Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Harvard University Chapter"

Review of Michael S. Flier and Andrea Graziosi, editors. The Battle for Ukrainian: A Comparative Perspective. Ukrainian Research Institute, Harvard University, 2017. Distributed by Harvard UP. Harvard Papers in Ukrainian Studies. x, 626 pp. Map. Tables. End-of-chapter notes. Index. $29.95, paper.

Despite its somber title, The Deadly Truth is a very lively account of American disease history from prehistory to the present. So much research is summarized in this comparatively short book, that it becomes the best introduction to the subject currently available. The chapters are chronologically arranged; they focus on those diseases that have been leading causes of sickness or death over the last four centuries. Not surprisingly the epidemic and insect borne diseases receive the lion's share of attention; but the occupational diseases are given a chapter of their own. The chronic diseases, which dominate the twentieth century, are reviewed in chapter nine. The author's general conclusion is that although a certain amount of progress has undoubtedly occurred in the treatment and management of specific diseases, there will never be a “final victory” over disease and death. In the present context few would disagree.

Abstract This short article is an introduction to the Book Review Symposium on Rethinking Sovereign Debt: Politics, Reputation, and Legitimacy in Modern Finance (Harvard University Press, 2014, 331 pp.). Given that several of the symposium comments detail the basic contours of the book, I do not extensively summarize the arguments of each chapter. However, the essay briefly presents the central motivations, questions, and assertions of the project.

A curious Irish-American ‘international incident’ occurred at the onset of World War 2 and during the Irish ‘Emergency’ in 1940. An invitation to Éamon de Valera from Earnest Hooton, Director of the Harvard-Irish Survey, to write a preface to Family and Community in Ireland, authored by American anthropologists, Conrad Arensberg and Solon Kimball, resulted in a request to impose restrictions on the about-to-be-published text. Offended by the frequent references to sex and to the content of chapter 11, ‘Familism and Sex’, the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) of Ireland advised the Director of Harvard University Press to reconsider publication of the entire book. We investigate what happened, who was involved and how the ‘crisis’ was resolved – at least for the protagonists. We reveal some of the original unpublished text by Arensberg and Kimball, consider the circumstances of the censorship conducted on both sides of the Atlantic, the impact on the published text and the responses by the authors. We propose that further investigation into the excised content and the legacy of anthropological constructions of Irish sexualities is now warranted.

Benjamin Reilly is a professor of political science and international relations at the University of Western Australia. Benjamin previously served as dean of the Sir Walter Murdoch School and was director of the Centre for democratic institutions at the Australian National University (ANU). Benjamin is also an expert in the Australian government, the United Nations, and other international organizations. As a professor of political science, Benjamin was invited to various scientific forums to speak at well-known campuses, such as Harvard, Oxford, and Johns Hopkins. Publicizing scientific papers and books earned Benjamin numerous international grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the United StatesInstitute of Peace, the East-West Center, the National Endowment for Democracy, and the Australian Research Council. Benjamin’s ideas and thoughts were widely published in various international and national newspapers, including the New York Times, Financial Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and Time Magazine.

The theme writing in English A is of the most elementary description; but the compositions in this course, over 6,000 in number during each half year, are carefully criticized by the proper instructor and returned by him to the student. They are then rewritten, and often recast. Owing to the number of these exercises and the constant accumulation of fresh papers the rewritten themes are not read by the instructors, except to determine the final grade of a student whose mark is doubtful. The work of criticizing and correcting the English A themes is not inaptly described by certain of the instructors as of a “stupefying” character, to which it is difficult to give more than four hours of intelligent attention per day; and judging by a single set of 450 papas, your Committee is disposed to consider the adjective “stupefying” as a mild term to apply to such work, while four hours per day would seem an excessive time to devote to it.—Report of the Committee on Composition and Rhetoric, Harvard University, 1892.1

The Wealth of Religions by Barro and McCleary is an epoch-making work of the inter-discipline of religious studies and development economics, an eight-chapter summary of sixteen years of research and seminar work. The topic is very up-to-date, eye-catching, and provocative to some extent, considering the fact that politics, economics, and religion remain divisive topics in most societies today. In an era of renewal of religious terrorism, religious wars, and religious discrimination, writing this book shows a brave commitment to freedom, justice, and universal prosperity. Barro and McCleary, coming from an economic and a moral philosopher background, respectively, have published plenty of academic papers, while simultaneously running the class Political Economy of Religions at Harvard on topics they write about in this book, published by the Princeton University Press.

