Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Haute-Vienne (France) – 20e siècle"

En Derecho internacional del Mar, se suele presentar el mar Mediterráneo como un modelo[1], entre los mares semicerrados, que además también se llaman precisamente las Mediterráneas[2], por referencia a la influencia histórico-jurídica de esta región marítima[3], como al alto nivel de gobernanza medioambiental, en el marco del sistema de Barcelona, y haliéutica en el seno de la Comisión General de Pesca del Mediterráneo[4]. Pero, al contrario, se considera una excepción con respecto a la proyección espacial de los Estados ribereños y su extensión mar adentro. Así el Mediterráneo es una de las regiones del mundo donde los procesos conjuntos de jurisdiccionalización y delimitación de los espacios marítimos siguen siendo los menos avanzados. Aunque la jurisdiccionalización no postula necesariamente la delimitación, cristaliza inevitablemente los conflictos a fortiori en un mar semicerrado, que su configuración geográfica, con islas y penínsulas, pero también la persistencia de situaciones histórico-políticas particulares, lo hacen inadecuado o refractario a la delimitación marítima[5]; por lo tanto, se plantea, en el Mediterráneo, como en general, pero de una manera más aguda, la cuestión espinosa de la necesidad como de la conveniencia del doble proceso de apropiación y repartición estatal del mar. Compartir o repartir? Enfrentando esta disyuntiva, se pueden no obstante constatar diferencias sino divergencias entre el Mediterráneo occidental y el Mediterráneo oriental[6]. Hasta ahora los Estados del Mediterráneo occidental han preferido compartir, proclamando zonas económicas exclusivas sin delimitar, y vivir con sus conflictos[7]. En el Levante al contrario se trata de una verdadera dialéctica, porque se destaca una voluntad política de repartir, y en el presente caso delimitar, aunque sin proclamar, celebrando acuerdos dedicados para poder apropiarse los recursos del lecho y subsuelo del mar, mientras que existen situaciones, geográficas y geopolíticas, obstaculizando toda delimitación, no sólo negociada sino también juridizada o judiciarizada. Tanto en un caso como el otro, el contexto resulta potencialmente conflictivo, con retos de delimitación marítima muy complejos, desde el punto de vista jurídico y geopolítico, en una región además sujeta a definiciones de geometría variable. Si el Mediterráneo oriental designa la parte oriental del mar Mediterráneo, es decir la cuenca levantina, o el Levante, la determinación de los Estados de la región no se hace sin dificultades, a fortiori en el periodo actual. En cuanto al Derecho internacional del Mar, es la identificación de los Estados ribereños la que resulta decisiva; desde esta perspectiva, el Mediterráneo oriental incluye con mayor frecuencia a Chipre, Egipto, Grecia, Israel, Líbano, Siria, Turquía y Palestina, y mucho más raramente a Libia, integrada de facto en el colectivo regional desde la firma del Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) con Turquía en 2019. Sin embargo, las relaciones jurídicas de los Estados de la región con otros Estados vecinos también pueden interferir en la geometría marítima del Mediterráneo oriental, como los acuerdos celebrados por Grecia en 2020, en el Mar Jónico con Italia en relación con la delimitación de sus espacios marítimos, y con Albania a fin de negociar para someter su controversia marítima a la Corte Internacional de Justicia. Desde un punto de vista geopolítico, el Mediterráneo oriental es una región muy compleja y conflictiva[8], y el descubrimiento de recursos marinos, incluidos enormes yacimientos de gas en varias áreas geológicas diferentes de esta parte del Mediterráneo, incluida la cuenca del Nilo, la cuenca del Levante y la cuenca de Chipre, se ha superpuesto a los conflictos políticos y jurídicos más o menos latentes, en particular entre Grecia y Turquía, Israel y Palestina, la cuestión de Chipre, la guerra civil en Siria o, más recientemente, en Libia; todos los Estados ribereños de la región quisieran naturalmente aprovechar el maná de los hidrocarburos, para lograr las promesas asociadas de desarrollo económico e independencia energética, lo que explica las iniciativas crecientes de jurisdiccionalización vía acuerdos convencionales y contribuye a la cristalización de los conflictos de delimitación marítima[9]. En este contexto, por supuesto, el Derecho internacional del Mar es obviamente sólo un parámetro, aunque esencial porque proporciona un marco tanto para la evaluación de las pretensiones de jurisdicción como para un eventual arreglo de las controversias[10]. No obstante, la situación jurídica es muy específica en el Mediterráneo oriental; en efecto, de los ocho o nueve Estados de la región, incluida Libia, cuatro no son Partes en la Convención de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Derecho del Mar: Israel y Turquía, que se encuentran entre los cuatro Estados que votaron en contra de la Convención en 1982; Siria, que no lo ha firmado ni ratificado; y Libia, que firmó el texto en 1984, pero nunca lo ratificó[11]. Por supuesto esta situación facilita la instrumentalización geopolítica del Derecho, con miras a fundamentar las estrategias de apropiación de los espacios y recursos[12] que crean, cristalizan o despiertan conflictos regionales[13]. Los retos de delimitación marítima en el Mediterráneo oriental proceden por lo tanto de una lectura mediterránea del Derecho internacional del Mar (I), conduciendo al rompecabezas jurídico de un espacio marítimo conflictivo (II). [1] G. Cataldi (Dir.), La Méditerranée et le droit de la mer à l’aube du 21ème siècle / The Mediterranean and the Law of the Sea at the Dawn of the 21st Century, Bruxelles Bruylant 2002. [2] N. Ros & F. Galletti (Dir.), Le droit de la mer face aux “Méditerranées”, Quelle contribution de la Méditerranée et des mers semi-fermées au développement du droit international de la mer ?, Cahiers de l’Association internationale du Droit de la Mer 5, Napoli Editoriale Scientifica 2016. [3] G. Andreone & G. Cataldi, « Regards sur les évolutions du droit de la mer en Méditerranée », Annuaire français de droit international 2010, Volume 56, p. 1-39, https://www.persee.fr/docAsPDF/afdi_0066-3085_2010_num_56_1_4601.pdf; J. González Giménez, “La evolución del Derecho del mar desde el punto de vista de un mar semicerrado como el Mediterráneo”, Revista electrónica de estudios internacionales 2007, Número 14, http://www.reei.org/index.php/revista/num14/articulos/evolucion-derecho-mar-desde-punto-vista-mar-semicerrado-como-mediterraneo; U. Leanza, « Le régime juridique international de la mer Méditerranée », Recueil des Cours de l’Académie