Tesi sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"

The objective of this thesis is to be the first systematic study of the political instrumentalization of football in Francoist Spain from 1939 to 1975. Seven separate and contrasting aspects of this political instrumentalization may be isolated, and, accordingly, this thesis will consist of a chapter examining each one of these seven aspects in turn. After a first introductory chapter, Chapter Two will examine the application of Fascist concepts to Spanish football. In the third chapter, the questions of whether and to what extent football was used by the Franco regime as a political soporific will be discussed. The theme of Chapter Four is the lack of democracy within the structures of the game, a situation that is alleged to have been deliberately imposed by the regime in order to not create an uncomfortable comparison for itself with the lack of national and local political democracy. The poor working conditions of the footballers, which mirrored those of the great majority of Spanish workers during the Franco period, are the subject of Chapter Five. In the sixth Chapter, the political significance of the presence in Francoist Spain of a group of refugee players and coaches from Europe will be examined. The diplomatic and ambassadorial significance of football, in particular of the spectacular international triumphs of the Real Madrid club, will be discussed in Chapter Seven. The political significance of football as a focus for Basque and Catalan nationalist sentiment, in opposition to the centralist Madrid regime, is the subject of Chapter Eight.

The period from c.718 to c.1000 oversaw the reconquest of a significant part of the Iberian Peninsula by the Kingdom of Asturias (718–910) and its successor in León (910–1037); the study of this process of Reconquista has in recent years focused on two broader social changes: the increasing exploitation of the peasantry, and the eclipse of public power. In the Introduction, I argue that it is necessary to integrate the study of peasant societies with analyses of royal and aristocratic power; reframing the subject in this way, we are able to appreciate the diversity of social experience which characterized both peasant and aristocratic life across the two case studies here examined, Southern Galicia, and the Liébana. I argue that the tenth century must be seen on its own terms, and without the benefit of hindsight, if we are to characterize it fairly. Chapter Two discusses the source material I have used in the elaboration of this thesis, highlighting its uses and problems from a critical perspective. In Chapter Three I show that fluid social structures allowed a family to rise to power from amongst the village inhabitants of the Liébana. Public officials such as counts were not able to impose themselves frequently upon this society. In Chapter Four, I show how a rich and aristocratic family of lay magnates, based in southern Galicia, were major political operators from the ninth century, but only came to exercise significant social influence amongst local society after the construction of the monastery of Celanova in 936. My Conclusion contextualizes these changes; it also argues that more nuanced and less schematic approaches to social relations demonstrate that peasants retained considerable autonomy in this period, and that factional politics influenced the stability of kingship far more than the supposed eclipse of public power.

My research focused on understanding how viceregal authority was accepted in Mesoamerica. Rather than approaching the problems from the perspective of institutional history, I drew on prosopographical techniques and the court-studies tradition to focus on the practice of government and the affinities that bound indigenous and non-indigenous political communities. In Chapters two and three I investigate how particular notions of nobility informed the ‘ideals of life’ of the Spanish and indigenous elites in New Spain and how these evolved up to 1535. The chapters also serve to establish a general context to the political situation that Mendoza faced on his arrival. Chapters four to seven explore how the viceroys sought to increase their authority in New Spain by appropriating means of direct distribution of patronage and how this allowed them personally to satisfy many of the demands of the Spanish and indigenous elites. This helped them impose their supremacy over New Spain’s magnates and serve the crown by ruling more effectively. Viceregal supremacy was justified in a ‘language of legitimacy’ that became increasingly peculiar to New Spain as a community of interests developed between the local elites and the viceroys who guaranteed the local political arrangements on which their status and wealth increasingly depended. I conclude by suggesting that New Spain was governed on the basis of internal arrangements guaranteed by the viceroys. This led to the development of what I define as a ‘parasitic civic-nobility’ which benefitted from the perpetuation of the viceregal system along with the crown. The internal political logic of most decision making and a defined local identity accompanied by increasingly ‘sui generis’ ‘ideals of life’ qualify New Spain to be considered not as a ‘colony’ run by an alien bureaucracy that perpetuated Spanish ‘domination’ but as Mexico City’s sub-empire within the Habsburg ‘composite monarchy.

This thesis advances our understanding of the effects of foreign aid programmes in the Spanish economy during the 1950s. It does so by concentrating on three aspects. First, it considers the contribution to economic growth of aid-financed goods by relieving input bottlenecks. Results from an input-output analysis downplay the alleged importance of aid in increasing Spanish output by providing raw materials and other inputs. Second, it discusses the extent to which foreign donors influenced Spanish economic policy-making. Based on original archival sources from both recipient and donors, it is argued here that the United States was particularly ineffective at imposing its economic policy agenda. Surprisingly, the best way to increase the likelihood of the adoption of economic policy reform was not to exercise outright leverage but to provide further unconditional aid disbursements. The analysis of the involvement of the International Monetary Fund and Organisation for European Economic Co-operation to underwrite the 1959 Spanish Stabilisation Plan suggests that the multilateral organisations were acutely aware of the overriding importance of a true commitment to the reforms by the local policy-makers. Rather than relying on formal conditionality, they ascertained such commitment by monitoring the internal support for the reform programme whilst carefully avoiding any instance that may jeopardise the cohesion of the domestic pro-reform coalition. Third, the dissertation motivates a 'credibility hypothesis' under which the American aid-for-bases programme improved the political credibility of the regime and with it private businesses' expectations. A range of both qualitative and quantitative evidence, of which the use of financial market data is paramount, supports the hypothesis. This result contributes to solving the puzzle of Spanish economic history during a period that sees the resumption of economic growth after a stagnant first decade under Franco's rule despite very limited policy change.

Defence date: 25 June 2007<br>Examining Board: Dr. Martin van Gelderen (EUI); Dr. Xavier Gil Pujor (Universitat de Barcelona); Dr. Benjamin Kaplan (University College London); Dr. Anthony Molho (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The aim of this dissertation is to study the influence exerted by the different political cultures in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Low Countries on these peace talks and how they contributed to delaying the solution finally achieved in Münster. The events on the battlefield accompanying the said negotiations, the negotiations themselves and their outcome are known thanks to a number of scholarly works devoted to the long struggle between the Spanish Monarchy and its 'rebel subjects' in the Low Countries and, from 1640, in the Iberian Peninsula. The second phase of the Eighty Years’ War - once hostilities were resumed after the Twelve Years’ Truce in 1621 - and the peace talks have attracted the interest mainly of Dutch historians, although they have received considerably less attention than the revolt. Spanish scholars have, while not neglecting the issue completely, generally included it in more general surveys of the reign of Philip IV whose access to the throne in 1621 roughly coincides with the starting point of this study. British historiography has contributed to research on the Dutch Republic and the Spanish Monarchy during the first half of the seventeenth century but studies jointly referring to both remain scarce, with the outstanding exception of Jonathan Israel’s works. In most accounts the peace appears as the inevitable outcome of the combination of Spanish decline and growing Dutch power and almost predetermined by the respective structural weaknesses and dynamism of each contender, and therefore of relative scholarly interest. In all cases, the political decisions, the military actions and the socio-economic background have received privileged attention from historians - the cultural and literary production in two polities living through their Golden Ages are only too often left to scholars of art and literature. Thanks to the efforts by Dutch historians, starting shortly after the peace settlement, how the negotiations actually proceeded is known. But these works have devoted little if any attention to the intellectual debates surrounding the negotiations. In the cases where scholars have referred to them, most generally they have assumed them to be pure pretexts, attempts at playing to the gallery that were mere window dresing, disguises of other, real (economic) interests. Although contemporary accounts offer a different view, frowning on those who were accused of using transcendental goals to disguise the pursuit of more worldly aims, many modern scholars have chosen to neglect the former altogether in their quest for a materialistic analysis of society.