In the history of American socialism William English Walling occupies a special place. Born into a wealthy Midwestern family, Walling was educated at the University of Chicago and Harvard, but soon found a calling as a social reform activist when he learned first hand about the conditions of working people as an Illinois factory inspector and a habitué of turn-of-the-century social settlement houses and the Jewish ghetto scene. From that point forward Walling was a major influence wherever he directed his fertile mind and instinct for provoking controversy and precipitating new movements. In 1903, Walling helped found the National Women's Trade Union League and became president of its New York chapter. Six years later he cobbled together a group of anti-racist socialists to found the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People – then invited W.E.B. DuBois to become editor of its journal, The Crisis.

THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD: An Evolution of Thinking from Darwin to Dewey by Henry M. Cowles. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2020. 384 pages. Hardcover; $35.00. ISBN: 9780674976191. *Despite its main title, this book is not an analysis of the scientific method as such, or its use by scientists, but rather it is a socio-cultural history of that method as an idea, as the subtitle indicates. Cowles begins the book with the eye-catching claim: "The scientific method does not exist. But 'the scientific method' does." By this he means that the scientific method, as portrayed in (high school) science textbooks, does not exist as a universal method employed by scientists in their quest for new knowledge. Rather, what does exist is a history of ideas: a set of philosophical ideas that transformed into notions about the mind and cognition, which ultimately ended up as a set of steps in introductory chapters in textbooks presented as a universal method. *Cowles combines exhaustive research with interesting storytelling to weave a fascinating narrative about the history of the idea of method. The second chapter, "Hypothesis Unbound," sets the stage for his narrative: although Thomas Carlyle, Charles Babbage, and John Herschel make cameo appearances here, Cowles's main thread is the public philosophical disagreement between William Whewell and John Stuart Mill on what constituted thinking. This prepares the ground for Cowles's main thread, which begins in earnest with the third chapter, "Nature's Method." Here he suggests that Charles Darwin's goal of presenting evolution meant paying close attention to methods of thinking--and this began the story of how a philosophical idea about method evolved into taking it as a natural form of cognition. *Chapter four, "Mental Evolution," highlights Alexander Bain and Herbert Spencer's thought, which takes the debates about method and evolution into the realm of social development, whereas chapter five, "A Living Science," chronicles the rise of pragmatism in the United States--with Charles Pierce and William James--and its use of method as a way to think about logic, psychology, and practical problem-solving. Chapter six, "Animal Intelligence," feels a bit like an interlude with its focus on the rise of behaviorism in psychology, featuring John Watson, Edward Thorndike, and B. F. Skinner. Cowles's history ends with two chapters entitled "Laboratory School" and "A Method Only," in which he narrates how John Dewey's book How We Think became the basis for embedding this naturalized model of thinking into textbooks as "the scientific method." The main threads of Cowles's narrative move from discussions around what sort of methodology might unite science generally to the way that psychology sought to read "method" as a way of understanding intelligence and cognition. *As a book of cultural history, The Scientific Method is a fascinating, detailed account of how "method" threaded its way through political, cultural, social, and academic discussions. Cowles's chapters are exhaustively researched, and are peppered with quotes and anecdotes. It is impressive scholarship, although perhaps dizzying at times, for it is sometimes difficult to keep track of the main theme in the myriad of detail that rushes at the reader. This also makes the book feel a bit unfocused--as a chapter develops its rich details of analysis and discovery, the main idea about accounting for "the scientific method" seems to get lost; at times, it is difficult to see the relevance of all the rich and interesting detail to the book's main point. *Further, although the book claims, in its first chapter, to show that there is no such thing as "the scientific method," it actually spends little to no time actually analyzing the legitimacy of "the method" itself or its possible use among scientists, either in the social or natural sciences. Do psychologists or sociologists use (something like) scientific methods? Do biologists, chemists, or physicists? Cowles's book says little about this. Although Cowles's introductory claim might lead a reader to think that they would find at least reference to philosophical analyses of the scientific method--such as Barry Gower's historical and philosophical book, Scientific Method (Routledge, 1997)--Cowles's book is not about the use of methods by actual scientists in the course of their research nor about a philosophical analysis of the philosophical debates and controversies around "the scientific method." This might have required substantive discussion--perhaps with their own chapters--about figures such as Galileo Galilei, Francis Bacon, and Isaac Newton, as well as more recent figures such as Rudolf Carnap, Karl Popper, and Hans Reichenbach; discussions around induction and truth would have figured more prominently as well. Although, at the start of the book, a reader might feel that the book is meant to be a complete history of this idea, in the end, it has a more limited claim--that is, how "the scientific method" ended up as a set of steps of inquiry in (high school) science textbooks. Cowles's book is an interesting history of this more limited claim, and those looking for a more conceptual or philosophical discussion around the merits of "the" scientific method, will have to look elsewhere. *Reviewed by Clarence W. Joldersma, Professor, Philosophy of Education, and Director, Master of Education Program, Calvin University, Grand Rapids, MI 49546.

