Tesi sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Vedi i top-37 saggi (tesi di laurea o di dottorato) per l'attività di ricerca sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Vedi le tesi di molte aree scientifiche e compila una bibliografia corretta.
Shaw, Duncan Richard. "The political instrumentalization of professional football in Francoist Spain 1939-1975". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1988. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1899.
Testo completoDonaldson, Danielle. "Studies in material, political and cultural impact of the Byzantine presence in early medieval Spain, c. 550-711". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283900.
Testo completoPortass, Robert Nicholas. "Society, Community and Power in Northern Spain : 700-1000". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:56e7d378-389e-4a1e-84a2-7f1869c9ed3f.
Testo completoLópez-Portillo, García-López José-Juan. "'Another Jerusalem' : political legitimacy and courtly government in the Kingdom of New Spain (1535-1568)". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8545.
Testo completoCalvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. "The political economy of conditional foreign aid to Spain, 1950-1963 : relief of input bottlenecks, economic policy change and political credibility". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/106/.
Testo completoMANZANO, BAENA Laura. "Conflicting words : political thought and culture in the Dutch Republic and in the Spanish monarchy around the peace of Munster (1648)". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6994.
Testo completoExamining Board: Dr. Martin van Gelderen (EUI); Dr. Xavier Gil Pujor (Universitat de Barcelona); Dr. Benjamin Kaplan (University College London); Dr. Anthony Molho (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this dissertation is to study the influence exerted by the different political cultures in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Low Countries on these peace talks and how they contributed to delaying the solution finally achieved in Münster. The events on the battlefield accompanying the said negotiations, the negotiations themselves and their outcome are known thanks to a number of scholarly works devoted to the long struggle between the Spanish Monarchy and its 'rebel subjects' in the Low Countries and, from 1640, in the Iberian Peninsula. The second phase of the Eighty Years’ War - once hostilities were resumed after the Twelve Years’ Truce in 1621 - and the peace talks have attracted the interest mainly of Dutch historians, although they have received considerably less attention than the revolt. Spanish scholars have, while not neglecting the issue completely, generally included it in more general surveys of the reign of Philip IV whose access to the throne in 1621 roughly coincides with the starting point of this study. British historiography has contributed to research on the Dutch Republic and the Spanish Monarchy during the first half of the seventeenth century but studies jointly referring to both remain scarce, with the outstanding exception of Jonathan Israel’s works. In most accounts the peace appears as the inevitable outcome of the combination of Spanish decline and growing Dutch power and almost predetermined by the respective structural weaknesses and dynamism of each contender, and therefore of relative scholarly interest. In all cases, the political decisions, the military actions and the socio-economic background have received privileged attention from historians - the cultural and literary production in two polities living through their Golden Ages are only too often left to scholars of art and literature. Thanks to the efforts by Dutch historians, starting shortly after the peace settlement, how the negotiations actually proceeded is known. But these works have devoted little if any attention to the intellectual debates surrounding the negotiations. In the cases where scholars have referred to them, most generally they have assumed them to be pure pretexts, attempts at playing to the gallery that were mere window dresing, disguises of other, real (economic) interests. Although contemporary accounts offer a different view, frowning on those who were accused of using transcendental goals to disguise the pursuit of more worldly aims, many modern scholars have chosen to neglect the former altogether in their quest for a materialistic analysis of society.
Crites, Danya Alexandra. "From mosque to cathedral: the social and political significations of Mudejar architecture in late medieval Seville". Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/481.
Testo completoHeywood, David. "British combatant writers of the Spanish civil war". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61706.
Testo completoVasileiou, Ioannis. "The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain)". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.
Testo completoVan, Schalkwyk Denver Christopher. "Vervalle state, hulpbronoorloë en vredemaking : die gevalle Sierra Leone". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53776.
Testo completoENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.
Sabaté, Domingo Oriol. "Military spending, institutional stability and fiscal capacity. Spain in comparative perspective (1850-2009)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/387225.
