Tesi sul tema "History of struggles"
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1
al-Qasimi, Sultan bin Muhammad. "Power struggles and trade in the Gulf 1620-1820". Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9521/.
Abstract (sommario):
Between the death of Nadir Shah, in 1747, and the establishment of the Qajar dynasty in 1795 there were 48 years of Zand rule in Persia, during which time Gulf trade declined and European factories closed down in several ports. Historians have offered varied and insubstantial reasons for this decline. In this thesis an attempt has been made, through the detailed use of primary sources, to offer a more logical and more reasoned interpretation of these developments in place of the older, ill-founded arguments. In our view, the prime cause of the decline in trade and the withdrawal of the trading settlement from Bandar Abbas was the 'commotions', or power struggles in the region. On one hand was the struggle for overall control of Persia whose consequence was the ruin of trade. On the other, the commotion in the area of Bandar Abbas, brought about by MuUa Ali Shah, the Banu Ma in Shaikh, Shaikh Rashid and the Charak Arabs, which was the main cause of the withdrawal from that port. The cessation of trading at Bandar Riq and Khark island was caused by disturbances fomented by Mir Muhanna. According to the English, the main cause of the withdrawal of their settlement from Bandar Rlq was the conflict between Mir Muhanna and Karim Khan about Bandar Riq. But it was Mir Muhanna's suspicion that the English were his enemies and that they were the allies of Karim Khan which caused their expulsion. The Dutch, for their part, were expelled from Khark island after they had joined forces with Bushire in attacking Mir Muhanna on the orders of Karim Khan. In Bushire the case was different. Although the English acted neutrally in the conflicts they could not evade the dangers. They had suffered losses at Mir Muhanna's hands but Karim Khan believed that the English were refusing to help him against the Mir. The anger of Karim Khan, his determination not to receive the English in audience, and the fear that his brother, Zald Khan, would detain the English Agent in Bushire all motivated the withdrawal of the English settlement from there. At last, when the Qajar dynasty took control of all the Persian provinces at the beginning of the 19th century, the value of English trade with Persia increased enormously.
2
Taki, Panayiota Yiouli. "Recycling history : ethno-communal struggles for recognition and legitimation in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249597.
3
Mohamed, Hamdi. "Multiple challenges, multiple struggles: A history of Somali women's activism in Canada". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29062.
Abstract (sommario):
Somali refugees arriving in Canada in the early 1990s experienced various levels of exclusion as blacks, as Muslims, and as refugees, including immigration and settlement policies that continued to structure race and gender inequality in Canada. In addition to the disadvantage of new legislation that limited their settlement as recognised Convention refugees (and legitimate residents) and placed them in a marginal position in the Canadian society, Somali women were racially targeted as members of a culture perceived as "incompatible with the Canadian".
However, Somali women did not passively accept their "fate" in Canada. At the individual level, women have engaged in creative adaptive strategies to deal with the social and economic exclusion they faced daily. Collectively, they employed various methods of activism to help the Somali refugees make sense of their fragmented lives in a new cultural, linguistic, and structural environment and to deal with the physical, social and economic displacements the community suffered from its collective refugee experiences. These women have engaged in multiple struggles to work for the " danta guud" (common good).
Drawing mainly upon oral interviews with Somali women, this dissertation traces women's agency and subjectivity since early 20th century Somalia and argues that women's personal and professional history have shaped their engagement in activities beyond their personal and daily survival. Unlike those with no formal education, educated women came with transferable skills that have helped them cope with some of the difficult experiences of dislocation and uprootedness. Hence, the formal educational and professional skills combined with the spirit of agency, resourcefulness and survival inculcated by the Somali culture enabled the participants to take leadership roles in community affairs. Unfortunately, however, because women activists have themselves been dealing with being socially and economically excluded, their efforts were often limited to "making the margins liveable".
4
Johnson, Rachel E. "Making history, gendering youth : young women and South Africa's liberation struggles after 1976". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12808/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study of youth, nationalism, silence, gender and history-making. It explores the study of a distinct `youth politics' after 1976 within histories of South Africa's liberation struggles. In particular it examines a narrative that has suggested youth politics became a masculine pursuit from the mid-1980s onwards. Within the historiographic narratives of youth politics young women often appear as a silent absence. However, it is argued that a project that aimed solely to fill in this historiographic gap would misunderstand the nature of young women's absence from struggle history. This thesis argues instead for a more complex understanding of liberation politics and the production of history as arenas for reifying, contesting and creating gender ideologies. The shifting subjectivities of young women are examined through an exploration of the politics of voice and silence in five connected contexts: the historiography of the struggle; commemorations of June 16th 1976; the public discussions of self-identified youth activists; the legal entanglements between the State and activists (trials, detention and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission); and black women's autobiographical projects. It is argued that the absence of young women from struggle histories is not just a banal twist in the historical record but rather an active, contested and ongoing process.
5
Buss, Frances Ann Leeper. "An oral history of a Chicana farm worker: Her struggles and social visions". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187391.
Abstract (sommario):
The story of Maria Elena Lucas, a Latina migrant worker from the Texas-Mexico border and an organizer for migrant labor unions, includes both an extensive oral history by Lucas and segments of her diaries, songs, poems, skits, drawings, and other writings. The resulting work intertwines Lucas' memory of events--she was born in 1941, began work at the age of five, was the oldest of seventeen farm working children, and had only three years of formal schooling--and her interpretation of those experiences. The result, Forged Under the Sun/Forjada bajo el sol: The Life of Maria Elena Lucas (edited by Fran Leeper Buss, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), presents the vivid symbolic life of a non-elite intellectual who is struggling for political change, especially for poor Latinas (or Chicanas/Mexicanas). This dissertation, by Lucas' editor, Fran Leeper Buss, is supplemented by the text of the book located in the appendix. Together, they place Lucas' life and meaning systems within an historiographic context and present the primary conclusions of the research. Such findings include discussions of the struggles of border life; the history of Mexican Americans in Texas; an analysis of the class issues fundamental to Lucas' experience, especially the role of women's subsistence labor in capital expansion; an analysis of the interacting relationships of race, gender/sexuality, and a history of migrant union organizing and the difficulties faced by female labor organizers, especially in the United Farm Workers and the Farm Labor Organizing Committee. It also discusses contemporary conditions for farm workers, especially women; issues of male violence as a form of communication among men; the literary and religious traditions that influenced Lucas' oppositional writings; and forms of resistance undertaken by Lucas and the undocumented women in her life. These are discussed in relationship to such theorists as Audre Lorde, Gloria Anzaldua, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, developing a beginning theory of resistance for women such as Lucas. It also reviews oral history techniques, especially between Lucas and the editor/compiler; the role of memory; and oppositional visions of history and theology.
6
Smith, Maureen Margaret. "Identity and citizenship : African American atheletes, sport, and the freedom struggles of the 1960s /". The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488193272067809.
7
Meehan, Seth Marshall. "Denominating A People: Congregational Laity, Church Disestablishment, and the Struggles of Denominationalism in Massachusetts, 1780-1865". Thesis, Boston College, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104179.