This work by a leading French Islamicist is both an analysis of Islam, secularism,and society in Europe, as well as a prescription for its leaders on howto “correct” their wrongheaded policies with regard to their Muslim minoritiesbased on this analysis. This might seem unduly arrogant on OlivierRoy’s part, but his past landmark books do seem to commend the perspicacityof his views on the subject, and most of all, The Failure of Political Islam(Harvard University Press: 1994) and Globalized Islam: The Search for theNew Umma (Hurst: 2004).On one level, Roy is focused on France: how one might begin to mitigatethe polarization of the French elites in the wake of forbidding the veil in publicplaces and the violence of the 2005 riots in the poorest – mostly Muslim– suburbs of Paris. Indeed, the first chapter is devoted to the historical rootsof France’s virulent version of state-enforced secularism (laïcité). But onanother level, this is a work rich in theoretical analysis, widening its insightsto Britain and the United States and their “common law” version of laïcité, aswell as providing a new theory to the sociology of religion.The intensity of the French debate raises important questions. “The campaignof Islamophobia we are witnessing today is involved in the reshapingof the French political and intellectual landscape” (p. 2). How so? The ChristianRight and the Extreme Right’s suspicion of Islam is now shared by a sizableportion of the Left, which has reacted with fear to the French Muslimcommunity’s new and outspoken rhetoric. School girls want to wear the veilout of pride. And this new Islamic discourse has been promoted both by the“bearded Salafist preacher” and the suave intellectual embodied by TariqRamadan ...

The Soul of the American University Revisited traces the role of Protestantism in shaping American higher education from the founding of Harvard in the 1630s to the present. It offers a critical analysis of the changing ways in which Protestantism intersected with collegiate life, intellectual inquiry, and broader cultural developments. In accounts that have been edited and somewhat abridged for this second edition, it looks at pace-setting colleges and universities as they coped with modern society, post-Darwinian science, new secular philosophies, and increasing diversity in American life. Until the mid-twentieth century most leading American schools remained nominally Protestant, but their Protestantism was typically of a liberal variety that emphasized the broad ethical ideals of the Western and Judeo-Christian heritage. After the attacks in the 1960s on the “WASP” privilege, the vestiges of that establishment in higher education were soon largely dismantled. By the late twentieth century exclusive secular viewpoints were often considered the normative standard in higher education. Originally published in 1994 as The Soul of the American University, this new edition carries the story into the twenty-first-century culture. In the disarray and diversity of the intellectual life of this arguably “postsecular” age there is increasing room in the academy for varieties of intellectually responsible religious viewpoints. Indeed, as a concluding chapter recounts, more traditionalist Christian scholars and institutions, Protestant as well as Catholic, have developed substantially in recent decades.