Testo completoLa tesis ofrece una nueva base de datos de gasto militar en España desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta la actualidad, así como tres análisis de los condicionantes y las consecuencias económicas y políticas del gasto militar en el largo plazo. En concreto, el primer capítulo presenta nuevas estimaciones de los recursos públicos destinados al ámbito militar en España desde 1850 hasta 2009, así como la desagregación económica, administrativa y funcional de dicho gasto. La nueva base de datos ha sido elaborada siguiendo el criterio metodológico de la OTAN, que es uno de los criterios más utilizados por parte de las instituciones internacionales dedicadas a la compilación de datos de gasto militar a nivel mundial. Dicho criterio permite obtener una nueva base de datos homologable a lo largo del tiempo y comparable con otros países del entorno europeo e internacional. El segundo capítulo de la tesis analiza la influencia de los regímenes políticos en la evolución del gasto militar en España desde principios de la Restauración Española hasta la actualidad. En contraste con los análisis cuantitativos anteriores, que generalmente destacan la influencia negativa de los regímenes democráticos en la evolución del gasto militar, el capítulo sugiere que las instituciones democráticas pueden estar asociadas a mayores niveles de gasto militar en determinados contextos históricos. En concreto, el análisis de puntos de ruptura de las series de gasto militar, así como los análisis econométricos subsiguientes y la revisión de la historiografía militar española, muestra que los primeros gobiernos democráticos establecidos después de la dictadura Franquista aumentaron significativamente el gasto militar en relación con las décadas anteriores. Ese aumento, que fue debido a los esfuerzos de dichos gobiernos para reorientar el ejército hacia misiones internacionales y para facilitar su adaptación a las nuevas instituciones democráticas, dio lugar al único punto de ruptura positivo de la serie histórica de gasto militar total que no guarda relación con el inicio o el final de un conflicto bélico. A su vez, el análisis sugiere que la nueva orientación de las políticas militares democráticas conllevó un esfuerzo financiero en pro de un ejército intensivo en capital que pudiera participar en nuevas misiones internacionales. El tercer capítulo analiza más a fondo los condicionantes políticos del gasto militar y su potencial impacto en términos de estabilidad institucional. Como es bien sabido, los ejércitos han intervenido recurrentemente en política mediante golpes de estado. Diversos autores sugieren que los gobiernos autocráticos o parcialmente democráticos han usado eventualmente el gasto militar como estrategia para contentar a las fuerzas armadas y evitar así su insubordinación. Aún así, y a pesar de la solidez del argumento, los análisis cuantitativos recientes basados en amplias bases de datos internacionales no han encontrado una relación significativa y concluyente entre la evolución del gasto militar y la frecuencia y el éxito de los golpes de estado. En ese tercer capítulo sugiero que el gasto militar total – medida comúnmente utilizada por parte de dicha literatura cuantitativa – puede no ser un buen indicador del esfuerzo financiero realizado por parte de los gobiernos para conseguir la lealtad del ejército. Aunque el gasto militar total no refleje ninguna relación con la frecuencia y el éxito de los golpes de estado, puede que los cambios en la composición del gasto sí que guarden una relación significativa con dicho fenómeno. El capítulo pretende abrir esa ‘caja negra’ del gasto militar estudiando el impacto de la evolución de la remuneración salarial de los oficiales en España desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta finales de la Restauración Española. En línea con la hipótesis apuntada, el análisis sugiere que los aumentos en la remuneración de los oficiales durante la segunda mitad del siglo diecinueve y principios del siglo veinte – junto con otras estrategias políticas y militares – están relacionados con una menor frecuencia de golpes de estado, mientras que el gasto militar total no parece mostrar ninguna relación al respecto. Finalmente, el cuarto capítulo examina el impacto de la guerra y el gasto militar en la evolución de los sistemas fiscales de una muestra de trece países europeos y norteamericanos en el largo plazo. La guerra y la competición militar han sido a menudo definidas como fuerzas motoras relevantes de la expansión de la capacidad fiscal de los estados durante la época contemporánea. Aún así, la evidencia empírica no ha sido concluyente, y aún se carece de una narrativa histórica que explique cómo los cambios en la naturaleza de la guerra han afectado a la evolución de los sistemas fiscales contemporáneos. El cuarto capítulo tiene como objetivo rellenar ese vacío mediante el análisis del impacto de la guerra en la evolución de la capacidad fiscal contemporánea a la luz de las llamadas ‘Revoluciones de los Asuntos Militares’ que tuvieron lugar en occidente desde mediados del siglo diecinueve hasta la actualidad. Los resultados sugieren que la relación entre la guerra y la expansión fiscal ha seguido una curva de U invertida, según la cual los cambios en las tácticas y la tecnología militar presionaron los recursos públicos al alza hasta que la capacidad destructiva de los ejércitos sobrepasó el umbral nuclear. Adicionalmente, los resultados sugieren que los sistemas políticos han sido relevantes para completar esa narrativa histórica, aunque hayan sido en ocasiones olvidados en ese tipo de análisis.
