Tesi sul tema "Human rights advocacy"
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Harding, Lucy Helen. "Masculinities, women's rights & human rights : advocacy to address sexual violence". Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9690/.
Testo completoDasanayake, Upulee. "NGOs and the globalization of universal human rights a "Do No Harm" approach to human rights advocacy /". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3424.
Testo completoVita: p. 113. Thesis director: Mark Goodale. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 9, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-112). Also issued in print.
Rubagumya, Jean Chrysostome. "Application of international Human Rights instruments (IHRIs) by domestic courts : a comparative study of Rwanda and Ghana". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18622.
Testo completoThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Fragiskatos, Peter. "Rebels and representation : Kurdish human rights and the limits of advocacy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265525.
Testo completoThoreson, Ryan R. "The politics of brokerage and transnational advocacy for LGBT human rights". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7882b813-7e5a-45a6-9058-9ea6974adffa.
Testo completoBaldauf, Maria. "Promoting the rule of law through civil society and human rights advocacy". Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/449188379/viewonline.
Testo completoAnderson, Kirsten N. "Challenging state human rights practices from the outside Argentina's transnational advocacy network during dictatorship, transition, and democratic rule /". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0005400.
Testo completoWong, Wendy H. "Centralizing principles how Amnesty International shaped human rights politics through its transnational network /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307141.
Testo completoTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-272).
Wilson, Elizabeth Ford Markward Martha J. "Exploratory study of victim advocacy practices, strategies, resistance and relationships among crime victim service agencies". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/7027.
Testo completoLunze, Karsten. "Health and human rights: advocacy tools for structural HIV prevention among Russian drug users". Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12155.
Testo completoInjection drug use fuels the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the Russian Federation (Russia). Evidence suggests that repressive drug law enforcement is part of the HIV risk environment and associated with risk behaviors that promote HIV transmission among people who inject drugs (PWID). However, no quantitative studies on police involvement and associated risk behaviors or health outcomes exist from Russia. We conducted a mixed-methods study in St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Vladikavkaz to characterize the impact of current policing practices on HIV-risk behaviors and overdose among PWID; and to explore attitudes of stakeholders about Russian drug policy and opportunities to change. Descriptive and multivariate regression analyses of quantitative cross-sectional data from 582 HIV prevention trial participants showed that reported policing practices such as arbitrary arrests, planting of false evidence, and extrajudicial syringe confiscations, are common in Russia and are associated with adverse risk behaviors and health outcomes such as receptive needle sharing and drug overdose, respectively. These policing practices often constitute human rights violations. We failed to demonstrate any deterrent effect of abusive policing practices on drug use. A qualitative exploration among 23 key stakeholders revealed that police violence in various forms is ubiquitous in the lives of Russian PWID. Police abuse is rooted in stigma and a power imbalance between police and PWID, and reinforced by police corruption and the dehumanization of PWID. This study suggests that police practices are part of the HIV risk environment of Russian PWID. The translation of empiric evidence into policy change in the Russian country context might be facilitated by police trainings emphasizing public health and harm reduction principles as well as the development of joint public safety/public health task forces. Using research evidence from other countries to influence policy in Russia has had limited effects. Therefore, more evidence from Russian studies is needed to advance the alignment of public health and public safety efforts to effectively address drug userelated harm and HIV prevention in Russia.
Baltodano, Egner Charlotte. "The process of transforming human rights practices in Latin America : NGOs and their quest to develop international human rights norms". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78200.
Testo completoI decided to write about NGOs and changes to human rights norms because I have dedicated most of my life to trying to eliminate human rights violations in Latin America. To the detractors that insist that such attempts are futile, I would respond that every effort one can contribute to the human rights movement is one step towards the goal of transforming beliefs and principles into real changes to state practices.
Awoniyi, Henry Olufemi. "An assessment of the Nigerian Christian magazine's response to oppression in Nigeria as an advocacy journal 1967-1987". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362170.
Testo completoCardinale, Richard Nicholas. "Moral Linkage: The Impact of Transnational Networks on the Early Advocacy Campaigns of the U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee, 1978-1982". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/21017.