During the late Middle Ages, Iberian Christian and Jewish patrons commissioned intriguing monuments that incorporate Islamic-derived features. Determining possible reasons for the patronage of this architecture, commonly referred to as Mudejar architecture, has the potential to provide important insights into the complex, multi-cultural society that produced it, yet studies on its patronage have been limited in number and scope. Most of the early Spanish scholarship on Mudejar architecture focuses on formal issues and simply attributes its patronage to economic factors, an admiring fascination with the exotic, or a desire to subjugate Islamic culture. More recent scholarship has shifted to examining the motivations of patrons in specific case studies; however, many of these case studies are still framed within the overarching theory that Mudejar architecture was the result of a common architectural heritage among Christians, Jews, and Muslims. The reasons for Mudejar patronage cannot be confined to a single broad theory, but instead individual projects and patrons must be studied within their specific contexts and then compared to one another to provide a more accurate understanding of Mudejarismo. This dissertation traces the development of Mudejar architecture in Seville from the time of the city's conquest by Christian forces in 1248 to the early sixteenth century, just after the expulsion of Muslims and Jews from the Kingdom of Castile, in order to demonstrate the changing nature of Mudejar patronage in the city and how it relates to the relations among Christian, Jews, and Muslims. In establishing the chronology and the patronage of Seville's Mudejar monuments through a close analysis of their formal elements, three distinct phases in their construction become apparent: 1) the approximately fifty years following the city's conquest; 2) a period between the earthquake of 1356 and the initial construction of the Gothic cathedral in the 1430's; and 3) the remainder of the fifteenth century through the first years of the sixteenth century. Prevalent features of Mudejar architecture during each of these phases are considered within the socio-political climate of the time as evidenced in primary sources. While economic, social, and demographic factors contributed to the construction of Mudejar architecture in Seville, its patronage was largely the result of the changing political agendas of the city's ruling elite. Shortly after the city's Castilian conquest, Alfonso X favored Gothic over Mudejar features because of his goals of asserting the new Christian authority in a city still threatened by Muslim forces and creating for himself a cosmopolitan imperial image. By the mid-fourteenth century, when Christian hegemony was no longer a concern, Mudejar forms signified the absolute power desired by Pedro I and his rebellious half-brother Enrique II. The construction of Seville's enormous Gothic cathedral throughout much of the fifteenth century in addition to the patronage of the Catholic Monarchs and the rise of the Renaissance largely ended Mudejar patronage in the city with the exception of centrally-planned chapels and elaborate wooden roofs, which by this time had become a source of local pride. Thus, no general theory can encompass all of the reasons for Mudejar patronage in late medieval Seville, which were varied and continually in flux.

The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.

The thesis offers a new database of military expense in Spain from middle of the century nineteen up to the current importance, as well as three analyses of the determining ones and the economic and political consequences of the military expense in the long term. In I make concrete, the first chapter presents new estimations of the public resources destined for the military area in Spain from 1850 until 2009, as well as the economic, administrative and functional disaggregation of the above mentioned expense. The new database has been elaborated following the methodological criterion of the OTAN, which is one of the criteria most used on the part of the international institutions dedicated to the compilation of information of military expense worldwide. The above mentioned criterion allows to obtain a new database throughout the time and comparably with other countries of the European and international environment. The second chapter of the thesis analyzes the influence of the political rate in the evolution of the military expense in Spain from beginning of the Spanish Restoration up to the current importance. In contrast with the previous quantitative analyses, which generally emphasize the negative influence of the democratic rate in the evolution of the military expense, the chapter suggests that the democratic institutions can be associated with major levels of military expense in certain historical contexts. In I make concrete, the analysis of points of break of the series of military expense, as well as the analyses econometrics subsequent and the review of the military Spanish historiography, it shows that the first democratic governments established after the Pro-Franco dictatorship increased significantly the military expense in relation with the previous decades. This increase, which was due to the efforts of the above mentioned governments to re-orientate the army towards international missions and to facilitate his adjustment to the new democratic institutions, gave place to the only positive point of break of the historical series of military total expense that does not guard relation with the beginning or the end of a warlike conflict. In turn, the analysis suggests that the new orientation of the military democratic policies carried a financial effort in favor of an intensive army in the capital that could take part in new missions international. The third chapter analyzes more thoroughly the determining politicians of the military expense and his potential I affect terms of institutional stability. Since it is known well, the armies have intervened suddenly in politics coups d'état. Diverse authors suggest that the autocratic or partially democratic governments have used eventually the military expense as strategy to satisfy to the armed forces and to avoid this way his insubordination. Nonetheless, and in spite of the solidity of the argument, the quantitative recent analyses based on wide international databases have not found a significant and conclusive relation between the evolution of the military expense and the frequency and the success of the coups d'état. In this third chapter I suggest that the military total expense - measured commonly used on the part of the above mentioned quantitative literature - cannot be a good indicator of the financial effort realized on the part of the governments to obtain the loyalty of the army. Though the military total expense does not reflect any relation with the frequency and the success of the coups d'état, it is possible that the changes in the composition of the expense yes that guard a significant relation with the above mentioned phenomenon. The chapter tries to open this ' black box ' of the military expense studying the impact of the evolution of the wage remuneration of the officials in Spain from middle of the century nineteen until ends of the Spanish Restoration. On line with the pointed hypothesis, the analysis suggests that the increases in the remuneration of the officials during the second half of the century nineteen and beginning of the century twenty - together with other political and military strategies - they are related to a minor frequency of coups d'état, whereas the military total expense does not seem to show any relation in the matter. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the impact of the war and the military expense in the evolution of the fiscal systems of a sample of thirteen European and North American countries in the long term. The war and the military competition have been defined often as forces relevant motorboats of the expansion of the fiscal capacity of the conditions during the contemporary epoch. Nonetheless, the empirical evidence has not been conclusive, and still one lacks a historical narrative that explains how the changes in the nature of the war they have concerned the evolution of the fiscal contemporary systems. The fourth chapter has as aim refill this emptiness by means of the analysis of the impact of the war in the evolution of the fiscal contemporary capacity in the light of so called ' Revolutions of the Military Matters ' that took place in west from middle of the century nineteen up to the current importance. The results suggest that the relation between the war and the fiscal expansion has followed a curve of Or invested, according to which the changes in the tactics and the military technology pressed the public resources to the rise until the destructive capacity of the armies exceeded the nuclear threshold. Additional, the results suggest that the political systems have been relevant to complete this historical narrative, though they have been in occasions forgotten in this type of analysis.<br>La tesis ofrece una nueva base de datos de gasto militar en España desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta la actualidad, así como tres análisis de los condicionantes y las consecuencias económicas y políticas del gasto militar en el largo plazo. En concreto, el primer capítulo presenta nuevas estimaciones de los recursos públicos destinados al ámbito militar en España desde 1850 hasta 2009, así como la desagregación económica, administrativa y funcional de dicho gasto. La nueva base de datos ha sido elaborada siguiendo el criterio metodológico de la OTAN, que es uno de los criterios más utilizados por parte de las instituciones internacionales dedicadas a la compilación de datos de gasto militar a nivel mundial. Dicho criterio permite obtener una nueva base de datos homologable a lo largo del tiempo y comparable con otros países del entorno europeo e internacional. El segundo capítulo de la tesis analiza la influencia de los regímenes políticos en la evolución del gasto militar en España desde principios de la Restauración Española hasta la actualidad. En contraste con los análisis cuantitativos anteriores, que generalmente destacan la influencia negativa de los regímenes democráticos en la evolución del gasto militar, el capítulo sugiere que las instituciones democráticas pueden estar asociadas a mayores niveles de gasto militar en determinados contextos históricos. En concreto, el análisis de puntos de ruptura de las series de gasto militar, así como los análisis econométricos subsiguientes y la revisión de la historiografía militar española, muestra que los primeros gobiernos democráticos establecidos después de la dictadura Franquista aumentaron significativamente el gasto militar en relación con las décadas anteriores. Ese aumento, que fue debido a los esfuerzos de dichos gobiernos para reorientar el ejército hacia misiones internacionales y para facilitar su adaptación a las nuevas instituciones democráticas, dio lugar al único punto de ruptura positivo de la serie histórica de gasto militar total que no guarda relación con el inicio o el final de un conflicto bélico. A su vez, el análisis sugiere que la nueva orientación de las políticas militares democráticas conllevó un esfuerzo financiero en pro de un ejército intensivo en capital que pudiera participar en nuevas misiones internacionales. El tercer capítulo analiza más a fondo los condicionantes políticos del gasto militar y su potencial impacto en términos de estabilidad institucional. Como es bien sabido, los ejércitos han intervenido recurrentemente en política mediante golpes de estado. Diversos autores sugieren que los gobiernos autocráticos o parcialmente democráticos han usado eventualmente el gasto militar como estrategia para contentar a las fuerzas armadas y evitar así su insubordinación. Aún así, y a pesar de la solidez del argumento, los análisis cuantitativos recientes basados en amplias bases de datos internacionales no han encontrado una relación significativa y concluyente entre la evolución del gasto militar y la frecuencia y el éxito de los golpes de estado. En ese tercer capítulo sugiero que el gasto militar total – medida comúnmente utilizada por parte de dicha literatura cuantitativa – puede no ser un buen indicador del esfuerzo financiero realizado por parte de los gobiernos para conseguir la lealtad del ejército. Aunque el gasto militar total no refleje ninguna relación con la frecuencia y el éxito de los golpes de estado, puede que los cambios en la composición del gasto sí que guarden una relación significativa con dicho fenómeno. El capítulo pretende abrir esa ‘caja negra’ del gasto militar estudiando el impacto de la evolución de la remuneración salarial de los oficiales en España desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta finales de la Restauración Española. En línea con la hipótesis apuntada, el análisis sugiere que los aumentos en la remuneración de los oficiales durante la segunda mitad del siglo diecinueve y principios del siglo veinte – junto con otras estrategias políticas y militares – están relacionados con una menor frecuencia de golpes de estado, mientras que el gasto militar total no parece mostrar ninguna relación al respecto. Finalmente, el cuarto capítulo examina el impacto de la guerra y el gasto militar en la evolución de los sistemas fiscales de una muestra de trece países europeos y norteamericanos en el largo plazo. La guerra y la competición militar han sido a menudo definidas como fuerzas motoras relevantes de la expansión de la capacidad fiscal de los estados durante la época contemporánea. Aún así, la evidencia empírica no ha sido concluyente, y aún se carece de una narrativa histórica que explique cómo los cambios en la naturaleza de la guerra han afectado a la evolución de los sistemas fiscales contemporáneos. El cuarto capítulo tiene como objetivo rellenar ese vacío mediante el análisis del impacto de la guerra en la evolución de la capacidad fiscal contemporánea a la luz de las llamadas ‘Revoluciones de los Asuntos Militares’ que tuvieron lugar en occidente desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta la actualidad. Los resultados sugieren que la relación entre la guerra y la expansión fiscal ha seguido una curva de U invertida, según la cual los cambios en las tácticas y la tecnología militar presionaron los recursos públicos al alza hasta que la capacidad destructiva de los ejércitos sobrepasó el umbral nuclear. Adicionalmente, los resultados sugieren que los sistemas políticos han sido relevantes para completar esa narrativa histórica, aunque hayan sido en ocasiones olvidados en ese tipo de análisis.