Terni, Celeste. "Spanish Employment's Never-Ending Siesta: An Investigation of Hysteresis". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2034.
Testo completoAparicio-Torres, Maria. "Spanish and Cuban Politicians, Publicists and Reporters facing the Cuban Crisis at the End of the Nineteenth Century". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3168.
Testo completoCastillo, Cañiz Assumpta. "Ciudadanos en armas. Violencia política y construcción del Estado en España y Portugal (1867-1914)". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3424922.
Testo completoEsta tesis aborda el repertorio de prácticas violentas perpetradas por grupos armados que llevaron a cabo tareas de orden público en paralelo a las instituciones policiales en España y en Portugal entre finales de la década de los sesenta del siglo XIX y los años previos a la Gran Guerra. El análisis, basado en una perspectiva de largo alcance, se ha llevado a cabo mediante el estudio de tres ciudades medias de la periferia rural de ambos países y comprende una miríada de grupos y asociaciones de distinta índole: milicias cívicas, grupos de tiro y de formación premilitar, cuerpos privados de seguridad, guardias de propiedades o guardias de compañías, sin excluir el uso privado de la fuerza pública o incluso la privatización de aquélla. En casi todos estos casos, se trataba de organizaciones de carácter no estatal engrosadas por civiles voluntarios, cuyas motivaciones podían ir desde el patriotismo al mero placer, pasando por el sentido del deber, el miedo o el beneficio económico. Otro rasgo relevante es que, pese a que pudieran llevar a cabo actividades ilegales o pudieran adoptar comportamientos extralegales, se trataba en cualquier caso de organizaciones reconocidas legalmente o bien cuyas actividades gozaban de cobertura legal. Esto es indicativo de otro de los elementos clave del trabajo: la interacción entre el ámbito privado y el ámbito público, o entre estos grupos y el Estado y sus instituciones, cuyas relaciones podían ir desde la tolerancia o la complicidad a una abierta delegación de funciones en lo tocante a la gestión del orden público, y ello pese a tratarse de fuerzas no oficiales. A lo largo de las páginas de la tesis van a ir desgranándose varias cuestiones vinculadas a la existencia y evolución de estos grupos, muy particularmente su surgimiento en relación con el despliegue y consolidación del modelo capitalista y con las contradicciones inherentes a un complejo proceso de democratización social. Esto redundó, entre otros factores, en una gradual fijación de identidades de clase, incluida la de aquella autodenominada como «clase productora». El ingrediente principal de este proceso de construcción identitaria fue en este caso la creencia en la necesidad de una firme defensa ante un mundo cambiante en lo socioeconómico y en lo político. En primer lugar, defensa ante los peligros acentuados por el propio avance del modelo capitalista: concentración de población trabajadora, pauperización social, criminalidad y marginalidad; en segundo lugar, y derivado de este mismo escenario económico cambiante, ante las crecientes demandas de las clases subalternas y su gradual articulación política en un clima institucional de paulatina apertura democrática; en tercer lugar, eventual defensa ante el propio Estado en los casos en los que se considerara que este actuaba con tibieza, neutralidad o incluso en abierto perjuicio de las llamadas «clases leales». El surgimiento de estas estrategias de defensa, que comprendían el recurso a la violencia y a un uso de las armas considerado como plenamente legítimo, estaba sin duda llamado a condicionar la emergencia y la evolución de nuevas y viejas culturas políticas.
Snell, Brandon Charles. "The Origins of Ethno/National Separatist Terrorism: A Cross-National Analysis of the Background Conditions of Terrorist Campaigns". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1244481182.
Testo completoGuyot, Adrian. "L'influence de Machiavel dans la littérature politique du Siècle d'or espagnol". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Lyon, 2021. https://doi-org.acces-distant.bnu.fr/10.48611/isbn.978-2-406-14968-2.