de droit international 1992, V, Tome 236, p. 127-460; I. Papanicolopulu, “The Mediterranean Sea”, in D. R. Rothwell, A. G. Oude Elferink, K. N. Scott & T. Stephens (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Law of the Sea, Oxford University Press 2015, p. 604-625; N. Ros, « La mer Méditerranée : cas particulier et modèle avancé de gestion de la haute mer », Annuaire du Droit de la Mer 2011, Tome XVI, p. 33-62. [4] N. Ros, « Régimes juridiques et gouvernance internationale de la mer Méditerranée », in S. Doumbé-Billé & J-M. Thouvenin (Coord.), Mélanges en l’honneur du Professeur Habib Slim, Ombres et lumières du droit international, Paris Pedone 2016, p. 205-231; N. Ros, « La gouvernance de la mer Méditerranée », in B. Aurescu, A. Pellet, J-M. Thouvenin & I. Gâlea (Dir.), Actualité du droit des mers fermées et semi-fermées, Paris Pedone 2019, p. 109-138. [5] N. Ros, « La juridictionnalisation postule-t-elle nécessairement la délimitation ? La mer Méditerranée, exemple et/ou contre-exemple », in M-P. Lanfranchi & R. Mehdi (Dir.), Actualités de la gouvernance internationale de la Mer Méditerranée, Paris Pedone 2021, p. 53-69. [6] G. A. Oanta, “Maritime Delimitations in the Mediterranean: Current Challenges”, Italian Yearbook of International Law 2021, Volume 31, p. 5-28. [7] N. Ros, « Au-delà de la borne 602 : la frontière maritime entre l’Espagne et la France en mer Méditerranée », Journal du Droit international Clunet 2014/4, p. 1099-1141. [8] M. A. Moratinos Cuyaubé, « Les défis de la Méditerranée orientale », Etudes helléniques / Hellenic Studies 2014, Volume 22, N° 2, p. 235-247. [9] N. Ros, “Law of the Sea and Offshore Energy in the East Mediterranean”, Jean Monnet Paper 2020, N°10, Athens Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence, https://jmce.gr/portal/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/NR-WP-No-12-_Nathalie-Ros.pdf. [10] N. Ros, « Le droit international de la mer à l’épreuve en Méditerranée orientale », Annuaire de Droit Maritime et Océanique 2021, Tome XXXIV, p. 17-53. [11] Todos los Estados ribereños son naturalmente Partes en el Convenio de Barcelona, pero por supuesto no en todos sus protocolos; y dos de ellos también son miembros de la Unión Europea, Chipre y Grecia. [12] N. Ros, “Delimitation Challenges in the East Mediterranean Sea: an International Law of the Sea perspective”, in Policy Paper on EU’s Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Space, Energy & Security Policies, Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence Athens 2023, p. 117-130, https://jmce.gr/portal/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/POLICY-PAPER-EU-EMES-611501-EPP-1-2019-1-EL-EPPJMO-PROJECT.pdf. [13] N. Ros, “The Jurisdictionalization of the East Mediterranean Sea”, in Policy Paper on EU’s Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Space, Energy & Security Policies, Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence Athens 2023, p. 104-116, https://jmce.gr/portal/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/POLICY-PAPER-EU-EMES-611501-EPP-1-2019-1-EL-EPPJMO-PROJECT.pdf.

Introduction Cookbooks are an exceptional written record of what is largely an oral tradition. They have been described as “magician’s hats” due to their ability to reveal much more than they seem to contain (Wheaton, “Finding”). The first book printed in Germany was the Guttenberg Bible in 1456 but, by 1490, printing was introduced into almost every European country (Tierney). The spread of literacy between 1500 and 1800, and the rise in silent reading, helped to create a new private sphere into which the individual could retreat, seeking refuge from the community (Chartier). This new technology had its effects in the world of cookery as in so many spheres of culture (Mennell, All Manners). Trubek notes that cookbooks are the texts most often used by culinary historians, since they usually contain all the requisite materials for analysing a cuisine: ingredients, method, technique, and presentation. Printed cookbooks, beginning in the early modern period, provide culinary historians with sources of evidence of the culinary past. Historians have argued that social differences can be expressed by the way and type of food we consume. Cookbooks are now widely accepted as valid socio-cultural and historic documents (Folch, Sherman), and indeed the link between literacy levels and the protestant tradition has been expressed through the study of Danish cookbooks (Gold). From Apicius, Taillevent, La Varenne, and Menon to Bradley, Smith, Raffald, Acton, and Beeton, how can both manuscript and printed cookbooks be analysed as historic documents? What is the difference between a manuscript and a printed cookbook? Barbara Ketchum Wheaton, who has been studying cookbooks for over half a century and is honorary curator of the culinary collection in Harvard’s Schlesinger Library, has developed a methodology to read historic cookbooks using a structured approach. For a number of years she has been giving seminars to scholars from multidisciplinary fields on how to read historic cookbooks. This paper draws on the author’s experiences attending Wheaton’s seminar in Harvard, and on supervising the use of this methodology at both Masters and Doctoral level (Cashman; Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Manuscripts versus Printed Cookbooks A fundamental difference exists between manuscript and printed cookbooks in their relationship with the public and private domain. Manuscript cookbooks are by their very essence intimate, relatively unedited and written with an eye to private circulation. Culinary manuscripts follow the diurnal and annual tasks of the household. They contain recipes for cures and restoratives, recipes for cleansing products for the house and the body, as well as the expected recipes for cooking and preserving all manners of food. Whether manuscript or printed cookbook, the recipes contained within often act as a reminder of how laborious the production of food could be in the pre-industrialised world (White). Printed cookbooks draw oxygen from the very fact of being public. They assume a “literate population with sufficient discretionary income to invest in texts that commodify knowledge” (Folch). This process of commoditisation brings knowledge from the private to the public sphere. There exists a subset of cookbooks that straddle this divide, for example, Mrs. Rundell’s A New System of Domestic Cookery (1806), which brought to the public domain her distillation of a lifetime of domestic experience. Originally intended for her daughters alone, Rundell’s book was reprinted regularly during the nineteenth century with the last edition printed