The thesis investigates the behavior of Spain’s persistently high unemployment rate. Rigid labor laws, unemployment insurance generosity, and the demographics of the unemployed are part of the cause, but they are only underlying factors driving the hysteresis that has been present for nearly four decades. The thesis attempts to extract explanations for this persistence by comparing Spain to other countries, such as its next-door neighbor, Portugal. Special attention is placed on the role that recessions and subsequent changes in real GDP growth play in sustaining a high rate of unemployment.

In my dissertation, I study a selection of little known Spanish and Cuban texts published during the Cuban War of Independence at the end of the 19th century. In this project, I provide a transatlantic approach of literary texts in various genres and subgenres, and political messages exchanged between Cuba and Spain, which have been neglected by scholars in the field. By analyzing the emergence of a colonial discourse in the works of novelists, politicians and thinkers who wrote about the Cuban-Spanish confrontation, I establish their ambiguous and frequently contradictory colonial messages. In doing so, this dissertation furthers our understanding of the complexities of the political moment as well as the interest and ideals that ignited the conflict. The study is of great relevance in view of the recent agreements between the United States and Cuba. The relations between the two countries are evolving in a way that was unthinkable at the beginning of the 20th century. Furthermore, secessionist feelings within the Spanish nation are reemerging and similar allegations and demands that brought Cuba to independence are in place. For all these reasons, it is necessary revisiting and comprehending the complex and, frequently contradictory, discourses that emerged in a moment, which was determinant for the development and future political attitudes of the three nations involved.