Abstract (sommario):
Thesis advisor: James M. O'TooleThis dissertation examines the religious environment in nineteenth-century Massachusetts created by church disestablishment and a theological schism. Congregationalists, bound to God and to one another with a sacred covenant, were the traditional beneficiaries of the state's constitutional requirement that towns raise tax revenue for "the support and maintenance of public Protestant teachers of piety, religion, and morality." The nation's last church establishment system was not removed until a statewide referendum in 1833, but, in practice, it had eroded earlier as Congregational churches encountered internal and external religious dissent. The mechanics of the establishment system had often been used by residents, including those liberal church members who eventually adopted the name Unitarians, to obstruct orthodox Congregationalists from operating more than 100 local churches in Massachusetts. These changes compelled Congregationalists to voluntarily support their churches prior to formal disestablishment, effectively ending the establishment system town-by-town and removing those churches from the center of town life. The lived religious experiences dramatically changed. Laymen took advantage of Congregationalism's inherently decentralized structure and gained control of their local churches. They sought to maintain the purity of their individual covenants by expelling absent members and those espousing theological heresies. In the process, local ministers were marginalized and dismissed with increasing frequency. Tensions arose between many in the clergy elite, who advocated for denominational consistency, and the laymen, who defended the autonomy of their local church. The story of antebellum Congregationalism in Massachusetts, rather than being part of an emerging national denominationalism, was actually one of an inward turn, a type of atomization of the religious denomination. The uncoordinated actions on the local level helped prompt the first national gathering of Congregationalists in more than two centuries, but suggestions for the adoption of explicitly "Congregational" elements by local churches were rejected by the laity. Congregationalism emerged from the Civil War with these antebellum changes made permanent and entrenched as a parochial, laity-driven denomination
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
8
Johnstone, Charles. "The tenants' movement and housing struggles in Glasgow, 1945-1990". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1992. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3487/.
Abstract (sommario):
This study is concerned with the development of the tenants' movement and housing struggles in post-War Glasgow. It seeks to locate the changes relating to housing struggles in the context of wider social and economic changes within the `locality'. Glasgow's public sector tenants' movement has been in existence for over 60 years and there is a wealth of undocumented housing struggles that have played an important part in the history of working class life in the city. The analysis taken in this dissertation seeks to conceptualise these housing struggles in a framework based around the concept of social reproduction. It is with a class analysis of relations of reproduction, as opposed to consumption cleavages, that we can understand housing struggles at a local level.
9
Yan, Fei. "Re-constructing the nation : struggles in portraying minority ethnic groups in Chinese mainstream history textbooks". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10057040/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the changes to the portrayal of minority ethnic groups in Chinese history textbooks since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. It finds that ideological shifts in Beijing have led to minority ethnic groups being portrayed in changing and even contradictory ways in school textbooks. In the history textbooks of the 1950s, the Chinese nation was largely defined as a Han nation-state, and other ethnic groups were generally represented as non-Chinese who had historically been ‘threats’ or ‘enemies’ of the Han/Chinese. It was not until the reform era from the late 1970s that a more inclusive and multi-ethnic conception of the Chinese nationhood was adopted, with ‘minority’ ethnic groups incorporated into the Chinese historical narrative and portrayed more positively. However, as the Communist Party took an increasingly nationalist turn from the 1990s, simultaneously downplaying messages of socialist internationalism, Han ethno-centrism became more apparent once again in textbook narratives, with minority ethnic groups correspondingly marginalised. This thesis also finds that, although non-Han groups were portrayed very differently in history textbooks to match shifting political ideologies, what remained unchanged throughout PRC history was the representation of the backwardness of the non-Han in relation to the Han who were always portrayed as advanced. Based on this examination, this thesis argues that while history education has always been used by the Communist Party to inculcate a highly state-centred vision of national identity, underlying conceptions of the Chinese nationhood have been rather fluid, and there has been no consistent progress towards a more inclusive notion of ‘Chineseness’. Instead, different visions have co-existed and competed, reflecting tensions inherent in the project of constructing modern national consciousness: China has struggled (and is still struggling) to stretch the short, tight skin of the nation over the gigantic body of its empire.
10
ten, Brink Daniël. "From Colonialism to Fairtrade : Power Struggles Between Indonesia and the Netherlands Through the Perspective of Coffee". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324403.
Abstract (sommario):
Since coffee was first introduced to Indonesia by Dutch merchants in the late seventeenth century, power relationships have shifted as a result of coffee trade between Indonesia and the Netherlands. In this thesis I analyse changes and recurrent themes in the struggles around coffee, structured around three main narratives spanning over 300 years: colonialism, Indonesian independence, and Fairtrade. The time-frames are chosen on the basis of significant development in the socio-economic and socio-political environment in the Indonesian coffee industry. The first narrative depicts the link between the Max Havelaar novel and the Max Havelaar Foundation, which sets the scene for bridging past and present in the triangular drama between coffee, colonialism and the Dutch-Indonesian relationship. In the second narrative, I will look at the history of relationships between Indonesia and the Netherlands, from the perspective of coffee. The inclusion of the lens of a feature or commodity, like coffee, provides a new approach to the Dutch-Indonesian history. The third narrative entails a discussion on the coffee supply chain, its environmental impact, and the price volatility that characterises the global coffee market. Additionally, the rise of sustainability certifications in the coffee sector are discussed, in relation to its impact on the Indonesian coffee industry. Finally, the three narratives come together in a final discussion, in which I reflect on the history of power struggles that arose from coffee trade between Indonesia and the Netherlands. The chapter links past and present by revealing similarities in the contest for power during colonial times and modern times in the Indonesian coffee industry.
11
Henson, Elizabeth. "Madera 1965: Obsessive Simplicity, the Agrarian Dream, and Che". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/560861.
Abstract (sommario):
On September 23, 1965, a small group of campesinos, teachers, and students attacked the army base in Madera, Chihuahua. In Mexico, this attack is widely considered to be the first of the socialist armed movements of the late 1960s and‘70s, inspiring the 23rd of September League and others. Nearly all the existing literature focuses on the group’s turn to armed struggle - but is this what we should remember them for? The attack was preceded by five years of public mobilizations in support of the agrarian struggle and broader demands, involving vast numbers throughout the state, in a movement that transcended political parties and engaged in direct action. It was this broad social movement that nourished and gave birth to the armed movement; it was as innovative as Arturo Gámiz’s application of Che’s Guerra de Guerrillas to the sierra. I further argue that the armed struggle itself, which developed in the remote backlands, derived as much from a long tradition of armed self-defense endemic to the region as it did to the Cuban example. I also look at the participation of women, both voluntary and involuntary, in these events and the uses to which the assault on the base has been put in recent times.
12
Thomas, Blair. "The Aristocratic Émigrés Of The French Revolution: Their Struggles, Travels and Search for National Identity". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/964.
Abstract (sommario):
An analysis of the noble émigés of the French Revolution from 1789-1814. This paper looks at their life in the ancien régime, their life abroad in Coblenz and London, and their return to France. It focuses on their struggle and accomplishments abroad and their search for a collective identity during a time of uncertainty.
13
Parker, Louise Jane. "Shadows, struggles and poetic guilt : Glyn Jones, his literary doubles and the Welsh-language tradition". Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42983.