Testo completoThis dissertation focuses on the crucial and radical influence of Niccolò Machiavelli’s works on Golden Age Spanish political thought (from Charles V to Charles II). Based on an extensive corpus of more than 150 political and historical treatises of the era, this dissertation explores in detail the various trends at work in the political thinking of the first Spanish modernity, with particular attention for the extremely dynamic, paradoxical and protean way which Machiavelli was treated by the thinkers of the Hispanic world during the Renaissance and the Baroque. Of course, it appears at first sight that the ideas developed by Machiavelli in the Prince (published in 1532) and in the Discourses on Livy (published in 1531) regarding the prevalence in politics of efficiency over morality were met with hostility in the very Catholic Spain of the Habsburgs. Machiavelli’s works were placed on the Spanish Index in 1583, and became the object of a thunderous and often outrageous anti-Machiavellianism. Indeed, Machiavelli is often used as a conceptual scapegoat, accused of all the evils of the time, in particular religious freedom and the Wars of Religion. Nevertheless, a substantial group of Spanish writers were actually engaged in a much more ambiguous relationship with Machiavelli than it might appear initially. Spain and Machiavelli initially went through what might be called a honeymoon period, culminating with the Spanish edition of the Discourses on Livy in 1552 and 1555 by Juan Lorenzo Otevanti. The Discourses on Livy, as well as a reworking of the Art of War (the Tratado de re militari, published by Diego de Salazar in 1536), enjoyed considerable success among a readership glad to find in its pages helpful ways to think about questions relevant to an expanding State. But after the Index of 1583, Machiavelli became the target of an intense barrage of criticism, even though his writings never stopped exercising a deep fascination on many Spanish writers, who tried to, openly or tacitly, discuss and evaluate his ideas. On questions such as the use of simulation and dissimulation, liberality and parsimony, cruelty and mercy, the value of the given word, or the political advantages of religion, Machiavelli became a major interlocutor, who both challenged and encouraged Spanish thinkers to define their own conception of reason of State. Finally, Machiavelli is an author whose ideas were extensively plagiarized, reused and adapted by a considerable amount of Spanish writers, who yet kept on professing their anti-Machiavellianism, a phenomenon which has led me to the conclusion that there existed a Spanish Machiavellianism
Díaz, Serrano Ana. "El modelo político de la Monarquía Hispánica desde una perspectiva comparada. Las repúblicas de Murcia y Tlaxcala durante el siglo XVI". Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10898.
Testo completoDuring the XVI century, the oligarchies of the republics of Murcia (in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsule) and Tlaxcala (in the Central Valley of Mexico) , in spite of their special features, used the same strategies to prove and certify their quality as member of the policial and territorial body of the Catholic Monarchy. The recognition of their social pre-eminence was based in their defense of the interests of the Spanish Crown, guaranteing the good government and protecting or enlangering the frontiers of the Monarchy. In this manner, the 'señores Murcia' and the 'señores Tlaxcala' were consolidated as natural leaders in their republics and, at the same time, they managed to be part of the globalizer dinamics of the Hispanic Monarchy. The comparative study of this oligarchies' textual and visual discourses about their identities in the long time enables to establish the speeds and recognize the instruments which maked possible the relationship between the Crown and its territories and its consolidation as a planetary politic entity.
Bothereau, Benjamin. "À la lanterne ! Modes d’existence d’un objet banal, entre imaginaire technique et politique. Invention, économie urbaine, publics et circulations du «réverbère», Paris, Barcelone, XVIIIe s". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH152.
Testo completoOur culture has trivialized the streetlamp and deprived it of its meanings. However, the lantern became a visual and semantic revolutionary leitmotiv at the end of the 18th c.As a technical innovation of 18th c streetlighting, the lantern à réverbères optimizes the luminous intensity by using concave metal reflectors (réverbères) to direct the beam of light where needed. If the historiography focused on the Argand’s lamp, this research deals with a far less noble and valued technical element, the reflector. The entwinement of the innovation with narratives and cultural discourses structures its imaginary: artefact biography is therefore a precious tool to approach it, by getting rid of the subject-object distinction in order to question its modes of existence.Firstly, we study the genesis of the lantern and the inscription of its technical imaginary as a rationalized answer to the lighting challenge. To continue with, we analyse the streetlamp in action and its extramaterial properties through its integration to its milieu. Processes of mediation and their transformative power are the next focus, though the study of the technical (transcultural) circulations between France and Spain, and the media of advertising and promotion (technical press, trade cards), all of which shaping the interactions between the invention, the public and the markets. We finish this survey with the political lantern and its paradox, as the artefact, strongly linked to absolute monarchy and police– or military- control, became a revolutionary emblem. By entwining the technical and symbolic functions of the streetlamp, we want to shed light upon the resonances of the political imaginary within the lantern materiality. This study therefore aims at drawing attention to the multi-layered meanings of this so-called “banal” object, and at considering the streetlamp as a significant bearer of cultural identity
Paternotte, David. "Sociologie politique comparée de l'ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe en Belgique, en France et en Espagne: des spécificités nationales aux convergences transnationales". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210404.