This thesis deals with the repertoire of violent practices perpetrated by armed groups that performed public order tasks in parallel to police institutions in Spain and Portugal between the late 1960s and the years prior to the Great War. The analysis, based on a long-range perspective, has been carried out through the study of three medium-sized cities in the rural periphery of both countries and includes wide spectrum of groups and associations of different kinds: civic militias, shooting and pre-military training groups, private security forces, property guards or company guards, while not excluding the private use of the public force or even the privatisation of the latter. In almost all of these cases, these were non-state organizations swelled by voluntary civilians, whose motivations could range from patriotism to mere pleasure, to a sense of duty, fear or financial gain. Another relevant feature is that, although they could carry out illegal activities or could adopt extra-legal behaviour, they were in any case legally recognized organizations or organizations whose activities enjoyed legal coverage. This is indicative of another of the key elements of the work: the interaction between the private and public spheres, or between these groups and the State and its institutions, whose relations could range from tolerance or complicity to an open delegation of functions with respect to the management of public order, even though they were non-official forces. Throughout the pages of the thesis, several questions linked to the existence and evolution of these groups will be discussed, particularly their emergence in relation to the deployment and consolidation of capitalism and the contradictions inherent in a complex process of social democratization. This resulted, among other factors, in a gradual establishment of class identities, including that of the self-described “producing class”. The main ingredient of this identity-building process was, in this case, the belief in the need for a strong defence in the face of a changing world in the socio-economic and political spheres. In the first place, defence before the dangers accentuated by the very advance of capitalism: concentration of the working population, social impoverishment, criminality and marginality; secondly, and as a result of this same changing economic scenario, in view of the growing demands of the subordinate classes and their gradual political articulation in an institutional climate of gradual democratic opening; in third place, eventual defence before the State itself in the cases in which it was considered that it was acting with lukewarmness, neutrality or even in open prejudice to the so-called “loyal classes”. The emergence of these defence strategies, which included the use of violence and a use of weapons considered to be fully legitimate, was undoubtedly bound to condition the emergence and evolution of new and old political cultures.<br>Esta tesis aborda el repertorio de prácticas violentas perpetradas por grupos armados que llevaron a cabo tareas de orden público en paralelo a las instituciones policiales en España y en Portugal entre finales de la década de los sesenta del siglo XIX y los años previos a la Gran Guerra. El análisis, basado en una perspectiva de largo alcance, se ha llevado a cabo mediante el estudio de tres ciudades medias de la periferia rural de ambos países y comprende una miríada de grupos y asociaciones de distinta índole: milicias cívicas, grupos de tiro y de formación premilitar, cuerpos privados de seguridad, guardias de propiedades o guardias de compañías, sin excluir el uso privado de la fuerza pública o incluso la privatización de aquélla. En casi todos estos casos, se trataba de organizaciones de carácter no estatal engrosadas por civiles voluntarios, cuyas motivaciones podían ir desde el patriotismo al mero placer, pasando por el sentido del deber, el miedo o el beneficio económico. Otro rasgo relevante es que, pese a que pudieran llevar a cabo actividades ilegales o pudieran adoptar comportamientos extralegales, se trataba en cualquier caso de organizaciones reconocidas legalmente o bien cuyas actividades gozaban de cobertura legal. Esto es indicativo de otro de los elementos clave del trabajo: la interacción entre el ámbito privado y el ámbito público, o entre estos grupos y el Estado y sus instituciones, cuyas relaciones podían ir desde la tolerancia o la complicidad a una abierta delegación de funciones en lo tocante a la gestión del orden público, y ello pese a tratarse de fuerzas no oficiales. A lo largo de las páginas de la tesis van a ir desgranándose varias cuestiones vinculadas a la existencia y evolución de estos grupos, muy particularmente su surgimiento en relación con el despliegue y consolidación del modelo capitalista y con las contradicciones inherentes a un complejo proceso de democratización social. Esto redundó, entre otros factores, en una gradual fijación de identidades de clase, incluida la de aquella autodenominada como «clase productora». El ingrediente principal de este proceso de construcción identitaria fue en este caso la creencia en la necesidad de una firme defensa ante un mundo cambiante en lo socioeconómico y en lo político. En primer lugar, defensa ante los peligros acentuados por el propio avance del modelo capitalista: concentración de población trabajadora, pauperización social, criminalidad y marginalidad; en segundo lugar, y derivado de este mismo escenario económico cambiante, ante las crecientes demandas de las clases subalternas y su gradual articulación política en un clima institucional de paulatina apertura democrática; en tercer lugar, eventual defensa ante el propio Estado en los casos en los que se considerara que este actuaba con tibieza, neutralidad o incluso en abierto perjuicio de las llamadas «clases leales». El surgimiento de estas estrategias de defensa, que comprendían el recurso a la violencia y a un uso de las armas considerado como plenamente legítimo, estaba sin duda llamado a condicionar la emergencia y la evolución de nuevas y viejas culturas políticas.

Cette thèse porte sur l’influence radicale et cruciale qu’ont exercée les œuvres de Nicolas Machiavel sur la pensée politique du Siècle d’or espagnol (du règne de Charles Quint à celui de Charles II). M’appuyant sur une bibliographie d’étendue inédite (près de 150 traités politiques et d’ouvrages historiques), j’y explore en détail les différentes tendances travaillant la réflexion politique de la première modernité ibérique, avec un intérêt particulier pour la façon extrêmement dynamique, paradoxale et protéiforme dont Machiavel a été traité par les penseurs des différents espaces du monde hispanique renaissant et moderne. Certes, il apparaît de prime abord que les thèses exposées par Machiavel dans le Prince (publié en 1532) et dans les Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live (publiés en 1531) concernant la prévalence de l’efficacité sur la moralité en politique ont connu un accueil plus que glacial dans l’Espagne très catholique des Habsbourg. Machiavel y est mis à l’Index en 1583, et devient alors la victime d’un anti-machiavélisme tonitruant et souvent outrancier. On se sert en effet de Machiavel comme d’un repoussoir, d’un épouvantail conceptuel que l’on accuse de tous les maux du siècle, en particulier de la liberté de conscience et des Guerres de Religion. Toutefois, un contingent écrasant d’auteurs a en réalité entretenu des rapports bien plus ambigus avec Machiavel que ce qu’il pourrait paraître à première vue. Il convient de préciser que l’Espagne a connu une première période de lune de miel avec l’auteur du Prince, culminant avec la traduction en espagnol des Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live (deux fois édités en 1552 et 1555 par Juan Lorenzo Ottevanti), une œuvre considérablement appréciée par des auteurs trop heureux de trouver chez le Florentin des outils conceptuels leur permettant de penser les problématiques se posant à des États en expansion. De cette première époque date aussi une adaptation en espagnol de l’Art de la guerre, sous le titre de Tratado de re militari, par Diego de Salazar, publié en 1536. Avec sa mise à l’Index, Machiavel fait ensuite l’objet d’un intense tir de barrage ad hominem, mais en réalité sa pensée n’a cessé d’exercer une fascination sur nombre d’écrivains, lesquels entreprendront, ouvertement ou tacitement, de discuter et d’évaluer ses idées. Sur des questions telles que l’usage de la dissimulation et de la simulation, de la libéralité et de la prodigalité, de la cruauté ou de la clémence, du respect de la parole donnée ou encore de la valeur politique de la religion, Machiavel devient ainsi un interlocuteur incontournable, qui encouragera les théoriciens espagnols à s’emparer de la question épineuse et pourtant fondatrice pour la modernité, de la raison d’État. Enfin, Machiavel est un auteur dont les idées ont été pillées, plagiées, reprises et adaptées par un nombre conséquent de penseurs ibériques qui pourtant ne cessent de clamer leur anti-machiavélisme, un phénomène qui m’a permis de reconnaître l’existence d’un machiavélisme espagnol<br>This dissertation focuses on the crucial and radical influence of Niccolò Machiavelli’s works on Golden Age Spanish political thought (from Charles V to Charles II). Based on an extensive corpus of more than 150 political and historical treatises of the era, this dissertation explores in detail the various trends at work in the political thinking of the first Spanish modernity, with particular attention for the extremely dynamic, paradoxical and protean way which Machiavelli was treated by the thinkers of the Hispanic world during the Renaissance and the Baroque. Of course, it appears at first sight that the ideas developed by Machiavelli in the Prince (published in 1532) and in the Discourses on Livy (published in 1531) regarding the prevalence in politics of efficiency over morality were met with hostility in the very Catholic Spain of the Habsburgs. Machiavelli’s works were placed on the Spanish Index in 1583, and became the object of a thunderous and often outrageous anti-Machiavellianism. Indeed, Machiavelli is often used as a conceptual scapegoat, accused of all the evils of the time, in particular religious freedom and the Wars of Religion. Nevertheless, a substantial group of Spanish writers were actually engaged in a much more ambiguous relationship with Machiavelli than it might appear initially. Spain and Machiavelli initially went through what might be called a honeymoon period, culminating with the Spanish edition of the Discourses on Livy in 1552 and 1555 by Juan Lorenzo Otevanti. The Discourses on Livy, as well as a reworking of the Art of War (the Tratado de re militari, published by Diego de Salazar in 1536), enjoyed considerable success among a readership glad to find in its pages helpful ways to think about questions relevant to an expanding State. But after the Index of 1583, Machiavelli became the target of an intense barrage of criticism, even though his writings never stopped exercising a deep fascination on many Spanish writers, who tried to, openly or tacitly, discuss and evaluate his ideas. On questions such as the use of simulation and dissimulation, liberality and parsimony, cruelty and mercy, the value of the given word, or the political advantages of religion, Machiavelli became a major interlocutor, who both challenged and encouraged Spanish thinkers to define their own conception of reason of State. Finally, Machiavelli is an author whose ideas were extensively plagiarized, reused and adapted by a considerable amount of Spanish writers, who yet kept on professing their anti-Machiavellianism, a phenomenon which has led me to the conclusion that there existed a Spanish Machiavellianism

