Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Calleja, Eduardo González. "The Spanish Civil War: New Approaches and Historiographic Perspectives". Contemporary European History 29, n. 3 (agosto 2020): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000235.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The bibliography on the Spanish Civil War is almost unattainable, but the matter continues to elicit such interest that it remains open to new historiographic trends. For example, the ‘classic’ military history of the conflict, cultivated prominently in recent years by Gabriel Cardona, Jorge Martínez Reverte and Anthony Beevor, does not renounce the microhistory or cultural perspective. These constitute the theoretical framework of the New Military History and its corollary the New Combat History, which combine philological, anthropological, psychological and historiographical perspectives to various degrees. In the specific field of the war experiences pioneered by George L. Mosse, the concepts of brutalisation, barbarisation and demodernisation of military operations, coined by Omer Bartov to describe the particularities of the Eastern campaign during the Second World War, are being used by Spanish historians dedicated to the study of the violence and atrocities of the civil war and post-war. Focusing on the field of political history, government management or diplomacy has been studied almost exhaustively, but this is not the case for the principal phenomenon of political violence in the 1930s in Europe, namely paramilitarisation. It is surprising that the latest studies on the issue at the European level (Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore) do not include any essays on the enormous incidence of paramilitary violence in Spain before, during and after the civil war.
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Vrančić, Frano. "Le catholique Bernanos face à la guerre civile espagnole". Studia Romanistica 20, n. 2 (novembre 2020): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/sr.2020.20.0013.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper analyses the political‑religious reflection developed by the great French novelist Georges Bernanos (1888-1948) during his Majorcan stay in the course of the Spanish Civil War. Indeed, it was in Palma de Mallorca, where this writer stayed from 1934 to 1937 to escape the anger of his Parisian creditors, that he wrote most of his masterpiece The Diary of a Country Priest as well as A New History of Mouchette. Fundamentally Catholic and monarchist, at the very beginning of the Francoist military uprising against the Popular Front in the summer of 1936, Bernanos became enthusiastic about the “glorioso Movimiento”. This is due not only to his son Yves, who actively participated in the rebellion, but also and above all to his virulent anticommunism and his youth’s fascination for the ideas of Hello and Maurras. However, after seeing the atrocities committed against the civilian population by the partisans of Franco, as a good Catholic, Bernanos raises his voice and denounces the blessing of Francoist war crimes by part of the Spanish clergy in his famous non‑fiction book The Great Cemeteries Under the Moon (1938). Contrary to what one might believe, this explosive essay is not a leftist manifesto, since Bernanos does not justify the crimes committed by the socialists and communists who came to Spain so as to fight against Franco and his Italian and German allies, but a warning addressed to the French political elites, especially to his old friends of the conservative Action Française, against the fascist temptation. Finally, this striking work is still relevant in a Europe whose political classes sometimes tend to minimize the destructive effects of the three deadly ideologies of the past century for electoral purposes, which exacerbates memory wars and thus damages the living‑together.
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Hoffmann, Stanley, John Horne e Alan Kramer. "German Atrocities, 1914: A History of Denial". Foreign Affairs 81, n. 2 (2002): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033121.
Testo completo
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Serfaty, Meir. "Political Pragmatism in Spain". Current History 85, n. 514 (1 novembre 1986): 377–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.514.377.
Testo completo
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Reilly, James. "CHINA'S HISTORY ACTIVISTS AND THE WAR OF RESISTANCE AGAINST JAPAN: History in the Making". Asian Survey 44, n. 2 (marzo 2004): 276–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.2.276.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract In China over the past two decades, a group of ““history activists”” has maximized its professional independence, social credibility, academic resources, and international connections to usurp many traditional roles of the state in building new institutions and engaging in activism aimed at documenting and disseminating information on Japan's wartime atrocities.
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Peral, Germán Asensio, e José Francisco Fernández Sánchez. "‘Irishmen could suffer in spirit with Spain’: Mairin Mitchell’s Storm over Spain, Ireland, and the Spanish Civil War". Irish University Review 53, n. 2 (novembre 2023): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2023.0615.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Storm over Spain (1937), by Mairin Mitchell, is a rare case in the bibliography of the Irish in the Spanish Civil War. This travelogue, which narrates the journey of the author around Andalusia in the months before the beginning of the conflict, has received scant critical attention by historians, literary critics and cultural analysts working on Irish and Hispanic Studies, despite offering a first-hand account of the atmosphere of tension and fear that preceded the Spanish Civil War. This essay pays attention to her book Storm over Spain with the aim of reassessing its merits as a powerful narrative, as a reliable source of information on the Spanish Civil War, and as an example of the pervasive influence of Irish history as a methodological approach to explain social structures in other cultures. In particular, it examines Mitchell's position on the Spanish conflict in the travelogue by looking at her discussion of a number of events and atrocities that took place during the war.