Abstract (sommario):
An 'Anglo Welsh' writer who emerged in the 1930s to considerable acclaim in Wales and London, Glyn Jones was a contemporary and friend of Dylan Thomas. An innovative Welsh Modernist, he found the genres of poetry and the short story best suited to the exhibition of his concise, imagist and often grotesque experimentalism. Unlike Thomas, he wrote two novels, was a 'gentle' satirist of Welsh culture, and was deeply embroiled in the 'post-colonial' cultural conflicts of his nation. Jones struggled to find expression between two languages and worked insistently (often antagonistically) in the Welsh literary scene throughout its most controversial century, when it fought to save the Welsh language and resolve its conflicting cultural factions into a consolidated national identity. Jones was, to adopt the rubric of Bhabha, stranded in the cultural margins at the intersection of the English and Welsh languages, and this thesis situates itself accordingly. The first of six chapters examines the ways in which the Welshlanguage culture of Wales engaged Glyn Jones, and explores how a liminal voice can establish its cultural validity via rewriting autobiography into a 'mythical' history. The second chapter adopts Harold Bloom, the concept of intertext and psychological notions of the 'other', to address Jones's conflicted relationship with Dylan Thomas. The third attempts to analyse his twentieth-century dialogue with Dafydd ap Gwilym as he seeks affirmation from his fourteenth-century double. The fourth continues this 'othering' of Welsh ancients and considers how Wales is refracted in some of his work through the literary excavation of Llywarch Hen, tenth-century defender of his princedom, but willing forfeiter of his sons. The fifth chapter considers how Jones inherited but re-invented the role of the cyfarwydd (storyteller), and the sixth explores how Hen Benillion (Welsh folk poetry) fostered his peculiarly Welsh Modernism.
14
de, Sousa E. Santos Dina Sebastiana. "Jineterismo in Havana : narrating the daily struggles of Afro-Cuban Jineteras". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2009. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/360560/.
Abstract (sommario):
Jineterismo, frequently used as a synonym of prostitution, became a widely used term in Cuba in the 1990s. Perceived by some as a social problem that needed to be eliminated, and as a liberating economic strategy by others, the term is discussed in major studies on contemporary Cuba and often mentioned by travel writers outside of Cuba. Some scholars define jineterismo as the new female strategy adopted by young women to obtain hard currency, on the other hand, an influential Cuban politician, criticised jineteras, stating that they were immoral and embarrassing to Cuba. This study seeks to understand the meanings and practices of jineterismo from a bottom up perspective. Using ethnography to locate answers about jineterismo, I explore the meanings of the concept based on the views of those that Cuban society labels as jineteras. The central argument put forward in this study is that jineterismo has to be analysed as a diverse set of practices caused by a diverse set of factors, and that it involves a heterogeneous group of individuals. Jineterismo, I argue, ranges from the struggle to obtain hard currency to the practices involved in developing and maintaining romantic relationships with tourists, and is strongly informed by the desire to emigrate abroad. While jineterismo currently appears to be embedded in discourses of prostitution, this thesis highlights the romantic side of jineterismo and brings to the fore young Cuban women’s perceptions of Cuban men and life in Cuba, views that contrast significantly with their positive images of Europeans and the Western world. More importantly, the thesis improves our knowledge of jineterismo by offering a new perspective into the reasons that lead young Cuban women to seek relationships outside Cuba.
15
Vincent, Stephanie M. ""An Ancient Industry in a Modern Age": The Growth and Struggles of the American Pottery Industry, 1870-2015". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1459462213.
16
Sherwood, Daniel A. "Civic Struggles| Jews, Blacks, and the Question of Inclusion at The City College of New York, 1930-1975". Thesis, The New School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3707753.
Abstract (sommario):
This dissertation seeks to explain why large segments of the Jewish community, after working with blacks for decades, often quite radically towards expanding the boundaries of citizenship at City College, rejected the legitimacy of the 1970 Open Admissions policy? While succeeding in radically transforming the structure of City College and CUNY more broadly, the Black and Puerto Rican Student Community's late 1960’s political mobilization failed as an act of citizenship because its claims went broadly unrecognized. Rather than being remembered as political action that expanded the structure and content of citizenship, the Open Admissions crisis and policy are remembered as having destroyed a once great college. The black and Puerto Rican students who claimed an equal right to higher education were seen as unworthy of the forms of inclusion they demanded, and the radical democracy of Open Admissions was short lived, being decisively reformed in the mid 70’s in spite of what subsequent research has shown to be remarkable success in educating thousands who previously had no hope of pursuing a college degree. This dissertation places this question in historical context in three ways.
First, it historicizes the political culture at City College showing it to be an important incubator and index of the changing political imaginaries of the long civil rights movement by analyzing the shifting and evolving publics on the college’s campus, tracing the rise and fall of different political imaginaries. Significantly, the shifting political imaginaries across time at City College sustained different kinds of ethical claims. For instance, in the period from the 1930 to 1950, Jewish and black City College students tended to recognize each other as suffering from parallel forms of systemic racism within U.S. society. Understanding each other to be similarly excluded from a social system that benefitted a largely white-Anglo-Saxon-Protestant elite, enabled Jewish and black City College students to position themselves and each other as the normative subjects of American democracy. However, in the 1960’s, political imaginaries at City College had come to be anchored in more individualistic idioms, and ethical claims tended to be made within individualistic terms. Within such a context, when the BPRSC revived radically democratic idioms of political claims making, they tended to be understood by many whites as pathologically illiberal.
Second, it historicizes the ways in which City College constructed “the meritorious student” by analyzing the social, political and institutional forces that drove the college to continuously reformulate its admissions practices across its entire history. It shows that while many actors during the Open Admissions crisis invested City College’s definitions of merit with sacred academic legitimacy, they were in fact rarely crafted for academic reasons or according to a purely academic logic. Regardless, many ignored the fact the admissions standards were arbitrarily based, instead believing such standards were the legitimate marker of academic ability and worthiness. By examining the institutional construction of the “meritorious” student the dissertation shows the production of educational citizenship from above while also revealing how different actors and their standpoints were simultaneously constructed by how they were positioned by this institutional process.
Finally, the dissertation examines two significant historical events of student protest, the Knickerbocker-Davis Affair of the late 1940's and the Open Admissions Crisis of the late 1960's. In these events, City College students challenged the content of “educational citizenship.” These events were embedded in the shifting political culture at City College and were affected by the historically changing ways different groups, especially Jews and blacks, were positioned by the structure of educational citizenship.
While Jews had passed into whiteness by the late 1960’s in the U.S, there was no objective reason for many to claim the privileges of whiteness by rejecting a universal policy such as Open Admissions. Yet, many Jews interpreted Open Admissions as against their personal and group interests, and rejected the ethical claim to equality made by the BPRSC. By placing the Open Admissions crisis in deep historical and institutional context, and comparing the 1969 student mobilization to earlier student actions, the dissertation shows how actors sorted different political, institutional and symbolic currents to interpret their interests and construct their identities and lines of action.
17
Vollgraaff, Carel Stephanus. "Sassanian succession struggles : an analysis of the legitimisation practices of early seventh eentury Sassanian rulers in comparison with their predecessors". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96669.
Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From 628 CE to 632 CE, in the late Sassanian period, there were possibly eleven royal successors to the Sassanian throne. This indicates instability and that the Sassanian dynasty was politically weakened. A succession crisis had developed. This study presents an attempt to understand one aspect of the political milieu of the succession crisis period, namely the legitimisation practices of the late Sassanian rulers. Therefore, the tools that were used for legitimisation by the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period, and how they were used, are investigated. To better understand how the legitimisation tools available to Sassanian monarchs developed the political techniques used by the succession crisis monarchs will be compared with the early Sassanian monarchs of 224 CE to 302 CE (Ardashir 1, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). The comparison contributes to an improved understanding of the 7th century Sassanian succession struggles by tracking the changes in the techniques and practices Sassanian rulers utilised in the Empire to legitimise their rule. Such changes are rooted in the wider politico-historical contexts within which the Sassanian monarchs excercised their authority. The study will open with an investigation of the major political events of the 7th century CE that had an effect on the succession struggles and political events in the Sassanian Empire. One of the primary sources that are used is The History of Prophets and Kings by the 10th century CE Arabic historian Jarir al-Tabari. Physical evidence of the Sassanian monarchs like coinage, rock reliefs and silver bowls will also be used as primary sources and analysed to better understand the propaganda used by the Sassanian monarchs. The material propaganda techniques used by Sassanian monarchs from the early period and late period changed. The reasons behind the changes are highlighted and these reasons are furthermore explained. The study concludes that the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period had a shrinking pool of legitimisation resources and that they had to legitimise their rule in a short period of time in view of internal opposition. As a result, the Sassanian monarchs from the period focused on legitimisation techniques that were not a drain on resources and could quickly influence the perception of people. The political legitimisation of the last Sassanian monarchs ultimately failed though as the Sassanian dynasty only continued to reign for another 23 years after 628 CE. The failure of the legitimisation of the Sassanian dynasty could be largely attributed to the internal opposition and the damaging war against the Byzantine Empire.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die tydperk tussen 628 tot 632 n.C was daar na bewering elf troonopvolgers in die Sassaniede Ryk. Dit illustreer die politieke onstabiliteit in die Sassaniede Ryk op daardie tydstip, n troonopvolgingskrisis het ontwikkel. In die studie word n poging van stapel gestuur om een aspek van die politieke milieu van die tydperk te verstaan, die legitimasiepraktyke van die laat Sassaniede heersers. Die hulpbronne tot die beskikking van die Sassaniede konings wat ingespan is om hulle regerings populariteit te gee word daarom ondersoek. Om die ontwikkeling van die legitimeringspraktyke beter te verstaan word die praktyke van die troonopvolgingskrisis konings vergelyk met die tegnieke van die vroeë Sassaniede konings van die tydperk 224 n.C. tot 302 n.C. (Ardashir I, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). Die vergelyking dien as n beginpunt om die Sassanied troonopvolgingskrisis beter te verstaan en om die veranderings van die legitimeringspraktyke te identifiseer. Sulke veranderings is gegrond in die wyer politieshistoriese konteks waarin die Sassanied konings hul mag uitgeoefen het. Die studie ondersoek eerstens die belangrike politieke gebeure van die 7de eeu n.C. wat n effek op die troonopvolgingskrisis en politieke aspekte van die Sassaniede Ryk gehad het. Een van die primêre bronne waarvan die studie gebruik maak, is The History of Prophets and Kings van die 10de eeuse n.C. Arabiese geskiedkundige Jarir al-Tabari. Ander primêre bronne wat gebruik word, sluit in muntstukke, rotsreliëfs en silwer bakke wat analiseer word om beter te verstaan hoe die produkte gebruik is as propaganda. Die legitimeringspraktyke en propaganda het n verandering ondergaan van die vroeë typerk tot die laat tydperk. Die redes vir die verandering word identifiseer en ‘n verduideliking vir die redes word aangebied. Die studie maak die gevolgtrekking dat die Sassaniede konings van die troonopvolgingskrisis tydperk minder hulpbronne tot hul beskikking gehad het en dat hulle hul blitsig moes regverdig vanweë interne teenkanting. As gevolg van hierdie faktore het die Sassaniede konings propaganda verkies wat nie te veel van hul hulpbronne gebruik het nie en ook mense baie vininig beïnvloed het. Die politieke programme van die laat Sassaniede het uiteindelik misluk. Die Sassanidiese dinastie het net vir nog 23 jaar na 628 n.C. geheers. Die uiteindelike mislukking van die politieke regverdigings programme van die laat Sassaniede kan grootliks verbind word aan die sterk interne teenstand en die effek wat die oorlog teen die Bisantynse Ryk gehad het.
18
Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.
19
Jiménez-Martínez, César. "Nationhood, visibility and the media : the struggles for and over the image of Brazil during the June 2013 demonstrations". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3550/.
Abstract (sommario):
In June 2013, the largest series of protests that Brazil had experienced in more than twenty years erupted in cities across the country. News from Brazil and abroad reported that people protested against the money that local authorities spent on hosting the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games, rather than on the provision of basic public services. The demonstrations, which journalists and academics called the June Journeys, challenged the Brazilian authorities’ efforts to construct and project an image of Brazil as a harmonious and modern nation. This thesis focusses on the reasons and conditions underpinning the media coverage of the June Journeys in relation to the image of Brazil. The study explores the tensions for and over the symbolic construction, projection and contestation of the nation in the current interrelated, transnational and contentintensive media environment. Theoretically, the thesis draws on scholarship on nationalism, media and nationhood, media and social movements, and mediated visibility. Empirically, the study analyses two datasets: (1) 797 newspaper articles, television reports, online videos and photos produced by Brazil’s main newspapers and television newscasts, alternative media collectives, and a selection of foreign media from the United States and Western Europe; (2) sixty-three interviews with Brazilian journalists, foreign correspondents, activists and government officials, who participated in the media coverage of the protests. The analysis of these two datasets suggests that the current media environment is a space of constraint rather than pluralism, in which traditional power imbalances are reproduced. The authorities, activists and journalists constructed competing images of Brazil and then employed strikingly similar strategies to make these images visible. The research also underlines how norms, routines, market imperatives and technologies shape and limit the type of images of the nation shown by these various individuals and organisations through the media.
20
Incorvia, Niki. "Role Theory as an informative lens for understanding the familial and political power struggles of Henry VIII and Mary I of England". NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/18.
Abstract (sommario):
This study aims to analyze the application of twentieth century sociologist George Mead's role theory to Henry VIII and Mary I, of Britain's Tudor Dynasty, regarding their treatment of their families during the early to mid-sixteenth century. Contemporary role theory can offer a useful lens to study sixteenth century royal family functionality through an analysis of Henry VIII and Mary I's lives as monarchs of England. Role theory can illuminate the role conflict that led to a separation between Henry and Mary as people and as sovereigns. Their roles, derived from traditional authority, set them apart as people and led them to behave in a way that would not have been true to their characters if they were not monarchs. The roles will therefore be given particular attention pertaining to family issues within a sixteenth century social, religious and political context. The findings of this study include an explanation of conflict with identity as well as a conflict with roles using transformation as the catalyst in the case of both of these monarchs. This study includes a qualitative content analysis, while also employing methods from the humanities to create a unique blend of methodology from both the social sciences and the field of history. This blend of methodology aids in creating a model to ensure further understanding of conflict analysis from a historical perspective.
21
Hull, William Edward 1945. "The Many Battles of Glorieta Pass: Struggles for the Integrity of a Civil War Battlefield". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501007/.