Durante el siglo XVI, las oligarquías de las repúblicas de Murcia (en el sureste de la Península Ibérica) y Tlaxcala (en el Valle Central de México), a pesar de sus particularidades, convergieron en las estrategias para demostrar y certificar su calidad como miembros del cuerpo político-territorial de la Monarquía Católica. En ambos casos, el reconocimiento de su preeminencia social se basó en sus servicios en defensa de los intereses de la Corona española, asegurando el buen gobierno y protegiendo y/o agrandando las fronteras de la Monarquía. De este modo, los 'señores Murcia' y los 'señores Tlaxcala' se consolidaron como líderes naturales de sus repúblicas, a la vez que se insertaron en las dinámicas globalizadoras de la Monarquía Hispánica. El análisis comparado de los discursos textuales y visuales sobre su identidad de estas oligarquías permite establecer los ritmos y distinguir los instrumentos que hicieron posible la relación de la Corona con sus territorios y su reforzamiento como entidad política planetaria.<br>During the XVI century, the oligarchies of the republics of Murcia (in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsule) and Tlaxcala (in the Central Valley of Mexico) , in spite of their special features, used the same strategies to prove and certify their quality as member of the policial and territorial body of the Catholic Monarchy. The recognition of their social pre-eminence was based in their defense of the interests of the Spanish Crown, guaranteing the good government and protecting or enlangering the frontiers of the Monarchy. In this manner, the 'señores Murcia' and the 'señores Tlaxcala' were consolidated as natural leaders in their republics and, at the same time, they managed to be part of the globalizer dinamics of the Hispanic Monarchy. The comparative study of this oligarchies' textual and visual discourses about their identities in the long time enables to establish the speeds and recognize the instruments which maked possible the relationship between the Crown and its territories and its consolidation as a planetary politic entity.

Notre culture a banalisé la lanterne publique, objet technique du quotidien urbain. Or, à la fin du XVIIIe s., la lanterne devient un véritable leitmotiv visuel et sémantique révolutionnaire.Innovation technique pour l’éclairage public au XVIIIe s., la lanterne « à réverbères » optimise l’intensité lumineuse en utilisant des artifices, les réflecteurs métalliques concaves (réverbères), afin de rationaliser le chemin optique. Si l’historiographie s’est focalisée sur la lampe d’Argand, nous avons construit notre étude autour du réflecteur, moins noble et peu valorisé. L’émergence de la nouvelle technique est intrinsèquement accompagnée de discours, d´images et de mythes qui structurent son imaginaire. La biographie d’objet est une ressource précieuse pour l’appréhender, par des prismes s’affranchissant de la distinction objet/sujet pour traiter la lanterne comme acteur et interroger ses modes d’existence.Le premier prisme porte sur la genèse de l’objet et l’inscription de son imaginaire technique comme réponse rationalisée au problème d’éclairage. Mais, interroger le sens de la technicité de l’objet n’est pas suffisant, le second prisme étudie la lanterne « en action de rue», soit sa « réticulation spatiale » et son intégration au milieu. Le troisième moment interroge les médiations transformatrices des valeurs initiales de l’objet à travers les circulations techniques (transculturelles) franco-espagnoles, et un champ de media (annonces techniques et cartes de commerce) : elles structurent la zone entre invention, publics et marchés. Enfin, le quatrième moment est consacré à la lanterne politique et ses paradoxes, basculant du double imaginaire de l’administration monarchique et du contrôle policier parisien– ou militaire barcelonais – à l’emblème révolutionnaire. Fidèle à une méthode « au ras de l’objet », nous faisons dialoguer ses fonctions symboliques avec son schème technique, pour faire ressortir les résonances – ou les déphasages– de l’imaginaire politique dans la matérialité. Nous souhaitons ainsi redonner de l’épaisseur à la lanterne, afin de retrouver son sens humain et comprendre son empreinte dans la culture<br>Our culture has trivialized the streetlamp and deprived it of its meanings. However, the lantern became a visual and semantic revolutionary leitmotiv at the end of the 18th c.As a technical innovation of 18th c streetlighting, the lantern à réverbères optimizes the luminous intensity by using concave metal reflectors (réverbères) to direct the beam of light where needed. If the historiography focused on the Argand’s lamp, this research deals with a far less noble and valued technical element, the reflector. The entwinement of the innovation with narratives and cultural discourses structures its imaginary: artefact biography is therefore a precious tool to approach it, by getting rid of the subject-object distinction in order to question its modes of existence.Firstly, we study the genesis of the lantern and the inscription of its technical imaginary as a rationalized answer to the lighting challenge. To continue with, we analyse the streetlamp in action and its extramaterial properties through its integration to its milieu. Processes of mediation and their transformative power are the next focus, though the study of the technical (transcultural) circulations between France and Spain, and the media of advertising and promotion (technical press, trade cards), all of which shaping the interactions between the invention, the public and the markets. We finish this survey with the political lantern and its paradox, as the artefact, strongly linked to absolute monarchy and police– or military- control, became a revolutionary emblem. By entwining the technical and symbolic functions of the streetlamp, we want to shed light upon the resonances of the political imaginary within the lantern materiality. This study therefore aims at drawing attention to the multi-layered meanings of this so-called “banal” object, and at considering the streetlamp as a significant bearer of cultural identity