Testo completoThis dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Aznar, Daniel. "Cataluña y el rey. Representaciones y prácticas de la Majestad durante el cambio de soberanía (1640-1655)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667416.
Testo completoL’intégration de la Catalogne dans la monarchie française, en 1641, ouvre une période de coexistence de deux univers politiques. Pour la France l’incorporation de la nouvelle province intervient dans une société éprise d’héroïsme. Le règne de Louis XIII apparaît comme la culmination d’un processus de reformulation du paradigme héroïque: modèle politique et référent étique nobiliaire. La guerre espagnole porte la culture héroïque à son paroxysme. Singulièrement la proclamation du roi comme souverain de Catalogne ouvre des nouveaux horizons à cet imaginaire mobilisant aussi des référents messianiques anciens. Le récit de l’entreprise catalane produit par l’entourage royal offre un nouveau regard sur la construction de l’image de Louis XIII. L’horizon catalan «achève» la construction de son profil héroïque, et lui sert d’apothéose, valorisant le fait d’une mort «sacrificielle» conséquence de la présence royale au siège de Perpignan. Les vice-rois deviendront aussi le centre d’un récit héroïque, protagonistes d’une vraie «épopée catalane». Les lumières et les ombres de cette expérience héroïque du politique apparaissent dans le destin, parfois tragique, de ces représentants du roi, qui doivent faire face, outre aux défis militaires et politiques relevant de sa charge, aux equilibres de pouvoir à la cour. Du côté catalan l’avénement de Louis XIII s’inscrit dans la dynamique «révolutionnaire» entamée en 1640. Le meneurs de la révolte, qui se veulent fidèles au roi, Philippe IV, formuleront un récit capable d’apprivoiser des événements parfois leur échappant. L’horizon d’une «restauration» providentielle de Catalogne intervient. Le «moment» républicain semble ici introuvable, entre l’interruption formelle de la juridiction d’un roi et l’acclamation de l’autre. Des lors se développe un discours providentiel de restauration de la province à travers la royauté incarnée par un nouveau prince «messie». L’image du roi devient un idéal sur lequel l’on projette les attentes politiques et par lequel les propres dirigeants de la «révolte» cherchent à se justifier. La visite manquée du roi à Barcelone, précédée de peu à sa mort. Les funérailles royales serviront à la cristallisation de ce récit, et offriront par l’image du roi «sacrifié» et «canonisé», un emblème pour le régime français en Catalogne.
The integration of Catalonia into the French Monarchy, in 1641, opens a period of coexistence of two political universes. In France, The incorporation of the new province arrives in a social context under the influence of an strong culture of heroism. Under Louis XIII’s reign culmines a processus of reformulation of the heroic paradigm: a political model of gouvernement and an ethical referent for the French nobility. The heroic culture is taken to its paroxysm when the Spanish war begins. Specially the proclamation of the king as sovereign of Catalonia opens new horizons for this imaginary, mobilizing also old messianic referents. The narrative of the catalan entreprise developed by the royal entourage offers a new perspective of the Louis XIII’s image making processus. The catalan completes the built of the king’s heroical profile, and serves to make his apotheosis, emphasizing the fact of a sacrificial death as a consequence of the royal presence in the Perpignan’s siege. Vice-rois become the center of an heroical narrative also. They are protagonists of a true «catalan epic». The lights and darkness of this heroical experience of Politics, appear throw the destiny, sometimes tragic, of these king’s agents (and images). They have to face, besides the military and political challenges, to the power’s struggles at court. By the catalan side, the accession of king Louis XIII has to be considered in the «revolutionary» context of 1640. The leaders of the revolt, who revendique to be loyal to their king, Philip IV, build a narrative able to tame serious adverse events, that sometimes escape to their control. The horizon of a providential «restauration» of Catalonia appears in this narrative. Republican time seems here «introuvable», between the broken of one king’s jurisdiction and the other king proclamation. Since then a providential propaganda speech about the restauration of the Principality throw a royalty incarnated by a new prince «messiah». The new king’s figure becomes one idealized image where Catalans look to project their political expectatives. Also a way for the catalan leaders to justify himself. The failed royal visit to Barcelone precedes for little the king’s death. The royal funerals serves to the crystallization of these narratives: they offer the image of an «sacrificed» king, who is also a saint. He becomes the real emblem of the franco-catalan regime.
SAN, JULIAN ARRUPE Javier. "The spread of economic thought in the Parliament and the institutionalisation of political economy in Spain, 1868-1900". Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10398.