In 1969, Martin Kilson became the first tenured African American professor at Harvard University, where he taught African and African American politics for over thirty years. In A Black Intellectual's Odyssey, Kilson takes readers on a fascinating journey from his upbringing in the small Pennsylvania milltown of Ambler to his experiences attending Lincoln University—the country's oldest HBCU—to pursuing graduate study at Harvard before spending his entire career there as a faculty member. This is as much a story of his travels from the racist margins of twentieth-century America to one of the nation's most prestigious institutions as it is a portrait of the places that shaped him. He gives a sweeping sociological tour of Ambler as a multiethnic, working-class company town while sketching the social, economic, and racial elements that marked everyday life. From narrating the area's history of persistent racism and the racial politics in the integrated schools to describing the Black church's role in buttressing the town's small Black community, Kilson vividly renders his experience of northern small-town life during the 1930s and 1940s. At Lincoln University, Kilson's liberal political views coalesced as he became active in the local NAACP chapter. While at Lincoln and during his graduate work at Harvard, Kilson observed how class, political, and racial dynamics influenced his peers' political engagement, diverse career paths, and relationships with white people. As a young professor, Kilson made a point of assisting Harvard's African American students in adapting to life at a white institution. Throughout his career, Kilson engaged in pioneering scholarship while mentoring countless students. A Black Intellectual's Odyssey features contributions from three of his students: a foreword by Cornel West and an afterword by Stefano Harney and Fred Moten.

This chapter reviews the book The Burdens of Brotherhood: Jews and Muslims from North Africa to France (2015), by Ethan B. Katz. In The Burdens of Brotherhood, Katz explores Jewish-Muslim relations in twentieth-century France, challenging conceptions of these relations as fixed and necessarily hostile. Katz chronicles the development of sociocultural spaces that were shared by North African Jews and Muslims in urban France from the Great War until the end of the twentieth century. He questions the notion that the two groups necessarily comprehended their interactions as those between “Jews” and “Muslims,” arguing that, in certain situations, Jews and Muslims perceived each other as members of a shared North African community.

This chapter reflects on a long philosophical career. According to the author, what attracted him to philosophy was in part precisely the idea that it wasn’t like getting a job or following a professional career. He thought of philosophy as something you studied just for its own sake. The author also shares his life as a graduate student at Harvard University, where he was influenced by the likes of Burton Dreben and Rogers Albritton. He went to Berkeley in 1961, and cites his erstwhile colleague Thompson Clarke as the one philosopher to whom he owes the most. The author concludes by asserting that what he and his fellow philosophers have been doing is similar to the kind of investigation undertaken by greats such as Plato, Aristotle, René Descartes, David Hume, and Immanuel Kant.

Chapter 2 is the first critical consideration of the relationship between Ashbery and F. T. Prince. It attends to the extensive correspondence between the two poets—held at Harvard and the recently opened F. T. Prince archive at the University of Southampton—which is particularly rich in discussion of the subject of national literatures. Through analysis of Prince’s first volume, Poems, and Ashbery’s Some Trees, it suggests that Prince’s work provided a model for Ashbery’s ‘encrypted’ early lyrics addressing his homosexuality. In the sec section, the correspondence is employed to identify further points of interaction between the two poets’ work. ‘Clepsydra’ is read as building closely upon Prince’s ‘The Tears of a Muse in America’, and presented as an early elaboration of Ashbery’s incipient conception of a reciprocal influential model.

This book examines the evolution of American universities during the years following World War II. Emphasizing the importance of change at the campus level, the book combines a general consideration of national trends with a close study of eight diverse universities in Massachusetts. The eight are Harvard, M.I.T., Tufts, Brandeis, Boston University, Boston College, Northeastern and the University of Massachusetts. Broad analytic chapters examine major developments like expansion, the rise of graduate education and research, the professionalization of the faculty, and the decline of general education. These chapters also review criticisms of academia that arose in the late 1960s and the fate of various reform proposals during the 1970s. Additional chapters focus on the eight campuses to illustrate the forces that drove different kinds of institutions--research universities, college-centered universities, urban private universities and public universities--in responding to the circumstances of the postwar years.