in 1893, when Mrs. Beeton had been enormously popular for over thirty years (Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s Structured Approach Cookbooks can be rewarding, surprising and illuminating when read carefully with due effort in understanding them as cultural artefacts. However, Wheaton notes that: “One may read a single old cookbook and find it immensely entertaining. One may read two and begin to find intriguing similarities and differences. When the third cookbook is read, one’s mind begins to blur, and one begins to sense the need for some sort of method in approaching these documents” (“Finding”). Following decades of studying cookbooks from both sides of the Atlantic and writing a seminal text on the French at table from 1300-1789 (Wheaton, Savouring the Past), this combined experience negotiating cookbooks as historical documents was codified, and a structured approach gradually articulated and shared within a week long seminar format. In studying any cookbook, regardless of era or country of origin, the text is broken down into five different groupings, to wit: ingredients; equipment or facilities; the meal; the book as a whole; and, finally, the worldview. A particular strength of Wheaton’s seminars is the multidisciplinary nature of the approaches of students who attend, which throws the study of cookbooks open to wide ranging techniques. Students with a purely scientific training unearth interesting patterns by developing databases of the frequency of ingredients or techniques, and cross referencing them with other books from similar or different timelines or geographical regions. Patterns are displayed in graphs or charts. Linguists offer their own unique lens to study cookbooks, whereas anthropologists and historians ask what these objects can tell us about how our ancestors lived and drew meaning from life. This process is continuously refined, and each grouping is discussed below. Ingredients The geographic origins of the ingredients are of interest, as is the seasonality and the cost of the foodstuffs within the scope of each cookbook, as well as the sensory quality both separately and combined within different recipes. In the medieval period, the use of spices and large joints of butchers meat and game were symbols of wealth and status. However, when the discovery of sea routes to the New World and to the Far East made spices more available and affordable to the middle classes, the upper classes spurned them. Evidence from culinary manuscripts in Georgian Ireland, for example, suggests that galangal was more easily available in Dublin during the eighteenth century than in the mid-twentieth century. A new aesthetic, articulated by La Varenne in his Le Cuisinier Francois (1651), heralded that food should taste of itself, and so exotic ingredients such as cinnamon, nutmeg, and ginger were replaced by the local bouquet garni, and stocks and sauces became the foundations of French haute cuisine (Mac Con Iomaire). Some combinations of flavours and ingredients were based on humoral physiology, a long held belief system based on the writings of Hippocrates and Galen, now discredited by modern scientific understanding. The four humors are blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm. It was believed that each of these humors would wax and wane in the body, depending on diet and activity. Galen (131-201 AD) believed that warm food produced yellow bile and that cold food produced phlegm. It is difficult to fathom some combinations of ingredients or the manner of service without comprehending the contemporary context within they were consumeSome ingredients found in Roman cookbooks, such as “garum” or “silphium” are no longer available. It is suggested that the nearest substitute for garum also known as “liquamen”—a fermented fish sauce—would be Naam Plaa, or Thai fish sauce (Grainger). Ingredients such as tea and white bread, moved from the prerogative of the wealthy over time to become the staple of the urban poor. These ingredients, therefore, symbolise radically differing contexts during the seventeenth century than in the early twentieth century. Indeed, there are other ingredients such as hominy (dried maize kernel treated with alkali) or grahams (crackers made from graham flour) found in American cookbooks that require translation to the unacquainted non-American reader. There has been a growing number of food encyclopaedias published in recent years that assist scholars in identifying such commodities (Smith, Katz, Davidson). The Cook’s Workplace, Techniques, and Equipment It is important to be aware of the type of kitchen equipment used, the management of heat and cold within the kitchen, and also the gradual spread of the industrial revolution into the domestic sphere. Visits to historic castles such as Hampton Court Palace where nowadays archaeologists re-enact life below stairs in Tudor times give a glimpse as to how difficult and labour intensive food production was. Meat was spit-roasted in front of huge fires by spit boys. Forcemeats and purees were manually pulped using mortar and pestles. Various technological developments including spit-dogs, and mechanised pulleys, replaced the spit boys, the most up to date being the mechanised rotisserie. The technological advancements of two hundred years can be seen in the Royal Pavilion in Brighton where Marie-Antoinin Carême worked for the Prince Regent in 1816 (Brighton Pavilion), but despite the gleaming copper pans and high ceilings for ventilation, the work was still back breaking. Carême died aged forty-nine, “burnt out by the flame of his genius and the fumes of his ovens” (Ackerman 90). Mennell points out that his fame outlived him, resting on his books: Le Pâtissier Royal Parisien (1815); Le Pâtissier Pittoresque (1815); Le Maître d’Hôtel Français (1822); Le Cuisinier Parisien (1828); and, finally, L’Art de la Cuisine Française au Dix-Neuvième Siècle (1833–5), which was finished posthumously by his student Pluméry (All Manners). Mennell suggests that these books embody the first paradigm of professional French cuisine (in Kuhn’s terminology), pointing out that “no previous work had so comprehensively codified the field nor established its dominance as a point of reference for the whole profession in the way that Carême did” (All Manners 149). The most dramatic technological changes came after the industrial revolution. Although there were built up ovens available in bakeries and in large Norman households, the period of general acceptance of new cooking equipment that enclosed fire (such as the Aga stove) is from c.1860 to 1910, with gas ovens following in c.1910 to the 1920s) and Electricity from c.1930. New