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Torres, Pedro-Ruiz. "Political Uses of History in Spain". Mediterranean Historical Review 16, n. 1 (giugno 2001): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004574.
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Gaudenzi, Bianca. "Competing memories? The Holocaust and colonial atrocities in German history". PASSATO E PRESENTE 41, n. 118 (gennaio 2023): 18–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2023-118002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A new controversy has been polarising German history and public memory since 2020. Dubbed Historikerstreit 2.0 in reference to the 1986 debate on the uniqueness of the Holocaust, the dispute revolves around the memory politics of the Holocaust and of German colonial-era atrocities, but it is also very much about how Germany deals with its xenophobic present and its attitude to Israel's current settlement poli¬cies. This discussion forum takes a broader view in order to contextualise the debate within the wider scope of contemporary German historiography and memory culture and introduce a nuanced assessment of the issues at stake to the Italian public, in a country which still struggles to own up to its antisemitic past, let alone its skewed post-colonial memory and racist present.
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Hanara, Desi. "Safeguarding Freedom of Religion or Belief to Prevent Conflicts and Mass Atrocities in Southeast Asia: the Role of Parliamentarians". Journal of International Peacekeeping 26, n. 2-3 (2 novembre 2023): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-26020002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Southeast Asia is vulnerable to conflicts and has a long history and present dealings with various forms of human rights violations and atrocities. At the same time, the region lacks a strong human rights mechanism to ensure protection, redress, and accountability. This paper thus argues that parliamentarians should vitalise their roles and enhance synergies with existing asean mechanisms and entities to strengthen the protection of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) and the prevention of conflicts and mass atrocities in the region. This paper proposes the establishment of a network of parliamentarians to support atrocity prevention and promote the responsibility to protect (R2P) in Southeast Asia. The network will amplify various parliamentary roles to support atrocity prevention, including legislative action on atrocity prevention, sharing of best practices on the establishment of national mechanisms for atrocity prevention, and capacity building for parliamentarians in preventing mass atrocities from occurring in the future.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War". Irish Historical Studies 33, n. 129 (maggio 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
Tesi sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Shaw, Duncan Richard. "The political instrumentalization of professional football in Francoist Spain 1939-1975". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1988. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1899.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The objective of this thesis is to be the first systematic study of the political instrumentalization of football in Francoist Spain from 1939 to 1975. Seven separate and contrasting aspects of this political instrumentalization may be isolated, and, accordingly, this thesis will consist of a chapter examining each one of these seven aspects in turn. After a first introductory chapter, Chapter Two will examine the application of Fascist concepts to Spanish football. In the third chapter, the questions of whether and to what extent football was used by the Franco regime as a political soporific will be discussed. The theme of Chapter Four is the lack of democracy within the structures of the game, a situation that is alleged to have been deliberately imposed by the regime in order to not create an uncomfortable comparison for itself with the lack of national and local political democracy. The poor working conditions of the footballers, which mirrored those of the great majority of Spanish workers during the Franco period, are the subject of Chapter Five. In the sixth Chapter, the political significance of the presence in Francoist Spain of a group of refugee players and coaches from Europe will be examined. The diplomatic and ambassadorial significance of football, in particular of the spectacular international triumphs of the Real Madrid club, will be discussed in Chapter Seven. The political significance of football as a focus for Basque and Catalan nationalist sentiment, in opposition to the centralist Madrid regime, is the subject of Chapter Eight.
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Donaldson, Danielle. "Studies in material, political and cultural impact of the Byzantine presence in early medieval Spain, c. 550-711". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283900.