This chapter focuses on Porter's years (1909–13) at Yale. Looking back at these years, the musical comedy scores Porter wrote for his fraternity, Delta Kappa Epsilon, and for the annual smokers of the Yale Dramat were the most significant aspect of his college experience for his subsequent career in the musical theater. With his five show scores—Cora (1911), And the Villain Still Pursued Her (1912), The Pot of Gold (1912), The Kaleidoscope (1913), and Paranoia, which he wrote for his alma mater while a student at the Harvard School of Music in 1914—Porter transformed musical comedy at Yale from what had been an occasional divertissement into a tradition that for many years held an honored place in the university's cultural life. He developed a proficiency in writing for the stage that prepared him ably for what would turn out to be a forty-year career as a composer-lyricist for Broadway and Hollywood.

William Faulkner remains a historian's writer. A distinguished roster of historians has referenced Faulkner in their published work. They are drawn to him as a fellow historian, a shaper of narrative reflections on the meaning of the past; as a historiographer, a theorist, and dramatist of the fraught enterprise of doing history; and as a historical figure himself, especially following his mid-century emergence as a public intellectual after winning the Nobel Prize for Literature. This volume brings together historians and literary scholars to explore the many facets of Faulkner's relationship to history: the historical contexts of his novels and stories; his explorations of the historiographic imagination; his engagement with historical figures from both the regional and national past; his influence on professional historians; his pursuit of alternate modes of temporal awareness; and the histories of print culture that shaped the production, reception, and criticism of Faulkner's work. The chapters draw on the history of development in the Mississippi Valley, the construction of Confederate memory, the history and curriculum of Harvard University, twentieth-century debates over police brutality and temperance reform, the history of modern childhood, and the literary histories of anti-slavery writing and pulp fiction to illuminate Faulkner's work. Others explore the meaning of Faulkner's fiction for such professional historians as C. Vann Woodward and Albert Bushnell Hart. In these ways and more, the book offers fresh insights into one of the most persistent and long-recognized elements of the Mississippian's artistic vision.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractAfter the explosion of writing on the Armenian Genocide in the centennial year, 2015, scholars have steadily produced new research and writing on the events of 1915–1916 in the late Ottoman Empire that have deepened our understanding of the trajectories and tragedies of those years. While a comprehensive review of everything published would require a small monograph, this chapter will review several important but diverse recent contributions: Hans-Lukacs Kieser, Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018); Benny Morris and Dror Ze’evi, The Thirty-Year Genocide: Turkey’s Destruction of its Christian Minorities, 1894–1924 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019); Ümit Kurt, The Armenians of Aintab: The Economics of Genocide in an Ottoman Province (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2021); and Harry Harootunian, The Unspoken Heritage: The Armenian Genocide and its Unaccounted Lives (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2019).The chapter will begin with a review of the historiography on the Armenian Genocide as of 2015. Scholarship produced during the last twenty-five years has essentially routed the denialist interpretation and established a firm foundation for understanding the ethnic cleansing, forced assimilation, property confiscations, and mass killing of Armenians and Assyrians as a genocide. The work of Raymond Kévorkian, Taner Akçam, Fatma Müge Goçek, Hilmar Kaiser, Hans-Lukas Kieser, Richard Hovannisian and his students, among them Stephan Astourian, and many Turkish, Kurdish, and Armenian colleagues in Turkey has been essential. The Workshop for Armenian/Turkish Scholarship (WATS) has been an ongoing effort on the part of a number of scholars—Armenian, Turkish and other—to investigate the causes, circumstances and consequences of the Armenian Genocide of 1915, overcoming the politics of recognition and denial. The historical record has been made, although political and polemical campaigns against truth and accurate and evidenced historical knowledge continue both in Turkey and elsewhere.The chapter will explore what is new, and whether the paradigm established by 2015 has changed, been amplified, and significantly improved. It will address the significant contributions made since 2015, beyond the “WATS consensus,” which was basically in place by the centennial year and formed the basis for my book “They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else:” A History of the Armenian Genocide (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015).