food processing techniques dates are as follows: canning (1860s), cooling and freezing (1880s), freeze drying (1950s), and motorised delivery vans with cooking (1920s–1950s) (den Hartog). It must also be noted that the supply of fresh food, and fish particularly, radically improved following the birth, and expansion of, the railways. To understand the context of the cookbook, one needs to be aware of the limits of the technology available to the users of those cookbooks. For many lower to middle class families during the twentieth century, the first cookbook they would possess came with their gas or electrical oven. Meals One can follow cooked dishes from the kitchen to the eating place, observing food presentation, carving, sequencing, and serving of the meal and table etiquette. Meal times and structure changed over time. During the Middle Ages, people usually ate two meals a day: a substantial dinner around noon and a light supper in the evening (Adamson). Some of the most important factors to consider are the manner in which meals were served: either à la française or à la russe. One of the main changes that occurred during the nineteenth century was the slow but gradual transfer from service à la française to service à la russe. From medieval times to the middle of the nineteenth century the structure of a formal meal was not by “courses”—as the term is now understood—but by “services”. Each service could comprise of a choice of dishes—both sweet and savoury—from which each guest could select what appealed to him or her most (Davidson). The philosophy behind this form of service was the forementioned humoral physiology— where each diner chose food based on the four humours of blood, yellow bile, black bile, or phlegm. Also known as le grand couvert, the à la française method made it impossible for the diners to eat anything that was beyond arm’s length (Blake, and Crewe). Smooth service, however, was the key to an effective à la russe dinner since servants controlled the flow of food (Eatwell). The taste and temperature of food took centre stage with the à la russe dinner as each course came in sequence. Many historic cookbooks offer table plans illustrating the suggested arrangement of dishes on a table for the à la française style of service. Many of these dishes might be re-used in later meals, and some dishes such as hashes and rissoles often utilised left over components of previous meals. There is a whole genre of cookbooks informing the middle class cooks how to be frugal and also how to emulate haute cuisine using cheaper or ersatz ingredients. The number dining and the manner in which they dined also changed dramatically over time. From medieval to Tudor times, there might be hundreds dining in large banqueting halls. By the Elizabethan age, a small intimate room where master and family dined alone replaced the old dining hall where master, servants, guests, and travellers had previously dined together (Spencer). Dining tables remained portable until the 1780s when tables with removable leaves were devised. By this time, the bread trencher had been replaced by one made of wood, or plate of pewter or precious metal in wealthier houses. Hosts began providing knives and spoons for their guests by the seventeenth century, with forks also appearing but not fully accepted until the eighteenth century (Mason). These silver utensils were usually marked with the owner’s initials to prevent their theft (Flandrin). Cookbooks as Objects and the World of Publishing A thorough examination of the manuscript or printed cookbook can reveal their physical qualities, including indications of post-publication history, the recipes and other matter in them, as well as the language, organization, and other individual qualities. What can the quality of the paper tell us about the book? Is there a frontispiece? Is the book dedicated to an employer or a patron? Does the author note previous employment history in the introduction? In his Court Cookery, Robert Smith, for example, not only mentions a number of his previous employers, but also outlines that he was eight years working with Patrick Lamb in the Court of King William, before revealing that several dishes published in Lamb’s Royal Cookery (1710) “were never made or practis’d (sic) by him and others are extreme defective and imperfect and made up of dishes unknown to him; and several of them more calculated at the purses than the Gôut of the guests”. Both Lamb and Smith worked for the English monarchy, nobility, and gentry, but produced French cuisine. Not all Britons were enamoured with France, however, with, for example Hannah Glasse asserting “if gentlemen will have French cooks, they must pay for French tricks” (4), and “So much is the blind folly of this age, that they would rather be imposed on by a French Booby, than give encouragement to an good English cook” (ctd. in Trubek 60). Spencer contextualises Glasse’s culinary Francophobia, explaining that whilst she was writing the book, the Jacobite army were only a few days march from London, threatening to cut short the Hanoverian lineage. However, Lehmann points out that whilst Glasse was overtly hostile to French cuisine, she simultaneously plagiarised its receipts. Based on this trickling down of French influences, Mennell argues that “there is really no such thing as a pure-bred English cookery book” (All Manners 98), but that within the assimilation and simplification, a recognisable English style was discernable. Mennell also asserts that Glasse and her fellow women writers had an enormous role in the social history of cooking despite their lack of technical originality (“Plagiarism”). It is also important to consider the place of cookbooks within the history of publishing. Albala provides an overview of the immense outpouring of dietary literature from the printing presses from the 1470s. He divides the Renaissance into three periods: Period I Courtly Dietaries (1470–1530)—targeted at the courtiers with advice to those attending banquets with many courses and lots of wine; Period II The Galenic Revival (1530–1570)—with a deeper appreciation, and sometimes adulation, of Galen, and when scholarship took centre stage over practical use. Finally Period III The Breakdown of Orthodoxy (1570–1650)—when, due to the ambiguities and disagreements within and between authoritative texts, authors were freer to pick the ideas that best suited their own. Nutrition guides were consistent bestsellers, and ranged from small handbooks written in the vernacular for lay audiences, to massive Latin tomes intended for practicing physicians. Albala adds that “anyone with an interest in food appears to have felt qualified