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Portass, Robert Nicholas. "Society, Community and Power in Northern Spain : 700-1000". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:56e7d378-389e-4a1e-84a2-7f1869c9ed3f.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The period from c.718 to c.1000 oversaw the reconquest of a significant part of the Iberian Peninsula by the Kingdom of Asturias (718–910) and its successor in León (910–1037); the study of this process of Reconquista has in recent years focused on two broader social changes: the increasing exploitation of the peasantry, and the eclipse of public power. In the Introduction, I argue that it is necessary to integrate the study of peasant societies with analyses of royal and aristocratic power; reframing the subject in this way, we are able to appreciate the diversity of social experience which characterized both peasant and aristocratic life across the two case studies here examined, Southern Galicia, and the Liébana. I argue that the tenth century must be seen on its own terms, and without the benefit of hindsight, if we are to characterize it fairly. Chapter Two discusses the source material I have used in the elaboration of this thesis, highlighting its uses and problems from a critical perspective. In Chapter Three I show that fluid social structures allowed a family to rise to power from amongst the village inhabitants of the Liébana. Public officials such as counts were not able to impose themselves frequently upon this society. In Chapter Four, I show how a rich and aristocratic family of lay magnates, based in southern Galicia, were major political operators from the ninth century, but only came to exercise significant social influence amongst local society after the construction of the monastery of Celanova in 936. My Conclusion contextualizes these changes; it also argues that more nuanced and less schematic approaches to social relations demonstrate that peasants retained considerable autonomy in this period, and that factional politics influenced the stability of kingship far more than the supposed eclipse of public power.
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López-Portillo, García-López José-Juan. "'Another Jerusalem' : political legitimacy and courtly government in the Kingdom of New Spain (1535-1568)". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8545.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
My research focused on understanding how viceregal authority was accepted in Mesoamerica. Rather than approaching the problems from the perspective of institutional history, I drew on prosopographical techniques and the court-studies tradition to focus on the practice of government and the affinities that bound indigenous and non-indigenous political communities. In Chapters two and three I investigate how particular notions of nobility informed the ‘ideals of life’ of the Spanish and indigenous elites in New Spain and how these evolved up to 1535. The chapters also serve to establish a general context to the political situation that Mendoza faced on his arrival. Chapters four to seven explore how the viceroys sought to increase their authority in New Spain by appropriating means of direct distribution of patronage and how this allowed them personally to satisfy many of the demands of the Spanish and indigenous elites. This helped them impose their supremacy over New Spain’s magnates and serve the crown by ruling more effectively. Viceregal supremacy was justified in a ‘language of legitimacy’ that became increasingly peculiar to New Spain as a community of interests developed between the local elites and the viceroys who guaranteed the local political arrangements on which their status and wealth increasingly depended. I conclude by suggesting that New Spain was governed on the basis of internal arrangements guaranteed by the viceroys. This led to the development of what I define as a ‘parasitic civic-nobility’ which benefitted from the perpetuation of the viceregal system along with the crown. The internal political logic of most decision making and a defined local identity accompanied by increasingly ‘sui generis’ ‘ideals of life’ qualify New Spain to be considered not as a ‘colony’ run by an alien bureaucracy that perpetuated Spanish ‘domination’ but as Mexico City’s sub-empire within the Habsburg ‘composite monarchy.
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Calvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. "The political economy of conditional foreign aid to Spain, 1950-1963 : relief of input bottlenecks, economic policy change and political credibility". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/106/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis advances our understanding of the effects of foreign aid programmes in the Spanish economy during the 1950s. It does so by concentrating on three aspects. First, it considers the contribution to economic growth of aid-financed goods by relieving input bottlenecks. Results from an input-output analysis downplay the alleged importance of aid in increasing Spanish output by providing raw materials and other inputs. Second, it discusses the extent to which foreign donors influenced Spanish economic policy-making. Based on original archival sources from both recipient and donors, it is argued here that the United States was particularly ineffective at imposing its economic policy agenda. Surprisingly, the best way to increase the likelihood of the adoption of economic policy reform was not to exercise outright leverage but to provide further unconditional aid disbursements. The analysis of the involvement of the International Monetary Fund and Organisation for European Economic Co-operation to underwrite the 1959 Spanish Stabilisation Plan suggests that the multilateral organisations were acutely aware of the overriding importance of a true commitment to the reforms by the local policy-makers. Rather than relying on formal conditionality, they ascertained such commitment by monitoring the internal support for the reform programme whilst carefully avoiding any instance that may jeopardise the cohesion of the domestic pro-reform coalition. Third, the dissertation motivates a 'credibility hypothesis' under which the American aid-for-bases programme improved the political credibility of the regime and with it private businesses' expectations. A range of both qualitative and quantitative evidence, of which the use of financial market data is paramount, supports the hypothesis. This result contributes to solving the puzzle of Spanish economic history during a period that sees the resumption of economic growth after a stagnant first decade under Franco's rule despite very limited policy change.