Testo completoExamining Board: Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (European University Institute) - supervisor Prof. Salvador Almenar Palau (Universitat de València) Prof. Marco E.L. Guidi (Università di Pisa) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
During the liberal age, the role of parliaments as mechanisms of diffusion of economic thought became particularly relevant concerning the ongoing process of spread and institutionalisation of political economy. Scholars have acknowledged that 'the sometimes active role played by economists in the political sphere was an essential part of a broader process of dissemination of economic ideas and of institutional consolidation of economic science that took part in the 19th century and continued in later periods, although at various speeds and encountering obstacles of varying degree in different local circumstances'.3 This view explains the recent increase in the production of scientific works concerning not only the institutionalisation of economics in different countries, but also the circulation of ideas, the evolution of the economic thought in diverse nations, and the relationship between ideas and economic policy. This dissertation follows this approach. Specifically, the aim of this research is to analyse the presence and diffusion of economic ideas in the parliamentary environment in Spain during the last third of the 19th century, and to explore how the parliament contributed to the process of institutionalisation of political economy in this country during this period, when this process was definitively consolidated. This objective has been achieved through the analysis of two sets of parliamentary economic debates, which took place at two crucial periods of the last third of the 19th century (the first in the aftermath of the liberal revolution of 1868 and the second at the end of the first part of the Bourbon Restoration), and through the study of the connections of the parliament with other institutions (namely universities, economic societies and economic periodicals) taking part contemporarily in the process of diffusion and institutionalisation of political economy. Finally, in order to explore the peculiarity of the Spanish case and place it in an international context, a comparison between the processes of institutionalisation of political economy in Spain and Italy has been undertaken.
Paul, Jeffrey. "The Catalan city of Manresa in the 14th and 15th centuries: A political, social, and economic history /". 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1127197021&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=12520&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Testo completoMcFarland, Andrew Michael. "Creating a national passion: football, nationalism, and mass consumerism in modern Spain". Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1247.
Testo completoLEDESMA, José Luis. "Las justicias del pueblo : prácticas de violencia y revolución en la zona republicana durante la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939)". Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32911.
Testo completoExamining Board: Prof. Victoria de Grazia, Columbia University · EUI (Director de tesis EUI) ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, EUI ; Prof. Julián Casanova, Universidad de Zaragoza (Director de tesis externo) ; Prof. Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)
This thesis examines the violent practices which took place in Republican-held territories during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), especially during the early months of the conflict. In order to understand the logic and motivations behind violence, as well as its political meaning and its performative dimension, this work combines an overview of the phenomenon in the Republican zone as a whole with a series of detailed studies of specific locations. The thesis deals with the related issues of violence, politics, revolution and justice in the wider context of inter-war Europe. It provides a political interpretation of violent practices, which stresses that the demands for, and the control and management of, violence, were key issues in the definition and construction of the Republican rear guard. Violent practices were largely determined by war-related events and trends; they were also instilled with symbolic and cultural meaning by previous social conflicts and political identities, as reflected in anticlericalism. That said, the intensity, pace and regional differences of violent episodes were heavily determined by an early process of atomisation of political authority and a subsequent reconstruction of the state’s central police and judicial structures. This works points out that most repressive practices were perpetrated by a multiplicity of new political agents who operated outside the margins of the state. The cases of Aragón, Toledo and Vizcaya show a close relationship between the multiplication of political agents in possession of actual authority and the intensity of violent episodes. This relationship was based upon the redefinition of the criteria for political legitimacy and the contentious ideas built around the notion of 'popular justice’. The pockets of authority which emerged at the outbreak of the Civil War were not only a vehicle for private hatred and greed, but also a - bloody - way to gain a prominent position in the new society to come, and to pursue different criteria of social justice.
HOPKIN, Jonathan. "Party development and party collapse : the case of Union de Centro Democratico in Post-Franco Spain". Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5152.
Testo completoExamining board: Prof. Jean Blondel, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Jose Ramon Montero, Istituto Juan March (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Gunther, Ohio State University ; Prof. Maurizio Cotta, Università degli Studi di Siena ; Prof. Paul Heywood, University of Nottingham
First made available online: 23 August 2016
CENTENERO, DE ARCE Domingo. "¿Una monarquía de lazos débiles?: Veteranos, militares y administradores 1580-1621". Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12699.