AbstractThis chapter describes how expertise about bipolar disorder is performed by The National Institute of Mental Health and La Haute Autorité de Santé. Using an innovative methodological approach which combines insights from Latour (Science in Action. How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1987) and media studies with a dramaturgical perspective (Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, London, Penguin, 1959/1990), it is argued that both institutions perform expertise in a conservative fashion, which allows them to articulate knowledge on bipolar disorder as stable and precise. While both institutions use similar performative techniques, they adapt them to subtly redefine bipolar disorder in ways that are aligned to the priorities characterizing their national health system and their institutional prerogatives and goals.

AbstractIn this chapter we present our own work on developing the idea of Data Literacy and reflect on the potential to develop democratic education for data citizenship. In our work we link ideas from Dewey (New Republic 61:294–296, 1930) and Freire (Pedagogy of the oppressed (revised). Continuum, 1970/1996), with ideas from Nussbaum (Int Stud Rev 4(2), 123–135, 2002) and Sen (The idea of justice. Harvard University Press, 2009), to consider how we move towards a more just datafied society (see Carmi E, Yates S, Int J Commun 17:3619–3637, 2023). We argue that Data Literacy and Data Citizenship interventions need to build on a deep understanding of their audience and their journey towards greater data citizenship and awareness of issues in our datafied society. The chapter sets out seven principles for the development of Data Literacy and data citizenship support interventions and explores approaches to their development.

AbstractAs Christopher Hilliard has noted, the 1890s and 1900s saw in Britain the development of a flourishing “literary advice industry” of which the “first goods were guidebooks” (Hilliard in To Exercise Our Talents: The Democratization of Writing in Britain. Harvard University Press, London and Cambridge, MA, 2006, p. 20). Examples include Arnold Bennett’s How to Become an Author (1903), Walter Besant’s The Pen and the Book (1899), E. H. Lacon Watson’s Hints to Young Authors (1902), and Leopold Wagner’s How to Publish a Book (1898). As this chapter will explore, these authors’ guides mix technical advice on the rules of fiction with practical advice on the workings of the publishing industry and the financial side of authorship—and in so doing, I shall argue, both reflect and help contribute to dramatic changes in public understandings of the nature of authorship and the relationship between the writer and marketplace.

AbstractThe Quartieri Spagnoli (QS) in Naples represent a central urban area of the city affected by extreme levels of disadvantage. The area is characterized by crime, together with high unemployment and school dropout rates, and virtually no social integration in the wider urban landscape. With the highest population density in the city, the area is low in services and green spaces, and its spatial arrangements are characterized by narrow streets and restricted accessibility. In this chapter, I aim to present an account of children’s lived experiences and self-perceptions of space, power, and violence in an urban space that is facing a process of change due to recent capitalist developments such as deepening deprivation and marginalization in advanced capitalist societies (Wacquant, Urban outcasts: a comparative sociology of advanced marginality. Polity, Cambridge, 2008), and expulsions (Sassen, Expulsions: brutality and complexity in the global economy. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 2014). Moreover, I focus on teachers’ perceptions of their role as pedagogical actors in a marginalized urban space.

AbstractThe purpose of this chapter is to narrate and conceptualise the changing processes that occurred when an interdisciplinary team transitioned from face-to-face workshops to a shared digital platform space in a historical time of crisis. The chapter describes how an interdisciplinary partnership project overcame obstacles, such as the respective institutions using different communication systems, to explore possibilities for partnership research through using a common digital platform as a tool for collective writing and for experimenting with writing genres. Inspired by cultural-historical theorisations of collective resilience, we describe how team members reinforced each other to strengthen risk situations, overcome them and use them as sources to support joint development of practices and co-research. We call this collective resilient digital agility. According to a cultural-historical perspective, resilience can be understood as a higher psychological function resulting from collaborative processes (Wertsch JV. Vygotsky and the social formation of mind. Harvard University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv26071b0, 1988). The results show that the pandemic and the shift to using a new artefact, a digital platform, changed what it was possible to do, strengthening resilience and ways of working together and opening up a co-creative writing genre.