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MANZANO, BAENA Laura. "Conflicting words : political thought and culture in the Dutch Republic and in the Spanish monarchy around the peace of Munster (1648)". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6994.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Defence date: 25 June 2007Examining Board: Dr. Martin van Gelderen (EUI); Dr. Xavier Gil Pujor (Universitat de Barcelona); Dr. Benjamin Kaplan (University College London); Dr. Anthony Molho (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this dissertation is to study the influence exerted by the different political cultures in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Low Countries on these peace talks and how they contributed to delaying the solution finally achieved in Münster. The events on the battlefield accompanying the said negotiations, the negotiations themselves and their outcome are known thanks to a number of scholarly works devoted to the long struggle between the Spanish Monarchy and its 'rebel subjects' in the Low Countries and, from 1640, in the Iberian Peninsula. The second phase of the Eighty Years’ War - once hostilities were resumed after the Twelve Years’ Truce in 1621 - and the peace talks have attracted the interest mainly of Dutch historians, although they have received considerably less attention than the revolt. Spanish scholars have, while not neglecting the issue completely, generally included it in more general surveys of the reign of Philip IV whose access to the throne in 1621 roughly coincides with the starting point of this study. British historiography has contributed to research on the Dutch Republic and the Spanish Monarchy during the first half of the seventeenth century but studies jointly referring to both remain scarce, with the outstanding exception of Jonathan Israel’s works. In most accounts the peace appears as the inevitable outcome of the combination of Spanish decline and growing Dutch power and almost predetermined by the respective structural weaknesses and dynamism of each contender, and therefore of relative scholarly interest. In all cases, the political decisions, the military actions and the socio-economic background have received privileged attention from historians - the cultural and literary production in two polities living through their Golden Ages are only too often left to scholars of art and literature. Thanks to the efforts by Dutch historians, starting shortly after the peace settlement, how the negotiations actually proceeded is known. But these works have devoted little if any attention to the intellectual debates surrounding the negotiations. In the cases where scholars have referred to them, most generally they have assumed them to be pure pretexts, attempts at playing to the gallery that were mere window dresing, disguises of other, real (economic) interests. Although contemporary accounts offer a different view, frowning on those who were accused of using transcendental goals to disguise the pursuit of more worldly aims, many modern scholars have chosen to neglect the former altogether in their quest for a materialistic analysis of society.
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Crites, Danya Alexandra. "From mosque to cathedral: the social and political significations of Mudejar architecture in late medieval Seville". Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the late Middle Ages, Iberian Christian and Jewish patrons commissioned intriguing monuments that incorporate Islamic-derived features. Determining possible reasons for the patronage of this architecture, commonly referred to as Mudejar architecture, has the potential to provide important insights into the complex, multi-cultural society that produced it, yet studies on its patronage have been limited in number and scope. Most of the early Spanish scholarship on Mudejar architecture focuses on formal issues and simply attributes its patronage to economic factors, an admiring fascination with the exotic, or a desire to subjugate Islamic culture. More recent scholarship has shifted to examining the motivations of patrons in specific case studies; however, many of these case studies are still framed within the overarching theory that Mudejar architecture was the result of a common architectural heritage among Christians, Jews, and Muslims. The reasons for Mudejar patronage cannot be confined to a single broad theory, but instead individual projects and patrons must be studied within their specific contexts and then compared to one another to provide a more accurate understanding of Mudejarismo.
This dissertation traces the development of Mudejar architecture in Seville from the time of the city's conquest by Christian forces in 1248 to the early sixteenth century, just after the expulsion of Muslims and Jews from the Kingdom of Castile, in order to demonstrate the changing nature of Mudejar patronage in the city and how it relates to the relations among Christian, Jews, and Muslims. In establishing the chronology and the patronage of Seville's Mudejar monuments through a close analysis of their formal elements, three distinct phases in their construction become apparent: 1) the approximately fifty years following the city's conquest; 2) a period between the earthquake of 1356 and the initial construction of the Gothic cathedral in the 1430's; and 3) the remainder of the fifteenth century through the first years of the sixteenth century. Prevalent features of Mudejar architecture during each of these phases are considered within the socio-political climate of the time as evidenced in primary sources. While economic, social, and demographic factors contributed to the construction of Mudejar architecture in Seville, its patronage was largely the result of the changing political agendas of the city's ruling elite. Shortly after the city's Castilian conquest, Alfonso X favored Gothic over Mudejar features because of his goals of asserting the new Christian authority in a city still threatened by Muslim forces and creating for himself a cosmopolitan imperial image. By the mid-fourteenth century, when Christian hegemony was no longer a concern, Mudejar forms signified the absolute power desired by Pedro I and his rebellious half-brother Enrique II. The construction of Seville's enormous Gothic cathedral throughout much of the fifteenth century in addition to the patronage of the Catholic Monarchs and the rise of the Renaissance largely ended Mudejar patronage in the city with the exception of centrally-planned chapels and elaborate wooden roofs, which by this time had become a source of local pride. Thus, no general theory can encompass all of the reasons for Mudejar patronage in late medieval Seville, which were varied and continually in flux.