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. <p><p><p>This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification. <p><p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La integración de Cataluña en la monarquía francesa en 1641 abrió un período de convivencia entre dos mundos políticos. Para Francia, la incorporación de la nueva provincia tiene lugar en una sociedad enamorada del heroísmo. El reinado de Luis XIII parece ser la culminación de un proceso de reformulación del paradigma heroico: un modelo político y un referente ético nobiliario. La Guerra de España llevó la cultura heroica a su clímax. En particular, la proclamación del rey como soberano de Cataluña abre nuevos horizontes a este mundo imaginario, que moviliza también a los antiguos referentes mesiánicos. La historia de la compañía catalana producida por el séquito real ofrece una nueva perspectiva sobre la construcción de la imagen de Luis XIII. El horizonte catalán "completa" la construcción de su perfil heroico, y sirve de apoteosis, valorando el hecho de una muerte "sacrificial" como consecuencia de la presencia real en la sede de Perpiñán. Los virreyes se convertirán también en el centro de una narrativa heroica, protagonistas de una verdadera "epopeya catalana". Las luces y sombras de esta heroica experiencia política aparecen en el destino a veces trágico de estos representantes del rey, que deben hacer frente, además de a los retos militares y políticos de su cargo, a los equilibrios de poder en la corte. Por el lado catalán, la llegada de Luis XIII forma parte de la dinámica "revolucionaria" que se inició en 1640, cuando los líderes de la revuelta, que querían ser fieles al rey Felipe IV, formularon una historia capaz de domar acontecimientos que a veces se les escapaban. El horizonte de una providencial "restauración" de Cataluña está cerca. El "momento" republicano parece imposible de encontrar aquí, entre la interrupción formal de la jurisdicción de un rey y la aclamación del otro. A partir de entonces, un discurso providencial de restauración de la provincia se desarrolló a través de la realeza encarnada por un nuevo príncipe "mesías". La imagen del rey se convierte en un ideal sobre el que se proyectan expectativas políticas y por el que los propios líderes de la "revuelta" buscan justificarse. El rey se perdió la visita a Barcelona, justo antes de su muerte. El funeral real servirá para cristalizar esta historia y ofrecerá, a través de la imagen del rey "sacrificado" y "canonizado", un emblema del régimen francés en Cataluña.<br>L’intégration de la Catalogne dans la monarchie française, en 1641, ouvre une période de coexistence de deux univers politiques. Pour la France l’incorporation de la nouvelle province intervient dans une société éprise d’héroïsme. Le règne de Louis XIII apparaît comme la culmination d’un processus de reformulation du paradigme héroïque: modèle politique et référent étique nobiliaire. La guerre espagnole porte la culture héroïque à son paroxysme. Singulièrement la proclamation du roi comme souverain de Catalogne ouvre des nouveaux horizons à cet imaginaire mobilisant aussi des référents messianiques anciens. Le récit de l’entreprise catalane produit par l’entourage royal offre un nouveau regard sur la construction de l’image de Louis XIII. L’horizon catalan «achève» la construction de son profil héroïque, et lui sert d’apothéose, valorisant le fait d’une mort «sacrificielle» conséquence de la présence royale au siège de Perpignan. Les vice-rois deviendront aussi le centre d’un récit héroïque, protagonistes d’une vraie «épopée catalane». Les lumières et les ombres de cette expérience héroïque du politique apparaissent dans le destin, parfois tragique, de ces représentants du roi, qui doivent faire face, outre aux défis militaires et politiques relevant de sa charge, aux equilibres de pouvoir à la cour. Du côté catalan l’avénement de Louis XIII s’inscrit dans la dynamique «révolutionnaire» entamée en 1640. Le meneurs de la révolte, qui se veulent fidèles au roi, Philippe IV, formuleront un récit capable d’apprivoiser des événements parfois leur échappant. L’horizon d’une «restauration» providentielle de Catalogne intervient. Le «moment» républicain semble ici introuvable, entre l’interruption formelle de la juridiction d’un roi et l’acclamation de l’autre. Des lors se développe un discours providentiel de restauration de la province à travers la royauté incarnée par un nouveau prince «messie». L’image du roi devient un idéal sur lequel l’on projette les attentes politiques et par lequel les propres dirigeants de la «révolte» cherchent à se justifier. La visite manquée du roi à Barcelone, précédée de peu à sa mort. Les funérailles royales serviront à la cristallisation de ce récit, et offriront par l’image du roi «sacrifié» et «canonisé», un emblème pour le régime français en Catalogne.<br>The integration of Catalonia into the French Monarchy, in 1641, opens a period of coexistence of two political universes. In France, The incorporation of the new province arrives in a social context under the influence of an strong culture of heroism. Under Louis XIII’s reign culmines a processus of reformulation of the heroic paradigm: a political model of gouvernement and an ethical referent for the French nobility. The heroic culture is taken to its paroxysm when the Spanish war begins. Specially the proclamation of the king as sovereign of Catalonia opens new horizons for this imaginary, mobilizing also old messianic referents. The narrative of the catalan entreprise developed by the royal entourage offers a new perspective of the Louis XIII’s image making processus. The catalan completes the built of the king’s heroical profile, and serves to make his apotheosis, emphasizing the fact of a sacrificial death as a consequence of the royal presence in the Perpignan’s siege. Vice-rois become the center of an heroical narrative also. They are protagonists of a true «catalan epic». The lights and darkness of this heroical experience of Politics, appear throw the destiny, sometimes tragic, of these king’s agents (and images). They have to face, besides the military and political challenges, to the power’s struggles at court. By the catalan side, the accession of king Louis XIII has to be considered in the «revolutionary» context of 1640. The leaders of the revolt, who revendique to be loyal to their king, Philip IV, build a narrative able to tame serious adverse events, that sometimes escape to their control. The horizon of a providential «restauration» of Catalonia appears in this narrative. Republican time seems here «introuvable», between the broken of one king’s jurisdiction and the other king proclamation. Since then a providential propaganda speech about the restauration of the Principality throw a royalty incarnated by a new prince «messiah». The new king’s figure becomes one idealized image where Catalans look to project their political expectatives. Also a way for the catalan leaders to justify himself. The failed royal visit to Barcelone precedes for little the king’s death. The royal funerals serves to the crystallization of these narratives: they offer the image of an «sacrificed» king, who is also a saint. He becomes the real emblem of the franco-catalan regime.

Defence date: 24 October 2008<br>Examining Board: Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (European University Institute) - supervisor Prof. Salvador Almenar Palau (Universitat de València) Prof. Marco E.L. Guidi (Università di Pisa) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>During the liberal age, the role of parliaments as mechanisms of diffusion of economic thought became particularly relevant concerning the ongoing process of spread and institutionalisation of political economy. Scholars have acknowledged that 'the sometimes active role played by economists in the political sphere was an essential part of a broader process of dissemination of economic ideas and of institutional consolidation of economic science that took part in the 19th century and continued in later periods, although at various speeds and encountering obstacles of varying degree in different local circumstances'.3 This view explains the recent increase in the production of scientific works concerning not only the institutionalisation of economics in different countries, but also the circulation of ideas, the evolution of the economic thought in diverse nations, and the relationship between ideas and economic policy. This dissertation follows this approach. Specifically, the aim of this research is to analyse the presence and diffusion of economic ideas in the parliamentary environment in Spain during the last third of the 19th century, and to explore how the parliament contributed to the process of institutionalisation of political economy in this country during this period, when this process was definitively consolidated. This objective has been achieved through the analysis of two sets of parliamentary economic debates, which took place at two crucial periods of the last third of the 19th century (the first in the aftermath of the liberal revolution of 1868 and the second at the end of the first part of the Bourbon Restoration), and through the study of the connections of the parliament with other institutions (namely universities, economic societies and economic periodicals) taking part contemporarily in the process of diffusion and institutionalisation of political economy. Finally, in order to explore the peculiarity of the Spanish case and place it in an international context, a comparison between the processes of institutionalisation of political economy in Spain and Italy has been undertaken.

Defence date: 26 September 2014<br>Examining Board: Prof. Victoria de Grazia, Columbia University · EUI (Director de tesis EUI) ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, EUI ; Prof. Julián Casanova, Universidad de Zaragoza (Director de tesis externo) ; Prof. Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)<br>This thesis examines the violent practices which took place in Republican-held territories during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), especially during the early months of the conflict. In order to understand the logic and motivations behind violence, as well as its political meaning and its performative dimension, this work combines an overview of the phenomenon in the Republican zone as a whole with a series of detailed studies of specific locations. The thesis deals with the related issues of violence, politics, revolution and justice in the wider context of inter-war Europe. It provides a political interpretation of violent practices, which stresses that the demands for, and the control and management of, violence, were key issues in the definition and construction of the Republican rear guard. Violent practices were largely determined by war-related events and trends; they were also instilled with symbolic and cultural meaning by previous social conflicts and political identities, as reflected in anticlericalism. That said, the intensity, pace and regional differences of violent episodes were heavily determined by an early process of atomisation of political authority and a subsequent reconstruction of the state’s central police and judicial structures. This works points out that most repressive practices were perpetrated by a multiplicity of new political agents who operated outside the margins of the state. The cases of Aragón, Toledo and Vizcaya show a close relationship between the multiplication of political agents in possession of actual authority and the intensity of violent episodes. This relationship was based upon the redefinition of the criteria for political legitimacy and the contentious ideas built around the notion of 'popular justice’. The pockets of authority which emerged at the outbreak of the Civil War were not only a vehicle for private hatred and greed, but also a - bloody - way to gain a prominent position in the new society to come, and to pursue different criteria of social justice.