Testo completoGilbert, Paul Carson. "NGOs and Human Rights Promotion: Socialisation, Framing, and the Case of West Papua". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1694.
Testo completoAvani, Christina. "The power of "the human rights approach to HIV/AIDS" : gender, health and the transnational advocacy networks". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82652.
Testo completoSogunro, Ayodele. "Advocacy, social control, and the criminalisation of same-sex relationships : the evolution and enforcement of ‘anti-gay laws’ in Nigeria". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78375.
Testo completoThesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Centre for Human Rights
LLD
Unrestricted
Deyi, Busiswe. "When rights collide with reality : an argument for dialogic approach by the African court on Human and Peoples' Rights to the 'effective remedy' principle based on a distributive justice Ethos". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18623.
Testo completoThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Nibogora, Berry Didier. "The right to reparations in the context of transitional justice : lessons for Burundi from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18620.
Testo completoThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Redwood, Loren Kate. "Immigrant labor exploitation and resistance in the post-Katrina deep south success through legal advocacy /". Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2009. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2009/L_Redwood_113009.pdf.
Testo completoTitle from PDF title page (viewed on Dec. 11, 2009). "Department of American Studies." Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-157).
Chabane, Polo Evodia. "Enforcement powers of national human rights institutions : a case study of Ghana, South Africa and Uganda". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5295.
Testo completoThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Kofi Quashigah of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Holgersson, Karolina. "Is There Anybody Out There? : Illegal Abortion, Social Work, Advocacy and Interventions in the Philippines". Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-1819.
Testo completoMarkland, Alistair. "Knowledge and global advocacy : a sociological study of INGO practitioners and their epistemic limits". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/2bf2fc16-7349-49f2-ad80-962d2e74d826.
Testo completoDel, Toro Marilu. "The discursive impact of transnational advocacy networks : how amnesty international and human rights watch influenced the media coverage of the Rwanda genocide". FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2765.
Testo completoWiratraman, R. Herlambang Perdana Sriprapha Petcharamesree. "Good governance and legal reform in Indonesia /". Abstract, 2006. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2549/cd392/4837954.pdf.
Testo completoNattorp, Nora. "All bark and no bite? : European Union Human Rights and Democracy Advocacy & Development Aid: A case study of Myanmar and the Rohingya". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182508.
Testo completoAdi, Ana. "The Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, human rights and China : a framing analysis of advocacy groups , Olympic organizers, international media and online public discourse". Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569037.
Testo completoDeLuca-Acconi, Robin Ann. "The Power of Advocacy in Bridging the Ideological Divide| The Campaign for Human Rights and Corporate Responsibility in the Cocoa Industry 2001-2014". Thesis, State University of New York at Stony Brook, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10003928.
Testo completoA cornerstone of social work’s mission is to advocate for practices that create social justice. This study encourages social workers to broaden their advocacy efforts into the global arena and educate them about Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) that are fighting for equitable globalization policies. This longitudinal case study (2001-2014) explores the public debate surrounding human rights abuses in the cocoa industry. Qualitative framing analysis is employed to explore the stakeholders’ discourse surrounding both the causes of and solutions to the Worst Forms of Child Labor (WFCL). This study analyzes press releases from human rights activists, the cocoa industry, and the media in order to recount the debate’s history. Throughout the campaign, the TANs and cocoa companies conflicted over how to improve the Harkin-Engel Protocol and other policies designed to eradicate the WFCL. This study chronicles the TANs’ strategies and rhetoric used throughout the campaign against the WFCL. Findings include that intense early movement agitation, the practice of “naming and shaming,” mobilizing stockholder activists and strong resonant frames led to positive changes in the cocoa industry. This study recounts the cocoa industry’s reaction from denial of the problem to eventual acceptance of human rights as a corporate norm. Stakeholders ultimately transcended the conflict caused by contrasting ideological differences and created corporate social responsibility policies. It is essential for varied stakeholders to come together and bridge ideological divides in an effort to solve complex societal issues. This study encourages social workers to advocate for change in prevailing inequitable globalization policies. Social workers can play a vital role in envisioning a just world, and through partnering with advocacy networks, be architects of that world’s creation.