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Heywood, David. "British combatant writers of the Spanish civil war". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61706.
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Vasileiou, Ioannis. "The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain)". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.
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Van, Schalkwyk Denver Christopher. "Vervalle state, hulpbronoorloë en vredemaking : die gevalle Sierra Leone". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53776.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.
Libri sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Luis, Ricardo García. La justicia de los rebeldes: Los fusilados en Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1936-1940. Tenerife, Islas Canarias: Baile del Sol, 1994.
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Fonseca, Carlos. Trece rosas rojas: La historia más conmovedora de la guerra civil. Madrid: Temas de Hoy, 2004.
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Maestre, Francisco Espinosa. La columna de la muerte: El avance del ejército franquista de Sevilla a Badajoz. Barcelona: Crítica, 2003.
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Paul, Preston. The Spanish holocaust: Inquisition and extermination in twentieth-century Spain. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2012.
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Paul, Preston. The Spanish holocaust: Inquisition and extermination in twentieth-century Spain. London: HarperPress, 2012.
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Flores, Jesús Gutiérrez. Crónicas de la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil en Reinosa y Campóo: Apuntes antropológicos. [Casar de Periedo, Cantabria]: Imgraft, 1993.
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Maestre, Francisco Espinosa. La justicia de Queipo: Violencia selectiva y terror fascista en la II División en 1936 : Sevilla, Huelva, Cádiz, Córdoba, Málaga y Badajoz. Barcelona: Crítica, 2006.
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Tapia, Alberto Reig. Violencia y terror: Estudios sobre la Guerra Civil Española. Torrejón de Ardoz [Spain]: Akal, 1990.
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Rubio, Angel David Martín. Paz, piedad, perdón-- y verdad: La represión en la guerra civil : una síntesis definitiva. Toledo: Editorial Fénix, 1997.
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Enfedaque, Albert Fàbrega. Mort a les cunetes (1939). Barcelona: Angle Editorial, 2005.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Corchete, Sira Hernández. "Mediated Collective Memory and the Political Process Towards Democracy in Spain". In Televising History, 122–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230277205_9.
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Thomson, Guy. "Democracy and political action in Southern Spain, 1848–1874". In Rethinking the History of Democracy in Spain, 67–82. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003388616-6.
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Cardeñoso, Jesús Ángel Redondo. "Republican political mobilisation of the working classes in southern Portugal". In Rethinking the History of Democracy in Spain, 155–71. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003388616-12.
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Bellido, Francisco J. "The Decentralization of Spain as a Political Nation". In Constitutional Debates, Rhetoric, and Political Philosophy in Spain’s Parliamentary History, 139–63. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-56894-7_7.
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Bellido, Francisco J. "Liberalism and Democracy in Contemporary Spain". In Constitutional Debates, Rhetoric, and Political Philosophy in Spain’s Parliamentary History, 165–80. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-56894-7_8.