Defence date: 15 December 1995<br>Examining board: Prof. Jean Blondel, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Jose Ramon Montero, Istituto Juan March (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Gunther, Ohio State University ; Prof. Maurizio Cotta, Università degli Studi di Siena ; Prof. Paul Heywood, University of Nottingham<br>First made available online: 23 August 2016

Defence Date: 29/06/2009<br>Examining Board: Bartolomé Yun Casalilla EUI- Supervisor; Giovanni Levi ( U Ca’Foscari); Antonella Romano (EUI)); Irving Alexander Anthony Thompson (U Keele)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>No abstract available

Between 1580 and 1599, Spain was the subject of a barrage of foreign polemical attacks, a reaction to Spain's European hegemony under Philip II. These attacks used historical arguments to directly challenge Spain's political legitimacy and power, its reputation, and its political standing within Europe by criticizing Spain's dynastic arguments for empire, and denigrated Spanish imperialism and the nature of Spanish rule, threatening constitutional structures by claiming that Philip ruled as a tyrant. In response to these attacks, a coterie of scholars and powerful political advisors, seeking to solidify claims to certain territories and to justify imperial actions, developed innovative historical writing practices that were effective ideological tools for creating support for new political ideas. To convincingly defend Spanish imperialism and restore Spanish reputación, official history needed to concern itself with questions of statecraft, and to do so within the framework of humanist notions of "good" history. Specifically, the new type of historical writing used humanist and antiquarian methodologies, especially an emphasis on source-based documentation of arguments and claims, and combined these with reason of state politics to respond to European challenges to Spanish imperial authority and Spanish actions in Portugal and France by ensuring that only a very specific image of the king was conveyed, and very specific sources were utilized and revealed. In doing so, official historians, most notably Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Esteban de Garibay, and Gregorio López de Madera, and advisors, like Juan de Idiáquez and Cristóbal de Moura, turned to the writing of history not as a means to reform the state, but instead as a potent means to bolster and defend the existing state's identity and advance its purpose. This dissertation uses court correspondence, the treatises on the artes historicae written by the court historians, and the innovative official histories they produced to show how the tensions between ideology and methodology played out in this new form of official history, and how theory and practice came together in the service of power. Through its use of multiple sources of data, this study shows that it was due to the polemical context, not despite it, that a new and more powerful history emerged, which included new practices and cultivated a more critical sensibility. Official history came to play a role in giving conceptual identity and political legitimacy to Spain's imperial ambitions in a new reason of state context. Thus, notions of rule (Spanish Christian reason of state) and provisions of proof became the two pivots upon which Spanish imperial ambitions were justified, and larger debates about how to legitimize formal rights and privileges found a concrete form of expression in official history.

Defence date: 18 September 2000<br>Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (supervisor)(European University Institute) ; Prof. Joan Botella (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute) ; Prof. José Ramón Montero (co-supervisor)(UAM e Instituto Juan March)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 24 September 2004<br>Examining board: Prof. Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Universidad Complutense, Madrid (External supervisor) ; Dr. Declan M. Downey, University College Dublin ; Prof. John H. Elliott, Oriel College, University of Oxford ; Prof. Lawrence Fontaine, EHESS, Paris (Supervisor) ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, European University Institute<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 1 June 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.<br>2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.<br>This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.

Defence date: 12 January 2010<br>Examining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (Supervisor) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Mercedes Cabrera (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) - external Supervisor Prof. Fernando Guirao (UPF, Barcelona)<br>First made available online 15 April 2019<br>El estudio que aquí se presenta trata de la historia compartida por el Partido Socialdemócrata de Alemania (SPD) y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) durante el periodo 1962 - 1977. Su objetivo es acercar al conocimiento de las diversas facetas de una relación desigual entre el partido de izquierdas más influyente de Europa Occidental en aquel tiempo y una pequeña organización que fue ilegal durante la práctica totalidad del periodo de estudio pero que emergió con extraordinaria fortaleza al final del mismo, jugando desde entonces un papel central en la construcción de la democracia en su país. Los contactos de estas dos organizaciones de muy distinto carácter, dimensiones y capacidad de influencia se expondrán aquí en el contexto que les da sentido, el de las relaciones hispano-alemanas. El hilo argumental de las páginas que siguen es el lugar que el SPD, partido con responsabilidades de gobierno en la RFA a partir de 1966, reservó al PSOE en el conjunto de su política hacia un régimen en decadencia que finalmente decidió transformarse en una democracia al desaparecer el dictador. Al adentrarse en el estudio de las motivaciones, los objetivos, los medios y los resultados del contacto entre el SPD y el PSOE, la investigación dará respuesta a una serie de cuestiones que resultan de interés para conocer la intrahistoria de dos de las organizaciones de la izquierda europea con más tradición y peso en la vida de sus países. Pero, por encima de ello, lo que esta tesis pretende es realizar una contribución a nuestra comprensión de la influencia que el país más poderoso en la Europa de los años setenta ejerció sobre el proceso que llevó a España de una dictadura a una democracia.

Defence date: 21 March 2017<br>Examining Board: Professor Giovanni Federico, Università di Pisa (EUI Supervisor); Professor Youssef Cassis, European University Institute; Professor Elena San Román López, Universidad Complutense de Madrid; Professor Franco Amatori, Università Bocconi<br>The research project is centred on Spanish economic policies from 1937 to 1959, which guided the creation and development of the Instituto Nacional de Industria (the Spanish State-owned company, I.N.I. hereafter). Particular attention will be paid to the similarities, or differences, between these policies and those of Fascist Italy during the 1930s until the 1950s, especially as referred to the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (the Italian State-owned company, I.R.I. hereafter). I aim to capture the analogies between the two public entities, I.N.I. and I.R.I., through the analysis of their financial ratios, statutes, sector investment and production. If it is true that, in Italy, different economic policies were applied all along from the thirties to the fifties, some of them were autarkic. I.R.I can be seen as a reflection of the regime’s will, mirroring, mirroring the evolution of Italian economic policies. Since the different roles of the I.R.I. and its adaptation to the decisionmaking process of the Italian regime have not been considered by the literature that dealt with the I.N.I., especially with respect to the classification of the autarkic models that the I.R.I. was called to apply, my research attempts to identify which of the I.R.I. roles were copied by the I.N.I., and in particular whether it was the ‘war autarkic’ model, adopted by the I.R.I. between 1939 and 1943. Particular attention will also be dedicated to explaining why the creation of the I.N.I. was inspired by the Italian model of the I.R.I. The ultimate purpose of my project will be to provide a new insight on the economic policies of the First Francoism by discussing whether postwar policy in Spain was a continuity of the ‘war autarkic’ policy of the Civil War, and not just a ‘normal autarkic’ policy.