Santos, Juliana. "O Advocacy e o papel das Organizações de Direitos Humanos no Legislativo Brasileiro: As campanhas da Rede Justiça Criminal". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21529.
Testo completoA presente dissertação tem como objetivo compreender, a partir da análise do trabalho de uma rede de organizações não governamentais (ONG) brasileiras, como o advocacy em questões de direitos humanos é desenvolvido para a defesa de causas perante o Poder Legislativo, identificando os seus contributos e a sua eficácia. Para isso, adota o método de investigação indutivo com abordagem qualitativa e emprega as técnicas de entrevista em profundidade semiestruturada e pesquisa documental. O trabalho desenvolve-se no campo científico das relações públicas, utiliza como referencial a Teoria Crítica e a Teoria Retórica das Relações Públicas e está fundamentado no conceito do advocacy. Enquanto função das relações públicas, o advocacy consiste em um processo constituído de esforços sistemáticos que visam influenciar a tomada de decisões políticas que beneficiem os cidadãos sem voz na arena política. Neste trabalho observaram-se as estratégias e as táticas empregadas na operacionalização de duas campanhas de advocacy promovidas por uma rede ONG brasileiras e as suas contribuições para a defesa de direitos humanos no legislativo. A partir da análise das campanhas pode-se observar alguns resultados do trabalho de advocacy, como a maior conscientização dos decisores políticos, além da influência na definição da agenda política e na ação dos tomadores de decisão. Esses resultados favorecem o fortalecimento do ambiente democrático, uma vez que aumenta o poder e a influência da sociedade civil na tomada de decisões no âmbito do Poder Legislativo. Em última instância, o estudo permitiu observar que o advocacy fortalece a participação dos cidadãos no sistema político. Dessa forma, reforça-se a importância da continuidade de estudos nesta área, que possam acompanhar os resultados de médio e longo prazo obtidos em campanhas de advocacy executadas por organizações da sociedade civil no legislativo e nas demais esferas do poder público.
This study aims to understand, from the analysis of the work of a Brazilian network of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), how advocacy on human rights issues is developed to defend causes with the Legislative Branch, identifying their contributions and its effectiveness. For this, it adopts the method of inductive investigation with a qualitative approach and uses the techniques of semi-structured in-depth interviews and documentary research. The work is developed within the scientific field of public relations, uses as reference the Critical Theory and the Rhetorical Theory of Public Relations and is based on the concept of advocacy. As a function of public relations, the advocacy is a process made up of systematic efforts that aims to influence political decision-making that benefits citizens without a voice in the political arena. In this work, were observed, the strategies and tactics employed in the implementation of two advocacy campaigns promoted by a Brazilian NGOs network, and their contributions to the defense of human rights with the legislative branch. From the analysis of the campaigns, it is possible to observe some results of the advocacy work, such as the greater awareness of political decision-makers, in addition to the influence on the definition of the political agenda and on the action of the political decision-makers. These results encourage the strengthening of the democratic environment, since it increases the power and influence of civil society in the political decision-making within the scope of the Legislative Branch. Ultimately, the study showed that advocacy reinforces citizens participation in the political system. Therefore, this work reinforces the importance of continuing studies in this area, which monitor the medium and long-term results obtained in advocacy campaigns promoted by civil society organizations in the Legislative Branch and in other spheres of public power.
N/A
Silva, Maíra Martins Almeida da. "Advocacy, política externa e controle legislativo: uma análise da participação da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias no Comitê Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa de 2006 a 2015". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-20022018-134331/.