Testo completoExamining Board: Bartolomé Yun Casalilla EUI- Supervisor; Giovanni Levi ( U Ca’Foscari); Antonella Romano (EUI)); Irving Alexander Anthony Thompson (U Keele)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available
von, Ostenfeld Kira K. "Official Historiography, Political Legitimacy, Historical Methodology, and Royal and Imperial Authority in Spain under Phillip II, 1580-99". Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8T43R1J.
Testo completoRAMIRO, FERNANDEZ Luis. "Incentivos electorales y límites organizativos : cambio y elección de estrategias en el PCE e IU (1986-1999)". Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5356.
Testo completoExamining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (supervisor)(European University Institute) ; Prof. Joan Botella (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute) ; Prof. José Ramón Montero (co-supervisor)(UAM e Instituto Juan March)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
PEREZ, TOSTADO Igor. "Looking for 'powerful friends' : Irish ad English political activity in the Spanish monarchy (1640-1660)". Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5935.
Testo completoExamining board: Prof. Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Universidad Complutense, Madrid (External supervisor) ; Dr. Declan M. Downey, University College Dublin ; Prof. John H. Elliott, Oriel College, University of Oxford ; Prof. Lawrence Fontaine, EHESS, Paris (Supervisor) ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
ALCALDE, Ángel. "War veterans and transnational fascism : from fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to Francoist Spain and Vichy France (1917-1940)". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40810.
Testo completoExamining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.
2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.
This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.
MUÑOZ, SÁNCHEZ Antonio. "La política del SPD hacia el PSOE desde la dictadura a la democracia (1962-1977) : de la solidaridad a la realpolitik". Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13280.
Testo completoExamining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (Supervisor) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Mercedes Cabrera (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) - external Supervisor Prof. Fernando Guirao (UPF, Barcelona)
First made available online 15 April 2019
El estudio que aquí se presenta trata de la historia compartida por el Partido Socialdemócrata de Alemania (SPD) y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) durante el periodo 1962 - 1977. Su objetivo es acercar al conocimiento de las diversas facetas de una relación desigual entre el partido de izquierdas más influyente de Europa Occidental en aquel tiempo y una pequeña organización que fue ilegal durante la práctica totalidad del periodo de estudio pero que emergió con extraordinaria fortaleza al final del mismo, jugando desde entonces un papel central en la construcción de la democracia en su país. Los contactos de estas dos organizaciones de muy distinto carácter, dimensiones y capacidad de influencia se expondrán aquí en el contexto que les da sentido, el de las relaciones hispano-alemanas. El hilo argumental de las páginas que siguen es el lugar que el SPD, partido con responsabilidades de gobierno en la RFA a partir de 1966, reservó al PSOE en el conjunto de su política hacia un régimen en decadencia que finalmente decidió transformarse en una democracia al desaparecer el dictador. Al adentrarse en el estudio de las motivaciones, los objetivos, los medios y los resultados del contacto entre el SPD y el PSOE, la investigación dará respuesta a una serie de cuestiones que resultan de interés para conocer la intrahistoria de dos de las organizaciones de la izquierda europea con más tradición y peso en la vida de sus países. Pero, por encima de ello, lo que esta tesis pretende es realizar una contribución a nuestra comprensión de la influencia que el país más poderoso en la Europa de los años setenta ejerció sobre el proceso que llevó a España de una dictadura a una democracia.
VANNINI, Alessandra. "Fascist politics and autarkic economy in a compared perspective : the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (I.R.I.) and the Instituto Nacional de Industria (I.N.I.), 1933-1959". Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45867.
Testo completoExamining Board: Professor Giovanni Federico, Università di Pisa (EUI Supervisor); Professor Youssef Cassis, European University Institute; Professor Elena San Román López, Universidad Complutense de Madrid; Professor Franco Amatori, Università Bocconi
The research project is centred on Spanish economic policies from 1937 to 1959, which guided the creation and development of the Instituto Nacional de Industria (the Spanish State-owned company, I.N.I. hereafter). Particular attention will be paid to the similarities, or differences, between these policies and those of Fascist Italy during the 1930s until the 1950s, especially as referred to the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (the Italian State-owned company, I.R.I. hereafter). I aim to capture the analogies between the two public entities, I.N.I. and I.R.I., through the analysis of their financial ratios, statutes, sector investment and production. If it is true that, in Italy, different economic policies were applied all along from the thirties to the fifties, some of them were autarkic. I.R.I can be seen as a reflection of the regime’s will, mirroring, mirroring the evolution of Italian economic policies. Since the different roles of the I.R.I. and its adaptation to the decisionmaking process of the Italian regime have not been considered by the literature that dealt with the I.N.I., especially with respect to the classification of the autarkic models that the I.R.I. was called to apply, my research attempts to identify which of the I.R.I. roles were copied by the I.N.I., and in particular whether it was the ‘war autarkic’ model, adopted by the I.R.I. between 1939 and 1943. Particular attention will also be dedicated to explaining why the creation of the I.N.I. was inspired by the Italian model of the I.R.I. The ultimate purpose of my project will be to provide a new insight on the economic policies of the First Francoism by discussing whether postwar policy in Spain was a continuity of the ‘war autarkic’ policy of the Civil War, and not just a ‘normal autarkic’ policy.