to pen his own nutritional guide” (1). Would we have heard about Mrs. Beeton if her husband had not been a publisher? How could a twenty-five year old amass such a wealth of experience in household management? What role has plagiarism played in the history of cookbooks? It is interesting to note that a well worn copy of her book (Beeton) was found in the studio of Francis Bacon and it is suggested that he drew inspiration for a number of his paintings from the colour plates of animal carcasses and butcher’s meat (Dawson). Analysing the post-publication usage of cookbooks is valuable to see the most popular recipes, the annotations left by the owner(s) or user(s), and also if any letters, handwritten recipes, or newspaper clippings are stored within the leaves of the cookbook. The Reader, the Cook, the Eater The physical and inner lives and needs and skills of the individuals who used cookbooks and who ate their meals merit consideration. Books by their nature imply literacy. Who is the book’s audience? Is it the cook or is it the lady of the house who will dictate instructions to the cook? Numeracy and measurement is also important. Where clocks or pocket watches were not widely available, authors such as seventeenth century recipe writer Sir Kenelm Digby would time his cooking by the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer. Literacy amongst protestant women to enable them to read the Bible, also enabled them to read cookbooks (Gold). How did the reader or eater’s religion affect the food practices? Were there fast days? Were there substitute foods for fast days? What about special occasions? Do historic cookbooks only tell us about the food of the middle and upper classes? It is widely accepted today that certain cookbook authors appeal to confident cooks, while others appeal to competent cooks, and others still to more cautious cooks (Bilton). This has always been the case, as has the differentiation between the cookbook aimed at the professional cook rather than the amateur. Historically, male cookbook authors such as Patrick Lamb (1650–1709) and Robert Smith targeted the professional cook market and the nobility and gentry, whereas female authors such as Eliza Acton (1799–1859) and Isabella Beeton (1836–1865) often targeted the middle class market that aspired to emulate their superiors’ fashions in food and dining. How about Tavern or Restaurant cooks? When did they start to put pen to paper, and did what they wrote reflect the food they produced in public eateries? Conclusions This paper has offered an overview of Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s methodology for reading historic cookbooks using a structured approach. It has highlighted some of the questions scholars and researchers might ask when faced with an old cookbook, regardless of era or geographical location. By systematically examining the book under the headings of ingredients; the cook’s workplace, techniques and equipment; the meals; cookbooks as objects and the world of publishing; and reader, cook and eater, the scholar can perform magic and extract much more from the cookbook than seems to be there on first appearance. References Ackerman, Roy. The Chef's Apprentice. London: Headline, 1988. Adamson, Melitta Weiss. Food in Medieval Times. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood P, 2004. Albala, Ken. Eating Right in the Renaissance. Ed. Darra Goldstein. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002. Beeton, Isabella. Beeton's Book of Household Management. London: S. Beeton, 1861. 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Cette thèse entend étudier les représentations de la désindustrialisation à travers les conflits, les politiques publiques et les expériences qu'en font les ouvrières à l'épreuve du genre.A côté des bassins industriels emblématiques frappés par la désindustrialisation, les territoires francilien et limousin offrent un point d'appui nouveau afin de saisir le processus sous l'angle du genre. En sortant des espaces géographiques habituellement étudiés qui se caractérisent par leur mono-industrie et une main-d'œuvre ouvrière masculine, et en adoptant une approche comparatiste, la pluralité des modalités désindustrialisantes sont mises en exergue. Elles viennent bousculer la vie industrielle des espaces étudiés et heurter les vies ouvrières en général, et féminines en particulier.L'examen du processus de désindustrialisation à travers des usines féminines, mixtes et masculines rattachées à des secteurs diversifiés, traditionnels comme émergents au début des années 1950, a permis d'établir une nouvelle grille de lecture. Il s'agit d'un phénomène complexe dans sa forme, sa temporalité, son degré de visibilité, les acteurs engagés et le genre, qui met à distance les représentations généralement portées sur la scène médiatique ou artistique de fermetures d'usines accompagnées de leur lot de licenciements.Source de tensions entre les salariés, le patronat et les corps intermédiaires, la désindustrialisation est alors systématiquement évoquée comme un processus économique durable pour certains, comme un phénomène passager pour d'autres, voire comme un prétexte. Ainsi, l'usage qui en est fait par les acteurs et les manières dont elle modèle les parcours professionnels traduisent les changements d'époque.Aussi, la thèse s'intéresse à ses effets sur les trajectoires ouvrières et à ce qu'elle engendre comme désordre dans les vies professionnelles et personnelles de ces femmes.Les destructions d'emploi en Seine-Saint-Denis comme en Haute-Vienne affectent des branches féminisées et ce dès les années 1950. Si l'Etat ne semble pas indifférent au sort des femmes dans la société et au travail, sa position s'infléchie avec la dégradation économique. L'organisation et la structuration sexuée entre les secteurs industriels jouent en leur défaveur et se prolonge en temps de chômage. Les inégalités de genre se rejouent à l'occasion de la désindustrialisation.A côté de la rupture professionnelle à travers la perte de l'emploi, le licenciement provoque aussi des incidences sur la vie intime et déstabilise les ouvrières