Testo completoFrom the perspective of foreign policy as a public policy, the article herein intends to verify the hypothesis that the Commission on Human Rights and Minorities of the Brazilian House of Representatives (CHRM-HR) has intensified its efforts in monitoring the performance of the Executive Branch of the Brazilian government with regards to the State\'s foreign policy when it became a member of the Brazilian Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy (BCHRFP), advocacy coalition that brings together civil society organizations and state entities to strengthen civic participation and democratic control over the Brazilian Foreign Policy on Human Rights. For this purpose, we quantitatively analyzed the activities performed by the Commission between 1995 and 2015 that presented an international interface. In this respect, we expected to note a relative increase of those aiming at monitoring and evaluating State\'s external actions from the creation of the Committee in 2006. The results obtained pointed that from 2005 on periodic events have taken place in the CHRM-HR with the specific purpose of controlling Brazilian foreign policy, with the participation of civil society and State authorities. We concluded that, although the quantitative analysis did not corroborate our initial hypothesis, we cannot rule out the importance of the Committee in the institution and continuity of the initiative above, which represented an innovation among the activities carried out by the CHRM-HR. In addition, the evolution of the Commission\'s activities in scope since the constitution of BCHRFP could suggest that the actions of the first have begun to reflect the power of foreign policy in advancing human rights and the very transnational character of these rights, in accordance with the theoretical hypothesis of policy-oriented learning among members of the same coalition proposed by The Advocacy Coalition Framework.
Calnan, Scott Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "In the trenches: a comparative analysis of the nature and effectiveness of the mobilisation of law by domestic human rights NGOs in the United States, Britain and Germany". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23951.
Testo completoCoetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.
Testo completoENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.
Hennebel, Ludovic. "Le régionalisme comme garant de l'universalisme des droits de l'homme: le cas du mécanisme de recours individuel de la Convention américaine des droits de l'homme". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211047.
Testo completoElmalky, Rania. ""489 Days"". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1538690/.
Testo completoElmalky, Rania. "489 Days". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1538690/.
Testo completoNorell, Rebecca. ""... men allra viktigast är det att vara metaforisk." : En analys av metaforer i rättstillämpningen". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-326112.
Testo completoBeaujeu, Mélodie. "La "cause des migrants" : un moment transnational ? (1990-2014) : l’enjeu migratoire, au cœur de la restructuration des champs sécuritaires et militants transnationaux dans le temps long". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0037.
Testo completoThis thesis focuses on the emergence of transnational advocacy coalitions on the “cause of migrants” between the end of the 1990s and the mid-2000s. It purports to account for an episode of intense transnational mobilization around the cause of migrants and the question of migrations, between the end of the 1990s and 2014, that is, before what became known as the “refugee crisis” or “migrant crisis”. In particular, it aims at explaining a paradox: the apparent contradiction between, on the hand hand, the level and scope taken by these mobilizations over the course of a few years, and on the other the decline, albeit relative but very quick, of these mobilizations. To account for this ephemeral mobilization, this research combines three sets of approaches, which together draw a lens little used in the scholarship: a historical approach, a reflexion anchored in my own experience as a “professional/advocate”, and the theoretical perspective opened by Christian Topalov and his theoretical tool of the “weak field”. This approach leads to questioning the “novelty” of these transnational advocacy coalitions, by seeing them, rather, as a temporary restructuration of a much older field of mobilization that underwent a new mutation from the end of the 1990s; a change which this thesis seeks to empirically trace. To this end, it adopts a “funnel” research strategy. Starting with a historical and “macro” focus, retracing the contexts and conditions for the emergence of diverse coalitions of actors - religious, administrative elites, NGOs - from the 19th century, in the first part, the thesis then channels attention towards the constitution of transnational alliances within a French-European-African political and militant space. Empirically, focusing on the role of the cause of migration within individual and organisational trajectories is an entry-point to account for the constantly evolving and transient character of these coalitions
Milongo, Moukongo Paterne Gervilen. "Comparaison du rôle de la société civile dans le processus de démocratisation en Namibie et au Congo Brazzaville au cours de la période 1989-1994»". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30005.
Testo completoOne can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy
CHEN, YI-CHIEH, e 陳怡潔. "Human Rights Advocacy For New Immigrants: The Experience Of AHRLIM". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21758718564796047319.