AbstractThe overall goal of AgeCap is to contribute to increased wellbeing and participation in life for the older population. While there are several ways to meet this challenge, AgeCap has chosen the capability approach, which focuses on a subjective perceived health- and ability-related perspective, rather than on disease or disabilities. The understanding of capability used within the centre is based on the work of the philosopher and economist Amartya Sen, described as the individual’s ability to perform actions in order to reach goals he or she has reason to value (Sen A. The idea of justice. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 2009). The capability approach focuses on what people are able to do and to be – their capabilities – and on their freedom of choice to perform those actions. AgeCap’s multidisciplinary setting was an opportunity to adopt the capability approach within its research. Nevertheless, it also created challenges in establishing a common view of what capability is, and how to apply the concept in collaborations across several different research fields. Thus, at an early stage during the setting up of the Centre, it was decided that a conceptual framework aiming to capture a shared view of capability in ageing should be developed. In addition, in order to facilitate the application of the capability approach within the research setting and make it more accessible to different target groups within society, it was later proposed that a graphic illustration of the AgeCap framework of capability should be created. This chapter describes the conceptual framework and graphic illustration that were developed by the Communication Group in collaboration with the Steering Committee, Principal Investigators, other researchers within AgeCap and the company Explain Artist. Central concepts include available resources, conversion factors, capability set, freedom of choice, goals of value and justice. The purpose of the conceptual framework is mainly to serve as a platform for researchers to use in any way they find relevant from their own perspective. Furthermore, the graphic illustration was developed in order to facilitate the application of the capability approach within AgeCap and make our research more accessible to society in order to dismantle the wall between researchers, older people and the general public.

AbstractThis chapter offers an introduction to the field of ethics and the central place of conscience within it. To explicate the idea of conscience, I draw upon the work of nineteenth-century Harvard philosopher Josiah Royce. Royce understood conscience as the product of a certain insight, what he called the moral insight, which he defined as “the realization of one’s neighbor, in the full sense of the word realization; the resolution to treat him unselfishly.” I then go on to illustrate parallels to Royce’s moral insight in the works of Plato, Jean Piaget, Hannah Arendt, Joseph Ratzinger, and Anthony DeMello. This is followed by a discussion of the work of Jonathan Haidt aimed at tracing the universality of conscience across cultures and strategies for putting conscience into action—even in a pluralistic society. I wrap up this chapter with two subsections: (a) some structural remarks about the field of ethics, anticipating the theme of Chap. 3: Can a corporation have a conscience? and (b) two serious objections to the very idea of treating corporations as morally responsible entities. This chapter is an organic part of a larger work about the overall contribution of Kenneth Goodpaster to the field of applied ethics and is best read in the context of that larger work.

Abstract This Chapter Presents the Harvard-FBI relation essentially as the FBI saw it —what activities at Harvard most concerned it; what parts of the university most attracted its attention; how it obtained information about the university, and from whom. How the FBI looked at Harvard and what it claimed to see there are important, but they are only part of the story. What was Harvard’s view of the relationship: who acted for Harvard; was the relationship a matter of policy or something into which the university drifted; who even knew about the relationship; was it the result of well-considered views of the kind of organization the FBI was, or was it derived from more general considerations of Cold War politics? The answers to these questions require access to a different set of documents —not in the FBI archives but in the records of the universities, their professors, and the other private organizations, like foundations, that were involved in the relationship with the FBI. .

Over the years, there has been an increased interest among educators and researchers that today's students need new skills to excel in the highly globalised world. This resulted in looking for new pedagogies to prepare students for academic and professional life. This research builds on Gardner's (2006) framework of disciplined, synthesising, creating, respectful and ethical mindsets, which would develop capacities and skills required for the future. Qualitative research, using in-depth interviews was conducted in a New Zealand university to understand how students from two disciplines react to the five mindsets. The findings suggest that though there were some similarities and differences in perceptions by the students, the ethical mindset was strongly demonstrated by all respondents. Implications for educators and future research are discussed in this chapter.