The aim of this thesis is to examine the representations of deindustrialization through conflicts, public policies, and the experiences of women workers, based on gender.Ile-de-France and Limousin offer a new perspective to understand the process from a gender perspective, alongside the emblematic industrial basins hit by deindustrialization. By leaving the geographical areas usually studied which are characterized by their mono-industry and their male workforce, and by adopting a comparative approach, the plurality of the modes of deindustrialization is highlighted. They disrupt the industrial life of the spaces studied and clash with the lives of workers in general, and female workers in particular.Through the examination of the process of deindustrialization through female, mixed, and male factories linked to diversified sectors, both traditional and emerging in the early 1950s, a new reading grid was established. It is a complex phenomenon in its form, its temporality, its degree of visibility, the actors involved and the genre, which puts at a distance the representations generally show on the media or artistic scene of factory closures accompanied by their lot of layoffs.As a source of tension between employees, employers and intermediary bodies, deindustrialization is then systematically evoked as a sustainable economic process for some, as a temporary phenomenon for others, or even as a pretext. Thus, the use that is made of it by the actors and the ways in which it models the career paths reflect the changes of times.The thesis is interested in the effects that it has on workers' trajectories and what it creates as disorder in the professional and personal lives of these women. Feminized branches from the 1950s onwards were affected by the destruction of jobs in Seine-Saint-Denis and Haute-Vienne.If the State does not seem indifferent to the fate of women in society and at work, its position is weakened by economic degradation.The organization and sexual structuring between the industrial sectors is detrimental to them and persists during periods of unemployment. Gender inequalities are exacerbated by deindustrialization.In addition to job loss, dismissal also has repercussions on the intimate life and destabilizes workers

Dans le domaine de l’ethno-histoire des milieux ruraux français et européens, la danse traditionnelle bretonne occupe une place particulière. Elle a été l’objet de la toute première recherche en ethnochoréologie. Le fondateur de cette discipline, Jean-Michel Guilcher, a en effet publié sa thèse en 1963, intitulée La Tradition populaire de danse en Basse-Bretagne. Dans cet ouvrage, seule la tradition dansée rurale de la partie brittophone de la péninsule est décrite. Nous avons choisi de compléter cette étude en consacrant notre recherche au Pays gallo. Sans avoir les mêmes prétentions conceptuelles et méthodologiques, nous avons pu décrire les pratiques, les contextes et certaines représentations sociales de la danse dans les milieux gallos traditionnels, en les inscrivant dans les dimensions géographiques et diachroniques. La nature des répertoires dont nous avons pu, pour certains, reconstituer la genèse, apparaît variable selon les régions en fonction de la composition et de la structuration des sociétés rurales, nous amenant à considérer non pas une, mais des traditions dansées gallèses
Popular arts and traditions are subject to studies in some european regions, especially in Brittany. Moreover has traditional dancing in western Brittanny been the research purpose of Jean-Michel Guilcher. This area is nowadays considered as ethnochoreology’s birth-place, since the publication of his thesis “La Tradition populaire de danse en Basse-Bretagne” in 1963. However, only traditional dancing in the Breton speaking area of Brittany is depicted. Thus was the present work carried out with this state of mind in this part of Brittany. Without the same ambitions regarding to the methodological and conceptual aspects, we tried to understand the nature of the practices, contexts, and social representations in line with the traditional dance in this gallo speaking area, from diachronic and geographic points of view. The nature of the catalogs indeed appear to be very heterogeneous, depending on the areas of this region, on the social structure of the rural environments that have been carrying them for the whole 19th and the beginning of the 20th century

La thèse est divisée en trois parties. Le livre I explore les conditions historiques de la naissance et du développement d'Ars nova à l'O. R. T. F. Et évalue le rôle de l'ensemble dans la musique du XXe siècle. Le livre II dégage les principes de l'action et les stratégies d'Ars nova, par l'étude de deux opérations menées sur des terrains différents : le public parisien (espace Cardin) et le milieu rural (en Armagnac). La pratique de l'improvisation collective et l'ouverture aux arts de la scène sont les traits dominants d'une programmation pluraliste. Le livre III démontre la réalité du pluralisme par l'examen des traits stylistiques de 3 œuvres, et met en évidence le scepticisme paradoxal de Marius Constant, sous-jacent au pluralisme esthétique revendiqué par Ars nova. Ce pluralisme réfute toute approche systématique de la musique contemporaine.

Dans le sud-ouest de la France, l'immigration italienne appartient au passé. Aujourd'hui bien étudiée, son histoire a-t-elle encore quelque chose à nous dire ? La question de l'intégration/assimilation de ces immigrés a maintes fois été débattue. Suscitant des remous au moment de l'arrivée des italiens, elle ne semble plus poser problème aujourd'hui. Pourtant, les recherches actuelles ont ouvert des perspectives qui peuvent éclairer d'un jour nouveau une immigration même ancienne. Les questionnements à propos d'un concept (l'intégration) largement "contaminé" par les discours, le recours à des problématiques socio-spatiales, la référence aux résultats récents de la recherche rurale ont donné corps à un chapitre théorique et contribué à l'originalité des orientations et à la multiplicité des méthodes d'approche. Une cinquantaine d'entretiens menés auprès des immigrés et de leurs enfants, l'étude fine de quelques zones significatives d'immigration ont permis de poursuivre l'analyse. Ces témoignages replacés dans leur contexte local et dans l'histoire générale ont permis de mettre l'accent sur la diversité des parcours géographiques et socio-économiques. Ils ont aussi révélé les liens toujours vivants que ces personnes ont su préserver ou retisser avec l'espace d'origine. La recherche menée essentiellement dans les campagnes se donnait aussi pour objectif d'observer un espace, ses sens et ses fonctionnements propres. L'histoire de l'immigration italienne s'inscrit d'abord dans la dynamique de cet espace. Venu combler un vide humain et social, ce groupe plus ou moins assigné à un espace et un statut a subi ces contraintes et un contexte parfois difficile. Un certain nombre de familles s'est cependant pleinement et parfois très activement inséré dans la vie locale. Mais l'histoire singulière des mises à distance, de la délégation du pouvoir, des sociabilités villageoises est aussi celle des campagnes avant d'être celle des immigrés italiens installés dans cet espace.