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Gorostiza, Santiago. "Iberian Anarchism in Environmental History". In Studies in Ecological Economics, 271–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22566-6_23.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn recent years, there has been a renewed interest in anarchism from both social movements and critical academic circles. When tracing the genealogy of anarchist perspectives since the nineteenth century, radical geographers have pointed out the importance of the anarchist movement in Spain, and particularly in the city of Barcelona. During the 1960s and 1970s, authors like Murray Bookchin shared an interest in social ecology with a militant passion to vindicate the historical significance of Spanish anarchism and the achievements of anarcho-syndicalist collectives in the 1936 revolution. Before interest in these perspectives faded among critical geographers in the 1980s and 1990s, the experience of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was key to the research on the relation between social anarchism and the environment. In the context of the emergence of political ecology and environmental history in Spain during the 1990s, I examine the scholarship on human ecology and Iberian anarchism, first developed by Eduard Masjuan in the journal Ecología Política. Masjuan’s doctoral research, supervised by Joan Martínez-Alier, delved into the rich debates on urbanism and birth control that took place in anarchist circles from Catalonia to Latin America between 1860 and 1937. Masjuan’s research constitutes an essential reference to explore the depth of the environmental dimensions of Spanish anarchism during these years and has informed degrowth discussions on population and the collective ethics of self-limitation. Despite the impact of Masjuan’s research, I argue that the environmental history and political ecology of the 1936 revolution is still to be written. I show some examples of work to date, from urban water management under anarcho-syndicalist principles to collectivised urban agriculture. Finally, I point out that, while not always acknowledged, the influence of anarchist practices can also be found in the research on today’s social movements carried out at the Barcelona school of political ecology and ecological economics.
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Prieto, Moisés. "Corrupt and Rapacious: Colonial Spanish-American Past Through the Eyes of Early Nineteenth-Century Contemporaries. A Contribution from the History of Emotions". In Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, 105–39. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0255-9_5.
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AbstractAround 1800, merchants, scientists and adventurers travelled to Latin America with different purposes. Their multifaceted interests in a world region, experiencing a threshold of independence from Spanish colonial rule, inspired new historical and political works about the continent’s recent past. The Enlightenment provided not only the philosophical armamentarium against corruption, but it also paved the way to a new expression of sentiments and to the loss of fear when addressing injustice. Some examples of these are Hipólito Villaroel’s list of grievances and Humboldt’s Political essay. These two authors provide some thoughts on the political landscape of New Spain (now Mexico), while the two Swiss physicians Rengger and Longchamp describe the ruthless and odd dictator Francia of independent Paraguay as a champion of anti-corruption. Finally, Argentine dictator Rosas—and his robberies as described by Rivera Indarte, Sarmiento and other anonymous authors—represent the embodiment of corruption through pure larceny, for whose crimes the Spanish colonial past apparently no longer served as a comparison.
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Busse, Britta, Mariona Ferrer-Fons, Robert Grimm, Jochen Tholen, Sanjin Uležić e Kevin Wolnik. "Does History Matter for Young People’s Political Identity? The Role of Past Authoritarianism in Germany and Spain". In Understanding Youth Participation Across Europe, 265–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59007-7_11.
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Raynal, Abbé. "Conquest of Chili and Paraguay by the Spaniards. Principles on which Spain regulates her colonies." In A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, 1–117. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101925_1.
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Viñas, Carles. "Claques, Ultras and Radicals: The Uneven Development of Fandom in Spain and Portugal—A History of Identities and Political Extremism". In Football Fandom in Europe and Latin America, 193–211. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06473-9_9.
Testo completoAtti di convegni sul tema "History of Spain Political atrocities"
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Đorđević, Miroslav. "LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA". In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.027dj.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.
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Costa Rosado, Ana, Vidal Gómez-Martinez, Miguel Reimão Costa e María Teresa Pérez-Cano. "Traditional houses in the South-Western Iberian Peninsula: Themes for a cross-border comparative typological study". In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.14497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Up until the 13th century, the South-western Iberian Peninsula shared the same cultural and political conditions under the rule of garb-Al-Andaluz. The administrative separation of this territory between two different kingdoms led to deep changes in the culture and daily life on either side of the border, which may have reflected on housing structures. Did the 13th-century border between Spain and Portugal trigger divergent paths in housing types? Or has the previous common background prevailed in shaping house models in the territory around the Guadiana Valley? This paper proposes a set of themes to begin a cross-border study on the traditional house, its changes and continuities. The research is based on in loco architectonic surveys of common houses in the Algarve, Alentejo (Portugal) and Andalusia (Spain). The buildings are analysed as regard their spatial organizations, constructive techniques and urban implantation allowing some themes of change and continuity to emerge. This then allows comparisons between the types of traditional houses in these border regions, their common characteristics, differences and evolution paths. It is noticeable that, given how the South-western Iberia represents the same territorial unit in terms of climate and orography, and – until the 13th century – shared the same historical context, the urban similarities were profound. It is therefore almost surprising how divergent the housing evolution between the two sides would become. The study of housing architecture is of particular relevance to the history of people as the variations reflect how the habits and customs of societies. Especially in societies sharing the same starting point, it shows how habits and customs may diverge after separation into two different administrative entities.