Shongwe, Emelda Dimakatso. "From genocide to Gacaca : historical and socio-political dynamics of identities in the late twentieth century in Rwanda : the perspective of the Durban based Rwandese". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/824.
Testo completoThesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.
MENDEZ, LAGO Monica. "Organising for victory ... and defeat? : the organisational strategy of the Spanish workers' socialist party (1975-1996)". Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5289.
Testo completoExamining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Mair (University of Leiden) ; Prof. José María Maravall (Instituto Juan March-Madrid) ; Prof. Leonardo Morlino (Università di Firenze)
First made available online 3 October 2016.
Este libro estudia el desarrollo organizativo del Partido Socialista Obrero Español durante el período comprendido entre la reconstrucción de su organización en las postrimerías del franquismo y su derrota en las elecciones de marzo de 1996.Utilizando un marco analítico centrado en el concepto de estrategia organizativa y los factores que influyen en sus características, la investigación empírica aborda tres cuestiones: "la política de afiliación" del PSOE, sus vínculos con otras organizaciones, fundamentalmente con la UGT, y la comunicación directa con el electorado, prestando una especial atención a las campañas electorales. Los tres son aspectos fundamentales de las estrategias organizativas, y la opción de desarrollar en mayor medida uno u otro depende de múltiples condicionantes -internos y externos a los partidos- que se analizan en el libro. A partir del estudio del caso del PSOE, y mediante la utilización de conceptos, teorías y modelos propios de la literatura comparada sobre el tema, este libro pretende contribuir al conjunto de investigaciones recientes que reflejan el renovado interés de la Ciencia Política en analizar los rasgos organizativos de los partidos, las repercusiones de éstos en el rendimiento y funcionamiento de los propios partidos, y en diferentes aspectos de los sistemas políticos a los que pertenecen.
Hayward, Blakeslee Jennifer. "Consuming illegality : the political demography of migrant farm labor in California and Andalucia, 1985-2005". Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150476.
Testo completoZAMPONI, Lorenzo. "Memory in action : mediatised public memory and the symbolic construction of conflict in student movements". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36977.
Testo completoExamining Board: Professor Donatella Della Porta, EUI and Scuola Normale Superiore (Supervisor); Professor William A. Gamson, Boston College; Professor Ron Eyerman, Yale University; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI.
Cultural factors shape the symbolic environment in which contentious politics take place. Among these factors, collective memories are particularly relevant: they can help collective action by providing symbolic material from the past, but at the same time they can constrain people's ability to mobilise by imposing proscriptions and prescriptions. In my research I analyse the relationship between social movements and collective memories: how do social movement participate in the building of public memory? And how does public memory, and in particular the media representation of a contentious past, influence the social construction of identity in the contemporary movements? To answer these questions I focus on the student movements in Italy and Spain, analysing the content and format of media sources in order to draw a map of the different narrative representations of a contentious past, while I use qualitative interviews to investigate their influence on contemporary mobilisations. In particular, I focus on the evolution of the representation of specific events in the Italian and Spanish student movements of the 1960s and 1970s in the different public fields, identifying the role of terrorism and political transitions in shaping in the present the publicly discussed image of the past. The thesis draws on a qualitative content analysis of media material, tracing the phases of the commemoration, putting it in historical context, and attempting to reconstruct the different mechanisms of contentious remembrance. Furthermore, I refer to interviews conducted with contemporary student activists in order to assess the relationship between the public memory of a contentious past and the strategic choices of contemporary movements.
Gabi, Shingirirai. "Ambiguous space : representations of forgiveness in Left to tell: discovering God amidst the Rwandan Holocaust (2006), Inyenzi : a story of Love and genocide (2007) and God sleeps in Rwanda : a journey of transformation (2009)". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20953.
Testo completoEnglish Studies
M. A. (English Studies)