À Toulouse, les ébénistes, excellents théoriciens, tels les frères Alet et Rigal, Fauré, Soutiras ou Arbus, ont redressé une situation précaire, réformant l'École des Beaux-Arts et créant la S. A. M. , société provinciale particulièrement active à l'instar de la S. A. D. Ils ont prôné deux sources d'inspiration successives. D'abord ont régné l'enracinement méridional et la notion de terroir, liés aux concepts de modernité et d'originalité : l'inspiration devait être locale, issue de la culture d'Oc. Mais, dès 1925, ils sont revenus à un art qui se référait au néo-classicisme, participant à leur manière à l'élaboration du style français. Si, au début, il a existé une École de Toulouse reconnaissable à des critères spécifiques, la production s'est ensuite fondue dans le courant traditionaliste. Le meuble toulousain, même s'il n'a pas bénéficié des innovations de l'avant-garde, mérite d'être reconnu pour ses réelles qualités de fabrication soignée, de juste harmonie et de sobre élégance
The cabinet makers of Toulouse, remarkable theoreticians, such as Alet, Fauré, Soutiras or Arbus, straightened out a precarious situation by reforming the Fine Arts School and by creating the S. A. M. , a provincial society especially active, just like the S. A. D. In Paris. They advocated two successive sources of inspiration. First prevailed southern roots and the notion of the land, both connected to the concepts of modernity and originality : their inspiration had to be local, stemming from the Oc culture. But, as soon as 1925, they returned to an art that referred to neo-classicism, participating in their way in the development of the french style. If, at first, there was a school of Toulouse, recognizable by specific features, later the production merged into the traditionalistic movement. Toulouse furniture, even if it didn't benefit from the inovations of the avant-garde, deserves to be recognize for its real qualities of careful workmanship, true harmony and sober elegance

Dès le milieu du XIXe siècle, Toulouse apparaît comme un pôle dynamique du développement des études en archéologie préhistorique. " Laboratoire " d'expériences institutionnelles de la jeune discipline, enseignements universitaires, revues, sociétés savantes et musées toulousains favorisent en effet l'implantation d'une communauté scientifique dont l'examen sociologique révèle l'ampleur des réseaux à différentes échelles, notamment à travers l'étude des correspondances et archives personnelles de ces premiers préhistoriens.Parmi les nombreuses personnalités scientifiques ayant participé à ce développement et favorisé l'essor des recherches en ce domaine, la figure d'Emile Cartailhac (1845-1921) apparaît comme emblématique de cette communauté savante. La longue et prolifique carrière de ce scientifique provincial, son engagement dans la structuration de la communauté locale, ses relations avec les savants français et étrangers ainsi que son implication active dans les grands débats de son époque le placent au cœur d'une problématique visant à redéfinir le rôle de ces érudits locaux dans la constitution des savoirs entre XIXe et XXe siècle. Ce travail propose donc à travers l'étude de la pensée et de la production de ce préhistorien toulousain, notamment par l'examen de ses archives personnelles, une lecture de l'histoire de la discipline et des apports de ces savants d'envergure " secondaire ".

La modernisation d'un systeme fiscal est l'un des plus importants problemes economiques, financiers et politiques auquel puisse etre confronte un etat. Le vote de la loi du 15 juillet 1914 pose le principe fondamental d'une imposition sur le revenu. La guerre, en depit de tres nombreuses difficultes, permet de faire accepter et appliquer ce changement ineluctable, et transforme un grand regime de contributions qui, durant plus d'un siecle, a assure l'assise budgetaire du pays, realisant ainsi la plus profonde reforme fiscale jamais entreprise depuis la revolution. Des impots directs nouveaux, reposant sur des principes modernes, sont institues : impot general sur le revenu, impots cedulaires, contribution sur les benefices de guerre. La reforme concerne egalement les impots indirects par l'institution de taxes sur les paiements, le luxe, les vins et spiritueux, le chiffre d'affaires, auxquelles viendront s'ajouter les taxes a la production sur les charbons, les engrais, le cafe, le the, l'abattage, les spectacles et les jeux. . . Avec le recul, la taxe sur le chiffre d'affaires, +subsidiaire; a l'origine a la reforme, s'avere comme une etape au moins aussi importante que la creation de l'impot sur le revenu. Notre these traite les aspects nationaux et regionaux de cette modernisation au travers de l'exemple du midi toulousain. Ces impots synthetiques sont le fruit d'un determinisme social et culturel, lie a des considerations juridiques, administratives, comptables, politiques, financieres, budgetaires, monetaires. Les conditions economiques, l'evolution du role de l'etat, les changements dans les mentalites jouent un role essentiel. Notre analyse s'acheve avec les reformes de poincare d'aout 1926 qui assurent le reglement des charges financieres du premier conflit mondial. Notre these fait cependant ressortir, par-dela des ruptures, de nombreuses continuites entre les anciennes contributions et les nouveaux impots
Updating a financial system is one of the most important economic, financial, and political problems a government may have to face. The law passed on july 15, 1914, laid the fundamental principle of an income tax. In spite of innumerable difficulties, w. W. I made this inevitable change possible, a change which was accepted and applied. Thus an ancient tax system which, for more than a century, had been the financial foundation of a country, was completely transformed, and the most profound fiscal reform since the revolution was implemented. New direct taxes, based on modern principles were instituted : a general income tax, scheduled taxes, a tax on war benefits. The reform also included indirect taxes imposed on transactions, luxury goods, wines and spirits, a turn-over tax, to which will be added taxes on the production of coal, fertilizers, coffee and tea, on the slaughtering of animals, on entertainments, gambling. . . Over the years, the turn-over tax, which was originally +subsidiary; to the reform, turned out to be a step at least as important as the creation of an income tax. This dissertation deals with the national and local aspects of this updating through the example of the toulouse area. These synthetic taxes are the fruit of a social and cultural determinism, linked to considerations relating to the administration, book-keeping, politics, finances, the budget and money. Economic conditions, the evolution of the role of the state, the changes in mental habits, play an essential part. The analysis ends with the poincare reforms of august 1926 which settled war-debts. While stressing the break with the past, the dissertation brings forth many examples showing that there is however a continuity between old and new taxes