In April 1994 Rwanda encountered the most gruesome political conflict, which was widely motivated by decades of ethnic tension, and resulted in the massive participation of ordinary Hutus slaughtering Tutsis, who are a minority along with the so-called moderate Hutus. Large numbers of ordinary Rwandans became killers, some willingly and some by force. About one million Rwandans, mostly Tutsis, lost their lives during the killings. Hence this historic event was declared to be genocide. The post-genocide government of Paul Kagame has been faced with the mission not only to reconcile the nation but also to forge a justice system that will assure Rwandans and those who committed crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity will be punished appropriately. It is outmost important to note that emphasis on justice in cases such as Rwandan genocide might be seen to be most desirable to victims in particular. This idea can be more dangerous particularly if the process takes place in an atmosphere which is characterised by political environment which is oppressive and autocratic. Realising the complexity of the conflict and inability of the conventional justice system to in dealing with the massive cases of people alleged to have participated in the killings or committed crime of genocide. The victims impatiently sought not only justice but answers to what has happened to their loved ones. On the other hand those labeled as perpetrators also wanted to clear their names since some of them believed that they were wrongfully accused and the process was taking too long. The Rwandan government was left with no option and decided to reintroduce the traditional justice system called the Gacaca. The Gacaca system was not only pioneered to render justice to the victims and those wrongfully accused but to reconcile as well as bring peace to the Rwandan society. This study is therefore aimed at providing a comprehensive and compelling explanation of the process and the operations of the Gacaca tribunals. Thus by means of both historical and empirical analysis, the study hopes to determine the challenges confronting the system and the promise it holds, if any, and to recommend the need to adopt and adapt to an approach which is wider and more integrated in dealing with reconciliation in the region. To accomplish this study, data was predominantly sourced from primary sources such as media reports and personal interviews with Rwandan community living in Durban, South Africa. The study revealed that the Rwandan genocide was marked by overwhelming public participation which makes Rwandan conflict even more complex. Killing was seen as work, as well as fulfilling the country's duty. On the other hand not killing was viewed as betrayal especially for thousands of peasants. Almost the entire population took part in the killings. The Gacaca is a unique approach of trying genocide perpetrators adopted in Rwanda. In this thesis I argue that it is through examination of different historical and social factors that the relevance of the Gacaca can be assessed. Furthermore my argument is that Rwanda needs a multi-faceted approach to confront complex problems that it faces politically and socially.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

Defence date: 18 September 1998<br>Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Mair (University of Leiden) ; Prof. José María Maravall (Instituto Juan March-Madrid) ; Prof. Leonardo Morlino (Università di Firenze)<br>First made available online 3 October 2016.<br>Este libro estudia el desarrollo organizativo del Partido Socialista Obrero Español durante el período comprendido entre la reconstrucción de su organización en las postrimerías del franquismo y su derrota en las elecciones de marzo de 1996.Utilizando un marco analítico centrado en el concepto de estrategia organizativa y los factores que influyen en sus características, la investigación empírica aborda tres cuestiones: "la política de afiliación" del PSOE, sus vínculos con otras organizaciones, fundamentalmente con la UGT, y la comunicación directa con el electorado, prestando una especial atención a las campañas electorales. Los tres son aspectos fundamentales de las estrategias organizativas, y la opción de desarrollar en mayor medida uno u otro depende de múltiples condicionantes -internos y externos a los partidos- que se analizan en el libro. A partir del estudio del caso del PSOE, y mediante la utilización de conceptos, teorías y modelos propios de la literatura comparada sobre el tema, este libro pretende contribuir al conjunto de investigaciones recientes que reflejan el renovado interés de la Ciencia Política en analizar los rasgos organizativos de los partidos, las repercusiones de éstos en el rendimiento y funcionamiento de los propios partidos, y en diferentes aspectos de los sistemas políticos a los que pertenecen.

The expansion of fruit, vegetable and horticultural (FVH) production in California and Andalucia has been contemporaneous with a decline in 'native' farm labor and restrictions on lower-skilled migration. Resulting increases in the populations of unauthorized farmworkers have contributed to mounting tension over the rights and numbers of migrants in Spain and the United States. Yet, the similarities in farm labor outcomes contrast with the distinct geographical, temporal, sociocultural and institutional conditions in which these labor markets have evolved. Using Californian and andaluz FVH as exemplars, the dissertation explores the problem and problematization of unauthorized migration in the United States and Spain from 1985 through 2005. Four primary themes -uncovered in interviews with migration researchers, advocates, union representatives, employers and migrants -guide assessment of the relationship between the reproduction of illegality and the regulation of migration and FVH production: the (1) recruitment and (2) retention of unauthorized farmworkers and the role of (3) interest groups and (4) the state in migration and farm labor policymaking. Legislation, mass media and US and Spanish census and survey data illustrate demographic, economic and political shifts over this period. The study illuminates the primary, but not always direct, role of policies and politics in the magnitude and composition of migration and settlement patterns in both countries. Laissez faire regulation and symbolic enforcement have shaped the ethnic, legal and gender composition of the farm labor market. Political and structural constraints, as well as economic pressures, have institutionalized illegality in FVH agriculture, subverting the cost of human rights to the price of food. Coupled with economic growth, this outsourcing in situ has spurred labor market intermediation and fostered poverty in rural communities; agreement on a farm labor fix has been limited, although not eclipsed, by public contestation over illegal migration.

Defence date: 14 July 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Donatella Della Porta, EUI and Scuola Normale Superiore (Supervisor); Professor William A. Gamson, Boston College; Professor Ron Eyerman, Yale University; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI.<br>Cultural factors shape the symbolic environment in which contentious politics take place. Among these factors, collective memories are particularly relevant: they can help collective action by providing symbolic material from the past, but at the same time they can constrain people's ability to mobilise by imposing proscriptions and prescriptions. In my research I analyse the relationship between social movements and collective memories: how do social movement participate in the building of public memory? And how does public memory, and in particular the media representation of a contentious past, influence the social construction of identity in the contemporary movements? To answer these questions I focus on the student movements in Italy and Spain, analysing the content and format of media sources in order to draw a map of the different narrative representations of a contentious past, while I use qualitative interviews to investigate their influence on contemporary mobilisations. In particular, I focus on the evolution of the representation of specific events in the Italian and Spanish student movements of the 1960s and 1970s in the different public fields, identifying the role of terrorism and political transitions in shaping in the present the publicly discussed image of the past. The thesis draws on a qualitative content analysis of media material, tracing the phases of the commemoration, putting it in historical context, and attempting to reconstruct the different mechanisms of contentious remembrance. Furthermore, I refer to interviews conducted with contemporary student activists in order to assess the relationship between the public memory of a contentious past and the strategic choices of contemporary movements.

This study aims to interrogate the representations of forgiveness in post genocide Rwandan fiction. The novels analysed are Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide (2007), Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust (2006) and God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation (2009). Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide represents romantic love as the possible beginning of reconciliation between the Tutsi and the Hutus after and the devastations of the genocide. Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust reveals that the individualistic portrayal of forgiveness is important to create communication between antagonistic ethnic groups. God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation demonstrates that forgiveness and reconciliation have the possibilities of being attainable on a national level through political reforms. The narratives succeed in portraying the representations of forgiveness but due to the subjectivities of the authors, the historicity of the genocide is undermined thereby compromising the foundations for forgiveness. This study suggests that future research on post genocide Rwandan could analyse creative works on forgiveness but focussing on the issue of restorative justice<br>English Studies<br>M. A. (English Studies)