Abstract (sommario):
This study focuses on modern-day attempts to preserve the site where Union volunteers from Colorado defeated a Confederate army from Texas at the 1862 Battle of Glorieta Pass to curtail Confederate expansion westward. When construction workers in 1987 accidently uncovered remains of the war dead, a second battle of Glorieta Pass ensued. Texas and New Mexico officials quarreled over jurisdiction of the war casualties. Eventually Congress authorized the National Park Service to expand the Pecos National Park through purchase and donation of land to include the battlesite. Sources include local records, newspapers, federal and state documents, and interviews with preservation participants.
22
Mays, Nicholas S. "NORTHTERN REDEMTION: MARTIN LUTHER KING, THE UNITEDPASTORS ASSOCIATION, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLES IN CLEVELAND, OHIO". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1404416568.
23
Bennett, Jeffrey D. "Rising to the occasion : the changing role of the KGB and its influence in Soviet succession struggles 1953-1991". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23324.
Abstract (sommario):
After having reached a level of influence unmatched by any other element of Soviet government under Stalin and Beria, the security organs of the Soviet Union proved difficult to tame. While it has been argued that the KGB was made subservient to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union after the ascent of Khrushchev in the late 1950's, this essay will attempt to show that the security police apparatus was able to maintain a high level of prominence and even autonomy throughout the history of the Soviet Union and beyond. While it may have appeared that the organs were under constraints during periods of unchallenged leadership, the lack of a legislative definition of the KGB's role made the possibility of a coup or putsch a constant threat. During periods of instability, particularly those surrounding the succession struggles, the KGB was able to act independently and was highly influential as to the outcome of these contests. In the latter years of the Soviet era, efforts to alter the system in order to avoid the excesses of previous years revealed the organs to be highly adaptable and cognizant of the need to change to avoid being excluded from the political decision-making process. Through an assessment of the various succession struggles and efforts to place the organs within the confines of legality, the political power of the KGB may be better understood, and placed in a historical perspective side by side with its post-Soviet counterpart, which too is shown to have survived recent upheavals.
24
Boersch-Supan, Johanna. "Peace as societal transformation : intergenerational power-struggles and the role of youth in post-conflict Sierra Leone". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19e1c5d6-e910-4a0e-b7be-f66b19d988be.
Abstract (sommario):
Intergenerational solidarity and reciprocity are fundamental building blocks of any society. At the same time, socio-generational groups constantly struggle for influence and authority. In Sub-Saharan Africa, disproportionately male, gerontocratic and patrimonial systems governing economic, social and political life lend a special explosiveness to the social cleavage of generation. This dissertation draws on the concept of the generational contract to explore whether Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war (1991-2001) – labelled a ‘revolt of youth’ – catalysed changes in the power-asymmetries between age groups. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010, I argue that youth in post-war Sierra Leone question fundamental norms of intergenerational relations and challenge local governance structures demanding changes to the generational contract. Amidst a strong continuity of gerontocratic dominance and counter-strategies from elders, youth draw on organisational forms and a local rights discourse to create spaces for contestation and negotiation. These openings hold potential for long-term rearrangements of societal relations in the medium to long-term future.
25
Dutra, Nivaldo Osvaldo. "Retalhos da memória: os negros de Mangal/Barro Vermelho - comunidade quilombola do Médio São Francisco-Bahia". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12882.
Abstract (sommario):
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Using the oral memory, as a source, the present study is to discuss and endorse the playing fields, experiences, strengths, daily struggles, practices and experiences concerning the remaining community quilombola Mangal / Barro Vermelho, located in the rural township of Sitio do Mato-BA in the Médio São Francisco. What we try to understand in this work are the forms of struggle and resistance of these people, as well as cultural landmarks that particularise this community and how they collaborate for their identity formation as well as understand the socioeconomic and cultural dynamics of these citizens today: its difficulties, challenges, struggles, the relationships that are built and reconstructed in the daily life, questioning these new relationships that are forged in the social dynamics of these residents. Being located in the community são franciscana region, where since the sixteenth century the black presence appeared as a determining factor in the socioeconomic and cultural background of the region, mainly in the creation and management of cattle, but also in agricultural production and relationship with the river, talking about the living conditions of these individuals, their social relations with other communities. We discuss the denomination of the term quilombo and their transformations over time, and the political struggle that today the remaining communities have to face for self recognition. Finally, we understand the importance of education in the continuity and updating traditions and to build the identity of these new people
Utilizando a memória oral como fonte, o presente estudo busca apresentar e referendar os campos de atuação, vivências, resistências, lutas cotidianas, práticas e experiências referentes à comunidade remanescente quilombola de Mangal/Barro Vermelho, localizada na zona rural do município de Sítio do Mato-BA, na região do Médio São Francisco. O que buscamos compreender neste trabalho são as formas de resistência desses sujeitos, os marcos culturais que particularizam essa comunidade e como colaboram para a sua formação identitária, bem como compreender a dinâmica socioeconômica e cultural desses sujeitos na atualidade: suas dificuldades, desafios, lutas, as relações que são construídas e reconstruídas no cotidiano, sem deixar, é claro, de problematizar essas novas relações que se forjam na dinâmica social desses moradores. Sendo a comunidade localizada na região são franciscana, onde, desde o século XVI, a presença negra se apresentou como um fator determinante na formação socioeconômica e cultural da região, principalmente, na criação e manejo do gado, na produção agrícola e na relação de vivências com o rio, historicizamos as condições de vida desses sujeitos e suas relações com outras comunidades. Apresentamos uma discussão sobre a denominação do termo quilombo, suas transformações ao longo do tempo, bem como da luta política que, na atualidade, as comunidades remanescentes têm que enfrentar para o autorreconhecimento. Por fim, buscamos compreender a importância da educação para continuidade e atualização das tradições e para construção da identidade desses novos sujeitos
26
Miorelli, Romina. "The discourse on civil society in poverty reduction policy in the Argentina of the 1990s : the neoliberal and populist political project’s struggles for hegemony". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/291/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis looks at how the long-standing battle between liberalism and populism in Argentina manifested in the 1990s in the struggles between neoliberalism and populism to hegemonise the discourse on civil society in national poverty reduction policy. It traces how, through their struggles to remain or become hegemonic, neoliberalism and the concrete form that populism took in the country – henceforth Argentinean populism – each incorporated some of the other’s views, made the other change, and transformed. Neoliberalism and Argentinean populism are considered antagonistic political projects that struggle to become hegemonic. Each project has normative viewpoints at its core, but also includes contingent characteristics acquired in specific historical contexts. For example, the package of market-liberalisation measures and the model of inward economic development are contingent characteristics of neoliberalism and Argentinean populism respectively. Civil society is seen as both a discourse emerging from struggles to hegemonise its meaning and the arena where struggles for political hegemony take place and, thus, where hegemony and counter-hegemony are manufactured (Gramsci, 1998 [1971]: 12, 13, 15, 204). Defining a discourse on civil society is, therefore, a fundamental hegemonic operation, which entails setting limits to the possibilities of hegemonic struggles that can take place in that arena. The thesis argues that the discourse on civil society in the poverty reduction policy area in the Argentina of the 1990s was neopopulist, understood here as the articulation of neoliberal and Argentinean populist discourses on civil society. The neopopulist discourse, however, was not fixed throughout the decade. It emerged (1990-1994), turned into what this thesis characterises as technopopulism (1995-1999) and was then challenged by populist views (2000-2001). While neoliberalism predominated during the decade, the mutations of the neopopulist discourse reflected the gradual colonisation of the predominantly neoliberal discourse by populism and the attempts of neoliberalism to retain its predominance. The conclusion stresses that the centrality of technical and institutional aspects in the neoliberal logic of hegemonic construction created a crucial interstice through which the intrinsically political populist discourse could permeate the neoliberal hegemony. As dislocations in the hegemonic discourse emerged, domestic factors and actors enabled the Argentinean populist discourse on civil society to grow within the neopopulist discourse, partially colonise it, and eventually challenge it. Policy-makers and implementers, whose profiles combined technical skills with deeply embedded populist views, were crucial in this process. Additionally, changes in the neoliberal discourse of the Multilateral Development Banks during the 1990s, as well as differences between these banks and between their official positions and their staff views, were contributory factors in this colonisation.