Testo completo國立臺北大學
社會工作學系
94
The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring the track of human rights advocacy for new immigrants in Taiwan and focusing on the advocacy experience of the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants ( AHRLIM ) . The results of the study are concluded as following: 1. The track of human rights advocacy for new immigrants in Taiwan from 1994 to August 2005 can be divided into the three following phases: the initial stage of human rights issues for new immigrants; the divergent development stage of human rights advocacy for new immigrants; and the initial combination of human rights advocacy for new immigrants. 2. The operation of the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants can be divided into two following parts: in the internal discussion, members rely on meetings ,internet ,and telephone contact ; in the external relationship, AHRLIM is opening to the external advocates and government decision makers. At last, the suggestions of the study are given to the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants, other advocates, social work profession, and government policy.
Lee, Peng-hsuan, e 李芃萱. "The Judical Persecution International Human Rights Advocacy on Tibetan Political Prisoners". Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/t2pc3y.
Testo completo國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
105
Tibet has been occupied by China for 58 years since 1959. The civil and political rights of Tibetans are deprived as same as the rights of other ethnic groups living under the authoritarian regime. However, due to their significantly different culture, history and other backgrounds from Han Chinese, the Chinese authority has implemented overall assimilative policies in the name of modernization, which severely threatened their rights to culture, language and religion. Advocating on the basic rights of Tibetans in Tibet usually results in cruel crackdowns. To make it worse, Chinese authority would easily consider it as a threat on national security, which makes Tibetans face persecution worse than the Han Chinese counterparts. Under such backgrounds, the research portrays the process of Tibetan political prisoners being systematically persecuted by Chinese authority with the information from human rights organizations, Tibet groups and media. It depicts the comprehensive image of how Chinese authority use the criminal procedure such as investigation, trial and punishment to oppress the rights of Tibetans; it also examines each stage of the process on how it violates the domestic laws of China and the international human rights standards. Furthermore, the research reviews Chinese authority’s response to international human rights mechanisms and campaigns, and the universal human right values, and elaborates the Chinese’s re-interpretation on the definition and content of human rights. The research also observes the effect of international human rights campaigns through the testimony and story of Tibetan political prisoners, and attempts to raise a few suggestions on the human rights campaigns for Tibet.
"Promoting the rule of law through civil society and human rights advocacy". GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY, 2009. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1462390.
Testo completoLaurienti, Jerry M. "On the front line of hearts and minds the evolution and impact of US military human rights promotion in Latin America /". 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/133182811.html.
Testo completoKatherion e 廖千謙. "international political advocacy networks- take the human rights non-governmental organizations as an example". Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85103137603847294356.
Testo completo東海大學
政治學系
95
Receives global vicissitude the impact, the country no longer is only in the international political only behavior body.The massive non- national behavior body joins the international affairs in the scope, enable the global government the concept to obtain the seed, day by day also arouses international society's interest. These join international political the non- national behavior body by way of the news transmission and the transnational relation, forms the so-called transnational advocacy networks, has the trifle influence to the country.However, under such international circumstance, actually the non- national behavior body in on international displays what to affect? The influence degree also has broadly? Therefore, this research attempts the international advocacy networks which composes from the non-governmental organizations to operate understood actually in international political the non- official organization does pour into what kind of strength for the international affairs. The research only concentrates the focal point in the human rights non-governmental organizations , and to this discusses the non-governmental organizations the function which occurs in the international political operation.
Atol, Dorottya. "NGOs as norm-constructors : the human rights activism of Asian NGOs and their role in shaping the regional human rights discourse". Thesis, 2010. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/506677.
Testo completoRamirez, Allison Marie. "Human rights strategies in the context of changing political opportunity structures : the case of two transnational networks in El Salvador". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5569.
Testo completotext
"Multiple Discourses: The Mobilization of Trauma Narratives within Burma's Transnational Advocacy Network". Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.8959.
Testo completoDissertation/Thesis
M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011
Busia, Nana K. A. "The state, non-state actors and violation of economic, social and cultural rights : making the case for paradigm shift in human rights advocacy and protection in Africa". Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3602.
