i valaffischer, detta med hänsyn till det borgerliga samarbetet "Alliansen” som pågick fram till år 2018. Ytterligare ett syfte är att ta reda på hur partierna kommunicerar ideologi i valaffischerna, detta med hänsyn till att båda partier är liberala. Detta har undersökts med utgångspunkt i sociosemiotiken och hur semiotiska resurser kan skapa betydelsepotentialer. Konkret har de semiotiska resurserna undersökts utifrån vilken design som dokumenten har, vilka färger som använts och hur affischerna kommunicerat miljö genom verbalspråk och fotografi. Resultatet visar att partiernas affischer liknar varandra i vissa val av semiotiska resurser. Partierna använder en liknande uppställning av olika textelement, framhäver partiledaren i vissa affischer medan i andra affischer framhävs verbalspråk som centrala. Ytterligare en likhet är användning av en slogan kopplad till partiernas respektive logotyp. Genom att på andra plan variera valet av semiotiska resurser skapar partierna dock skiljande betydelsepotentialer, vilket påverkar profileringen. Centerpartiet profilerar sig som ett optimistiskt parti med framtiden i sikte, medan Liberalerna profilerar sig som ett motståndskraftigt parti med ett tydligt fokus på liberalism. Båda partier kommunicerar ideologisk ståndpunkt genom slogans. Liberalerna kommunicerar ett fokus på liberalismen, detta medan Centerpartiet kommunicerar fokus på bakgrunden som agrart parti.