27
Ntsebeza, Lungisile. "Structures and struggles of rural local government in South Africa: the case of traditional authorities in the Eastern Cape". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003092.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is about the political implications of the constitutional recognition of the hereditary institution of traditional leadership in post-1994 South Africa for the democratization process in the rural areas of the former Bantustans. The thesis is organized around three related conceptual, historical and political questions. The conceptual question deals with the meaning of democracy in rural areas under the jurisdiction of traditional authorities. The historical question traces how the institution and traditional authorities have survived to the present post-colonial period. Lastly, this study investigates the political issue of why an ANC-led government came to recognize the institution. The focus of the thesis is the sphere of rural local government in the Xhalanga district, where these issues are best illustrated. The thesis argues that the institution of traditional leadership and its officials survived precisely because they were incorporated into the colonial and apartheid administrative structures in the project of indirect rule. Traditional authorities were central to the apartheid policy of retribalisation, which was essentially a form of control of Africans in the Bantustans. Rural residents engaged in fierce struggles against the imposition of rural local government structures such as the District Council and Tribal Authorities. In so far as traditional authorities were part of government structures, they could not avoid being targets in these struggles. In explaining the recognition of the institution of traditional leadership, the thesis focuses on the policies of the ANC, the majority party in the Government of National Unity, towards traditional authorities. Organisationally weak on the rural grounds, the ANC operated through what they considered to be “good/progressive/comrade chiefs”. The ANC had hoped that these traditional authorities would accept a non-political ceremonial role. However, traditional authorities have rejected this ceremonial role. Their refusal, coupled with the ANC’s ambivalence in resolving the tension imply, the study concludes, that the (political) citizenship rights of rural people are partial: they are neither citizens nor subjects.
28
Greenfield-Liebst, Michelle. "Livelihood and status struggles in the mission stations of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa (UMCA), north-eastern Tanzania and Zanzibar, 1864-1926". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270105.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is about the social, political, and economic interactions that took place in and around the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in two very different regions: north-eastern Tanzania and Zanzibar. The mission was for much of the period a space in which people could – often inventively – make a living through education, employment, and patronage. Indeed, particularly in the period preceding British colonial rule, most Christians were mission employees (usually teachers) and their families. Being Christian was, in one sense, a livelihood. In this era before the British altered the political economy, education had only limited appeal, while the teaching profession was not highly esteemed by Africans, although it offered some teachers the security and status of a regular income. From the 1860s to the 1910s, the UMCA did not offer clear trajectories for most of the Africans interacting with it in search of a better life. Markers of coastal sophistication, such as clothing or Swahili fluency, had greater social currency, while the coast remained a prime source of paid employment, often preferable to conditions offered by the mission. By the end of the period, Christians were at a social and economic advantage by virtue of their access to formal institutional education. This was a major shift and schooling became an obvious trajectory for future employment and economic mobility. Converts, many of whom came from marginal social backgrounds, sought to overcome a heritage of exploitative social relations and to redraw the field for the negotiation of dependency to their advantage. However, as this thesis shows, the mission also contributed to new sets of exploitative social relations in a hierarchy of work and education.
29
Oliveira, Natália Dorini de [UNESP]. "História e memória da práxis sindicalista da ADUNESP: política, ideologia e sociedade (1976-1985)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153245.
Abstract (sommario):
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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e analisar a História e Memória da ADUNESP, primeira associação docente criada após o golpe de 1964. Fundada em junho de 1976, seis meses após a unificação dos Institutos Isolados de Ensino Superior (IIES) transformados em universidade, a ADUNESP configurou-se como um movimento de resistência às medidas autoritárias tomadas na gestão universitária da UNESP, assim como contra o regime ditatorial brasileiro. A pesquisa teve como recorte histórico os anos entre 1976 e 1985, ou seja, desde sua fundação até o início do processo de abertura política brasileira. A partir da consciência de classe dos docentes, o sindicato reivindicou melhorias nas condições de trabalho, no salário e buscou espaço para a participação na gestão da universidade, lutando pela democracia, contrariando a ordem vigente. Também se mobilizou e participou de processos políticos que estiveram ligados à resistência contra a ditadura brasileira, constituindo-se como sujeito político coletivo. Para tanto, esta escrita pauta-se em processos históricos: o contexto externo engloba a polarização mundial entre capitalismo e socialismo real e suas consequências na América Latina, como os golpes militares; o contexto interno engloba o campo político e educacional, e a história da ADUNESP – fundação e organização, somados à história do sindicalismo docente, por meio de jornais, panfletos, fontes bibliográficas, e algumas entrevistas com personalidades que fizeram parte da ADUNESP. Usando como base teórica o materialismo histórico dialético, buscou-se compreender professores universitários sindicalizados por meio da ADUNESP como uma categoria social.
The aim of this project is to present and analyze the History and Memory of ADUNESP, the first labor union created after the 1964 coup d’état in Brazil. Founded in July 1976, six months after the unification of the Institutos Isolados de Educação Superior (Isolated Institutes for Higher Education) transformed into university, ADUNESP became a resistance to the authoritarian measures taken at UNESP’s management, as well as to the Brazilian dictatorial regimen. The research focused on the period of 1976-1985, that is, from the coup d’état to the beginning of the country’s re-democratization. Based on the professor’s class consciousness, the labor union called for better working conditions and better wages as well as more faculty influence in the university management, fighting for democracy and going against that time’s establishment. It also mobilized forces and took part on political processes related to the resistance to the dictatorial regimen in Brazil, becoming a collective political subject. This dissertation is based on historical processes: the international context brings the world polarization between capitalism and real socialism and its consequences to Latin America such as military coup d’états; domestically, it covers the fields of politics and education, and the history of ADUNESP – it’s founding and organization connected to faculty unionism through magazines, leaflets, bibliographical references and interviews with personalities who were part of ADUNESP’s staff. Using dialectical historical materialism as the theoretical basis, this project studies university professors as a social category.
30
Scott, Simeon Guy. "Thought and social struggle : a history of dialectics". Thesis, University of Bradford, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4205.
31
Scott, Simeon G. "Thought and social struggle: A history of dialectics". Thesis, University of Bradford, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4205.
32
Radicchia, Gloria. "Southern Nigeria and the politics of memory: literary accounts on the Biafra war and the minorities’ struggle". Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34493.