Testo completoPrivate Law
LL.M.
Oliveira, Natalia Carrusca Alvim de. "A sociedade civil e o comércio externo da União Europeia: Promovendo o diálogo político, os direitos humanos e o ativismo em rede". Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/89909.
Testo completoO presente trabalho busca compreender como organizações da sociedade civil (OSCs) atuam na política comercial da União Europeia (UE), partindo de reflexões das literaturas construtivista, gramsciana e transnacionalista sobre a atuação política da sociedade civil (SC) e sobre a importância de elementos como valores, normas e “visões de mundo” na política internacional. Discutem-se a participação da SC na política comercial da UE e seu nexo com os direitos humanos (DH). Com base no quadro de análise de Keck e Sikkink sobre o ativismo transnacional, analisa-se o caso da “GSP Reform Platform” como exemplo do ativismo da SC no comércio externo da UE. Esta rede transnacional resulta da articulação entre um conjunto diverso de OSCs. Ela reivindica, por meio de práticas coordenadas de “advocacy”, mecanismos mais efetivos de direitos humanos no Sistema de Preferências Generalizadas (SPG) da UE, além de espaços institucionais mais amplos e substanciais de diálogo entre a Comissão Europeia (CE) e OSCs sobre a estrutura e o monitoramento deste instrumento comercial. As discussões são enriquecidas pela combinação entre referências teóricas variadas, informações extraídas de documentos de OSCs e de instituições europeias e de dados obtidos por meio de entrevistas não-estruturadas com representantes de OSCs e um oficial da UE. A análise sugere, corroborando o argumento inicial, que a atuação de OSCs na política comercial da UE, marcada pela articulação para além de fronteiras nacionais, é orientada essencialmente por reivindicações de diálogo político e da proteção e promoção dos DH. Uma das principais observações extraídas das reflexões do trabalho diz respeito à relevância estratégica da comunicação para o ativismo da SC, assim como da “articulação em rede” para que práticas de advocacy se tornem mais estruturadas, coerentes e robustas.
This dissertation aims to understand the way in which civil society organisations engage with the European Union’s trade policy, building on reflections of the Constructivist, Gramscian and Transnationalist literatures on the subject of civil society’s political action and on the importance of elements such as values, norms and “world views” in the realm of international politics. Civil society's involvement in the European Union’s trade policy, as well as the latter’s nexus with the principles of human rights, are discussed. Furthermore, based on Keck and Sikkink's framework of analysis on transnational activism, the case of the “GSP Reform Platform” is analysed as an example of civil society activism in the European Union’s external trade. This transnational network results from the articulation between a diverse group of civil society organizations. It claims, through coordinated practices of “advocacy”, stronger human rights mechanisms in the European Union’s Generalized System of Preferences, and wider and more substantial spaces of dialogue between the European Commission and civil society organisations on the structure and the monitoring of this trade instrument. The discussions are enriched through the combination between the diverse theoretical references, information extracted from documents from civil society organisations and the European institutions, and additional data obtained through unstructured interviews with two representatives of civil society organisations and one official of the European Union. The analysis suggests, supporting the initial argument, that the role of civil society organisations in the European Union’s trade, marked by articulations across and beyond national borders, is essentially driven by demands for political dialogue and for the protection and promotion of human rights. One of the key observations drawn from the work's reflections concerns the strategic relevance of communication to civil society activism, as well as of “network articulations” in making advocacy practices more structured, coherent and robust.
Kalmbach, Amy Booth. "Mind the gaps : studying the absence of indigenous policies in major INGOs". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22692.
Testo completotext
Tapfuma, Maria. "A critical analysis of President Thabo Mbeki's approach to resolving the 2008 disputed election results in Zimbabwe". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23299.
Testo completoPolitical Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)
Le, Roux Cheryl Sheila. "The evolution and educational implications of the children's rights movement : a study in time perspective". Diss., 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17182.
Testo completoM. Ed. (History of Education)