A la charnière des XIXe et XXe siècles, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), salonnière et journaliste autrichienne, participa activement à établir des échanges artistiques, culturels et politiques entre la France et l'Empire austro-hongrois. Alors que ses liens familiaux avec Georges Clemenceau lui permirent d'entrer en contact avec les artistes et intellectuels parisiens qu'il fréquentait - Rodin, Carrière, Raffelli, Geffroy..., son salon rassemblait à Vienne quelques-uns des acteurs emblématiques de la Wiener Moderne - Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...-, formant le noyau d'un vaste réseau social européen. Porte-parole de la Sécession viennoise, Zuckerkandl s'imposa également comme l'une des critiques d'art les plus productives de son temps, guidant les artistes et initiant le public à l'art moderne, en s'appuyant sur les initiatives françaises pour orienter le développement de l'art. Cette étude vise ainsi à mettre en lumière son rôle dans la dynamique des échanges artistiques entre Vienne et Paris. Elle apporte d'abord des éléments biographiques éclairant la place privilégiée de Zuckerkandl à la rencontre des cultures française et autrichienne. Elle montre ensuite son implication au sein des cercles artistiques autrichiens et offre une analyse détaillée d'un corpus d'écrits sur l'art moderne. Elle expose enfin les résultats de ses interventions en faveur de la promotion des artistes français et de la réception de leurs oeuvres en Autriche, mettant en lumière les objectifs artistiques, culturels et politiques poursuivis par Zuckerkandl, décidé à préserver la culture autrichienne à l'épreuve de la guerre et de la chute de l'Empire austro-hongrois
At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), Austrian salonnière and journalist, engaged actively in artistic, cultural and political exchanges between France and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Being on familiar terms with Georges Clemenceau gave her the opportunity to exchange ideas with artists and intellectuals in Paris, including Rodin, Carriere, Raffaelli, and Geffroy. Her salon in Vienna gathered some of the most pioneering personalities of the Wiener Moderne...- Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...- and thus formed the centre of a vast social network within Europe. Being a spokeswoman of the Vienna Secession, Zuckerkandl established herself as one of the most active contemporary art critics. She guided artists and introduced the public into modern art by drawing on French initiatives to influence the art's development. The present study thus aims at highlighting her role in the dynamic artistic exchange between Vienna and Paris. It will first present Zuckerkandl's biography in order to draw attention to her privileged position in the exchange of the French and Austrian cultures. Secondly, it will show her impact on artistic Austrian groups and provide a detailed analysis of a corpus of selected documents dealing with modern art. It will finally discuss her interventions in favour of French artists and the reception of their works in Austria by highlighting the artistic, cultural and political aims pursued by Zuckerkandl, who was determined to preserve the Austrian culture despite the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire

L’intitulé renvoie, en première approche, aux expériences institutionnelles de la Cour des pairs (1814-1848) et du Sénat de la IIIe République (1875-1940). Ce sont les manifestations les plus marquantes de la participation d’une assemblée parlementaire à la reddition de la justice. Le procès des ministres de Charles X et celui de Malvy semblent être bien connus mais ils ne le sont en réalité qu’imparfaitement. Dans les deux cas, les Chambres hautes se sont détournées de leur mission de législateur et de contrôleur du gouvernement pour se métamorphoser, de manière très incomplète, en instances judiciaires. Cependant le traitement isolé de ces deux seules expériences ne permet pas de définir la mission d’une juridiction parlementaire. La notion de Haute Cour de justice, quelle que soit sa dénomination, doit alors être appréhendée dans sa globalité et dans son histoire. Une histoire qui, comme beaucoup d’autres, est marquée par la Révolution, qui va influencer le XIXe et le XXe siècles, et imposer un certain « prototype français » de tribunal politique. Ces Hautes Cours se voient confier des compétences spéciales : ratione personae et ratione materiae. À raison des personnes, il s’agit de juger des personnalités politiques et, dès la Révolution, on entrevoit la difficulté de le faire avec un droit criminel, qui n’est guère adapté à la résolution de différends politiques. Enfin, une Haute Cour est aussi un tribunal des grands crimes politiques, c’est-à-dire des graves atteintes à la souveraineté. Il s’agit dès lors de retracer l’histoire du « Tribunal suprême » français afin de faire apparaître le concept même de justice politique, dans toute sa nudité, comme une aporie
At first glance, the title refers to the judicial activity of the Cour des pairs (1814-1848) and the Senate of the Third Republic (1875-1940). These are the most striking involvements of French legislative bodies in rendering justice. The trials of the ending Restauration ministers, and the one of Louis Malvy seem to be well known, but in reality these are only imperfectly so. In both cases, the upper house has turned away from its initial mission of legislator and supervisor of the government to transform itself, in a very incomplete way, into criminal courts. However, study only these two cases is not enough to define the mission of a parliamentary jurisdiction. The concept of Haute Cour de justice must therefore be understood in its entirety and in its history. A history which, like many others, is marked by the Revolution, which will influence the 19th and 20th centuries, and set a French prototype of political court. These Hautes Cours possess special competencies: ratione personae et ratione materiae. They judge politicians, but since the Revolution one foresees the difficulty of doing so with criminal law, which is hardly suited to the resolution of political disputes. Finally, the French Haute Cour is also a tribunal for major political crimes, namely, serious attacks on sovereignty. It is thereforce a question of recount the history of the “Tribunal supreme” in order to reveal the concept of political justice as an aporia

L’environnement sonore de la région de La Roche-Bernard en Haute-Bretagne arrive, à la fin du 19e siècle, dans une période de changements importants qui accompagne le déclin d’une société rurale traditionnelle. Une reconstitution de cet environnement disparu s’avère compliquée, partielle et subjective, compte tenu de la disparité des sources d’information disponibles. Basée principalement sur des enquêtes orales complétées par des recherches en archives, cette étude permet, plutôt que d’établir les relations exactes des sons les uns avec les autres, de réfléchir à une catégorisation qui prenne davantage en compte leur perception et leur émission, ou plus exactement leurs fonctions, usages et interprétations. Le classement qui en découle tient de surcroît compte du caractère traditionnel ou folklorique des sons retenus. Cette manière d’inventaire, qui n’est pas exhaustif, repère cependant dans un second temps les moments de rupture où un type d’environnement sonore disparaît et cède la place à un autre. Une chronologie générale établit enfin, dans la société rurale traditionnelle étudiée, les éventuels rapports entre sa disparition et l’évolution de son environnement sonore
At the end of the 19th century, the sonic environment of the region of La Roche-Bernard in Upper Brittany was affected by a period of important modifications which accompanied the decline of traditional rural society. A reconstitution of this disappearing environment is necessarily complex, partial and subjective with regard to the disparity of the available resources. This study, principally based on oral interviews supplemented by archive research, rather than establishing the exact relationships between sounds, opens up reflection around a possible categorization which principally considers their perception and emission, or more precisely their functions, usage and interpretations. In addition, the resulting classification takes into account the folklore or traditional character of the sounds studied. This manner of inventory, which is non exhaustive, does however reveal, on closer inspection, the periods of change where one type of sonic environment gives place to another. Lastly, a general chronology establishes possible links between the disappearance and the evolution of the sonic environment in the traditional rural society studied