Abstract (sommario):
The Nigeria-Biafra war (1967-70) was a critical event for the country and on an international level: furthermore, it forged forever the memory and narrative of Igbo people, authors, politicians and activists and minority groups. I chose this topic because I have always been interested in how political issues have been represented and argued in literature, how the authors and intellectuals have narrated the struggle and the fracture of such a complex nation as Nigeria and how much powerful collective memory can be for the personal and cultural story of a population. What can make the difference in remembering is even how a story and a particular memory is narrated through time. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the meaning of the political use of memory of the war through the testimonies of two contemporary fictional novels by Nigerian writers.
33
Simpson, Jenna Anne. "Screening the Revolution: "Williamsburg, the Story of a Patriot" as Historic Artifact, History Film, and Hegemonic Struggle". W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626506.
34
Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Review of The Intellectual Struggle for Florence". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5459.
35
Clifton, Allyson B. "The History of Women Sportscasters and Their Struggle for Equality". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1333566569.
36
Delmege, Sharon. "The fringedweller's struggle: Cultural politics and the force of history". Thesis, Delmege, Sharon (2000) The fringedweller's struggle: Cultural politics and the force of history. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50697/.
Abstract (sommario):
Historically, indigenous voices have been excluded and spoken for by an Australian community that has assumed the authority to determine their right to speak, their right to land and identity. Until recently, the major sources of knowledge about indigenous peoples has been of a secondary nature and there has been little effort or perceived need to access indigenous points of view. Now, in the last decade of the twentieth century, Aboriginal viewpoints (on a range of issues) are being increasingly heard. This dissertation examines the struggle of the Fringe Dwellers of the Swan Valley on Western Australia for land and cultural rights as a significant instance of an indigenous ‘victory’ against dominant social forces.
Efforts by the Fringe Dwellers to secure title to urban land from the Government of Western Australian, an extraordinary process of intervention in itself, provides the discursive focus of this thesis. The chain of events involved - political and legal actions, various forms of writing, the tactics of cultural struggle - and the changing conditions of possibility existing for effective intervention by the Fringe Dwellers, is examined here within an interdisciplinary perspective. As this chain of events is so thoroughly defined and articulated in terms of Race, the thesis contextualises their struggle in terms of the history of British perceptions about Others prior to first contact in 1788. Because History matters, it charts changes to the significance of race, that arose with the shift to modernity and coincided with the colonisation of Australia, to illustrate how racialized discourses have been central to the changing constructions of Aboriginality.
Specific instances of cultural ‘construction’ are examined to clarify the formation of the hybrid 'fringedweller' category as a particular space for indigenous identity. The various stands taken by the Fringe Dwellers are seen as a complex narrative of contestation with 'Lockridge'. The thesis also considers the way in which the Fringe Dweller’s quest is discursively constructed by the dominant non-indigenous community through an analysis of media reports. Finally, via a reading of fringedweller, the thesis seeks to show how, although situated as 'other', their spokesperson Robert Bropho is able to actively engage a variety of discursive strategies that enable the ‘fringedwelling’ experience to be speakable (in cultural terms) and, to some extent, politically effective in a local context.
37
Coghill, Lori. "Claybrook v. Owensboro: Equality, Integration, and Struggle". TopSCHOLAR®, 2000. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/685.
Abstract (sommario):
In 1883 the case of Claybrook v. Owensboro was one of the first challenges to equal educational funding under the Fourteenth Amendment. The definition of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause was vague and left blacks with little guidance about their new found constitutional rights. By analyzing the case along with legal, educational, and local racial attitudes toward blacks at the time, historians and educators can better understand the evolution of the Fourteenth Amendment in state and local issues. The case record from Federal Reports as well as the case file from the law final record book at the National Archives Southeast Branch were used in this analysis. Also, Emily Holloway, the great-granddaughter of the case's namesake, Edward Claybrook, was interviewed and provided information about the personal situation and status of the men who challenged the Owensboro school system. Records from the Freedmen's Bureau also provided evidence of racial attitudes and conditions in Kentucky. A Filson Club collection of letters from John Marshall Harlan, Justice of the United States Supreme Court and lone dissenter in Plessy v. Ferguson to Judge John Watson Barr, Justice of the United States Sixth Circuit in Paducah, also provide evidence of similar attitudes of both justices concerning race and equality. This case study offers a closer look at one of the first applications of the Fourteenth Amendment to education and a local government issue. In addition, the decision mentions for one of the first times the possibility of integration in the absence of equality. The evidence clearly shows a progressive attitude from the bench in the case as well as blatant inequalities between the black and white schools.
38
Chimhanda, Christopher Chiedza. "ZAPU and the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, 1957-1980". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10235.
Abstract (sommario):
Bibliography: leaves 185-195.The Unity Accord signed by PF (ZAPU) and ZANU (PF) in 1987 saw the emergence of a 'new' party called ZANU PF. ZAPU was 'swallowed' up by a party which was formed by people who broke away from ZAPU in 1963. ZAPU's failure to win a majority in the first democratic elections and its subsequent 'disappearance' in 1987 have an impact on the manner in which ZAPU's participation in the liberation struggle is presented by some people. This study traces ZAPU's contribution to the struggle for independence in Zimbabwe by taking a look at the history of the party from the time it was formed in 1961 until the attainment of independence in 1980. Official documents from ZAPU are not easy to come by. Post-independence tension and fighting between cadres from ZAPU and ZANU resulted in the confiscation, by the government, of ZAPU war records and other documents in 1982. These documents have not yet been returned and most likely will not be returned since the party does not exist anymore. Interviews with founding members of ZAPU and some ordinary cadres who participated in the struggle shed a light on the nature of ZAPU's participation in the struggle for independence. Significant figures in ZAPU like James Chikerema, the man who was in charge of ZAPU's first armed cadres, Dumiso Dabengwa, a member of ZAPU's first armed group and subsequently ZIPRA's chief of intelligence, and Welshman Mabhena, a founding member of ZAPU who remained within the country during the struggle, are among the active members of ZAPU who were interviewed for this study. Professor Ngwabi Bhebe, Professor Phenias Makurane, and Mr. Pathisa Nyathi bring in perspectives of people who had direct dealing,s with the party without being directly involved as cadres.
39
Sheehan, Molly Elaine. "GLORIOUS CONSTRUCTIONS: The Struggle to Preserve Salvation-Themed Visionary Art Environments". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2010. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/447.
Abstract (sommario):
Salvation-themed art environments are a roadside rarity, built out of a strong visionary dedication to God, but the sites are disappearing simply because the work is misunderstood. The historiography on the subject is sparse, trending more toward coffee table books with big glossy pictures than real scholarly endeavors, but the consensus among all has been clear. The sites are a valuable part of the recent American cultural landscape, crossing several scholarly fields - art, architecture, and history - and uniting them into a cohesive preservation movement. On a series of trips to visit, see, and experience five of these sites, I began to understand the massive scale that each site required to assemble and exactly what it would take to restore and preserve each site. The preservation goal is not small, but it is not unattainable. There are federal grants, nonprofit groups and localized support committees from which to gather support so that the site may continue to be a piece of history.
40
Sarznski, Sarah R. "History, identity and the struggle for land in Northeastern Brazil, 1955-1985". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8853.
Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Potot, Charlotte. "Les féminismes de Lucy Lippard en quatre expositions (1966-1977)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA080119.
Abstract (sommario):
Lucy Lippard réalise sa première exposition Eccentric Abstraction en 1966. À partir de ce moment-là, la curatrice nord-américaine n'aura de cesse d'interroger les modalités de ce que l'exposition a à offrir aux artistes en termes d'expressions et d'expériences et en termes politiques. Lucy Lippard a d'abord contribué à penser un certain moment conceptuel dans l'art. De manière concomitante, ses engagements politiques se sont développés : contre la guerre du Viet Nam ou avec une communauté d'artistes, contre les politiques discriminatoires des institutions, créant un lien peu documenté entre art conceptuel et art politique. Nous explorons comment Lucy Lippard a développé différentes problématiques féministes en organisant des expositions, faisant écho aux théories qui ont succédées à cette période. C'est à travers son travail de curatrice que nous envisageons son féminisme. Ainsi, quatre expositions structurent notre trajectoire : Eccentric Abstraction (1966) à New York, 955,000(1971) à Vancouver, c'7500(1973) en Californie à Valencia, puis itinérante, et Strata (1977) à Vancouver. C'est en imaginant les œuvres dans ces quatre expositions que leur caractère situé a émergé. Trois axes se sont alors dégagés : une approche historique du contexte des expositions et des luttes sociales autour du parcours personnel de Lucy Lippard, une approche phénoménologique des œuvres présentées dans les quatre expositions comme les deux manières d'appréhender le dernier axe, celui d'une approche féministe de ces moments d'expositions. La redescription d'œuvres qui ne furent pas d'emblée associées au féminisme, bien qu'appartenant au corpus de la curatrice, va permettre de penser une autre réception pour ces expositionsLucy Lippard produced her first exhibition, Eccentric Abstraction, in 1966. From that moment on, the North American curator never stopped questioning the modalities of what the exhibition had to offer artists in terms of expression, experience and political action. Lucy Lippard first helped to think critically about a particular conceptual moment in art. Concurrently, her political commitments developed through protest against the Vietnam war, support for artist communities, revealing discriminatory institutional policies, and creating a little-documented connection between conceptual and political art. We explore how Lucy Lippard developed diverse feminist issues by organizing exhibitions, echoing the theories that emerged during this period. It is through her work as a curator that we see her feminism in action. Four exhibitions structure our trajectory: Eccentric Abstraction (1966) in New York, 955,000 (1971) in Vancouver, c'7500 (1973) in Valencia, California and other itinerant locations, and Strata (1977) in Vancouver. By imagining the works in these four exhibitions their situated character emerges. There are three key axis: a historical approach to the context of exhibitions and social struggles related to the personal journey of Lucy Lippard and a phenomenological approach to the works presented in the four exhibitions, allowing an aprehension of the last axis, a feminist approach to these exhibition events. The redescription of works that were not immediately associated with feminism, although belonging to the curator's corpus, will allow us to think of another reception for these exhibitions
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Fierst, John Timothy. "The struggle to defend Indian authority in the Ohio Valley-Great Lakes region, 1763-1794". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ57540.pdf.
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Bell, Pierson J. "The Struggle for the South Carolina Backcountry, 1775-1776". W&M ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626534.
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Roy, James A. "Support pending, the Canadian autoworkers' struggle for adjustment assistance at a time of industrial change, 1960-1965". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ52365.pdf.
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Assubuji, Rui. "A visual struggle for Mozambique. Revisiting narratives, interpreting photographs (1850-1930)". University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7291.
Abstract (sommario):
Philosophiae Doctor - PhD‘A Visual Struggle for Mozambique. Revisiting narratives, interpreting photographs (1850 – 1930)’ is a study that requires an engagement with the historiography of the Portuguese empire, with reference to Mozambique. This is initially to provide some context for the East African situation in which photography began to feature in the mid- to late 19th century. But the other purpose is to see what impact the inclusion of visual archives has on the existing debates concerning Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique, and elsewhere. The rationale for this study, therefore, is to see what difference photographs will make to our interpretation and understanding of this past. The central issue is the ‘visual struggle’ undertaken to explore and dominate the territory of Mozambique. Deprived of their ‘historical rights’ by the requirements of the Berlin Treaties that insisted on ‘effective occupation’, the Portuguese started to employ a complex of knowledge-producing activities in which photography was crucially involved. Constituting part of the Pacification Campaigns that led to the territorial occupation, photographic translations of action taken to control the different regions in fact define the southern, central and northern regions of the country. The chapters propose ways to analyze photographs that cover issues related to different forms of knowledge construction. The resulting detail sometimes diverges from expectations associated with their archival history, such as the name of the photographers and exact dates, which are often unavailable.1 In discussing processes of memorialization, the thesis argues that memory is fragile. The notion of ellipsis is applied to enrich the potential narratives of the photographs. The thesis reads them against the grain in search of counter-narratives, underpinned by the concept of ‘visual dissonances’, which challenges the official history or stories attached to the photographs. Besides a participation in the general debates about the work of photography in particular, this research is driven by the need to find new ways to access the history of Mozambique. Ultimately the project will facilitate these photographic archives to re-enter public awareness, and help to promote critical approaches in the arts and humanities in this part of southern Africa.
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Mbali, Mandisa. "'The new struggle': A history of AIDS activism in south africa, 1982-2003". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530057.
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Medeiros, Megan. "Hawaiian History: The Dispossession of Native Hawaiians' Identity, and Their Struggle for Sovereignty". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/557.
Abstract (sommario):
In Hawaiian History: The Dispossession of Native Hawaiians’ Identity and Their Struggle for Sovereignty, three of the Western constructed narratives of Hawai’i are identified and juxtaposed with Hawai’i’s historical facts taken primarily from the late 1800s through the mid 1900s. These Western narratives contribute to an identity crisis experienced by Native Hawaiians during a time when their culture was almost lost, due to the colonial powers assimilating Hawai’i to America. An account of the historical events of the Kingdom of Hawai’i is then reviewed, which includes the diplomatic moves of the Hawaiian monarchs, the changes in the statuses of the Kingdom, and the overthrow of Queen Lili’uokalani. Evidence explored throughout “The Hawaiian Kingdom” section, proves the native Hawaiians adjusted swiftly to a diplomatic means of resolving issues, which refute a frequently taught Western constructed narrative that the “savage native Hawaiian political leaders” needed Americas aid in governance. The Hawaiian sovereignty movement’s history is reviewed, leading up to the creation of U.S. Public Law 103-150. This resolution was made in response to the demand from Hawaiian sovereignty movements for the United States to acknowledge its role in the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawai’i. The U.S. political agenda found in this resolution is so deeply embedded and disguised in the diplomatic language used, that without careful examination could go completely undetected by the reader. At the surface level, the Apology Resolution acknowledges the historical injustices faced by the native Hawaiians, apologizes for the events, and seeks reconciliation with the native Hawaiians. Concealed in the U.S. Public Law 103-150, is the manipulation of language as means to use the apology as a disclaimer, which allows the United States to continue to suppress the inherent sovereignty of the Kingdom of Hawai’i and nullifies any claims to rights, titles, and possessions against the United States.
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Cade, Justin A. "“Frozen Conflict” in Paradise: Origins of the Struggle for Abkhazia". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243793181.
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Fisher, Noel C. ""War at every man's door" : the struggle for East Tennessee 1860-1869 /". The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487843314696072.
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Carter, M. R. "The struggle for reconstruction : coalition and the Labour Movement 1916-1925". Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338094.