Articoli di riviste sul tema "Guidebooks, 1952"

Between 1953 and 1956 the Hellenistic Stoa of Attalos was converted into a museum. It currently houses the finds from excavations carried out by the American School of Classical Studies in the Athenian agora since 1931. Laura Gawlinski’s The Athenian Agora Museum Guide is a well-written guidebook to this unique museum. The aim of this book is to provide the reader with supplementary historical, archaeological, and cultural information not only about the artefacts displayed in the museum, but also about the building itself. Indeed, Gawlinski makes a commendable effort to emphasise the distinct vantage point, that the visitor has to experience finds from the agora in a restored building from the ancient site.

The article gives a brief description of Moscow guide books printed between 1922 and 1991. The retrospective of Soviet texts is preceded by tracing the origins of Moscow travel guides, which goes back to travel notes from the 16th and 17th centuries. The paper presents 34 Soviet itineraries by providing their composition and content summary. Also, it demonstrates and explains the referential and syncretic patterns of Soviet guidebooks, and the shift made at the turn of the NEP era and the 1930s. Tourism evolution, city planning and state censorship are discussed among the factors that influence travel itineraries. The diachronic approach allows to note continuity and transformation elements of Soviet travel guides to Moscow.

The quick modernisation of Iceland, which took place rapidly from the first decades of the 20th century onwards, brought not only fishing trawlers and cars into the country. Among all the techniques of modernity, steinsteypa [concrete] was to become the key material that changed the built landscape of the island and was soon adopted by the first Icelandic architects, such as Rögnvaldur Ólafsson (1874–1914) and Guðjón Samúelsson (1887–1950). Interestingly, the main supporter of this material was Guðmundur Hannesson (1866–1946), a medical doctor and town planning enthusiast who wrote several articles and even a guidebook published in 1921, Steinsteypa. Leiðarvísir fyrir alþýðu og viðvaninga [Concrete: A Guidebook for Common People and Beginners]. In a country that was seeking an architectural self-representation, he understood the technical and formal possibilities that concrete could offer. By analysing his articles and publications, this essay aims to discuss the rhetoric of Guðmundur Hannesson and his role in writing an Icelandic chapter of the history of concrete, from its early stage of unmodern trial-and-error to the definition of a modern Icelandic architecture.

In 1932, the Tourism Syndicate of the French Protectorate government in Morocco published a guidebook for French tourists to follow the ‘ Route des Kasbas’ through southern Morocco. The trajectory described is still in many ways reproduced by contemporary guiding materials, delineating specific routes where this ‘heritage’ might be found in Morocco and what sorts of mobilities are necessary to seek it. Using these guiding resources from ‘the field’, along with our own ethnographic experiences as travelling researchers, we trace how colonial cartographical rationalities structured in this region along its ‘road’, through promotion by the French Protectorate government as a mobile site for tourism, and how that infrastructural and economic sedimentation persists in contemporary mobilities through it – including our own mobilities as tourism researchers. We question when and how it might be possible to escape this cartographic specificity for other spatialities of this road.

This article focuses on selected reviews of state archive resource guides in Polish journals. The query was based on the following journals: „Archeion”, „Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne”, „Archiwista Polski” i „Archiwa – Kancelarie – Zbiory”. In addition, the author uses singular reviews of archive resource guides found in „Zapiski Historyczne”, „Przegląd Zachodnio-Pomorski”, „Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych”, „Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej” and „Rocznik Biblioteki Narodowej”. A total number of 18 reviews of 11 archive resource guides, published in the years 1958–2016, were analyzed. The reviews themselves were published between 1959 and 2017. Analyzing archive resource guides, the author deals with very sensitive material which is very challenging to be assessed explicitly. Each time, the reviews resulted from extensive studies, which were often the result of time-consuming work performed by teams consisting of many experts. The question of whether there is still a place for traditional book guides to archive resources in the modern world will probably remain an open question for a long time. The analysis of guidebooks issued in the traditional form is always a unique moment and invariably constitutes a great challenge for all archives. Each time it is associated with the intensification of work; it allows for the improvement and unification of archival records. It also provides a greater precision of the existing information on the archive resources. The analyzed reviews of the state archive resource guides show how many possibilities there may occur to commit a mistake in the process of such an analysis.

Attention is drawn to the contributions of Frederick William Flattely (1888–1937), noting the wide range of his natural history publications. He is best known for his ground-breaking guidebook on shore ecology, The Biology of the Sea-shore, first published with Charles Walton in 1922. Both started their careers at University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. Flattely was greatly influenced there by Professor Herbert J. Fleure; hence his interest in environmental matters, agriculture and parasitology. After removing via the University of Aberdeen to the University of Durham and concentrating on marine issues, he moved thence to the League of Nations in Rome as a technical editor (using his extensive linguistic skills). Of German extraction, he changed his surname from Durlacher to Flattely in 1914. He eventually took-up a position teaching biology at Leighton Park School, Reading. He is remembered there as an excellent teacher and motivator of students.

Promoters of domestic tourism in Hungary between the world wars laid blame for poor business at the feet of many causes. But their loudest and most persistent accusation was that Hungarians did not travel their homeland because they did not properly “know it.” At the same time, geographers, educators, and politicians made the nearly identical claim that Hungarians were lacking in honismeret, or “knowledge of one’s homeland,” and needed to banish their ignorance if they were to truly and adequately love their country. This article explores one confluence of these two streams. Between 1934 and 1942, metropolitan authorities sponsored an ambitious educational program, the School Excursion Trains of the Capital City of Budapest [Budapest Székesfőváros Iskolai Kirándulóvonatai], which aimed to improve the honismeret of high school students by giving them first-hand experience of dozens of Hungarian cities and regions. Through a close analysis of the 31-volume series of guidebooks produced for the benefit of the Excursion Train passengers, this article argues that the fundamental goal of the program was to transform Hungary from an abstract territorial space into a set of concrete places to which students could feel personally attached, and therefore better “know.”

This two-day field trip provides an overview of the geologic history of the North Park–Middle Park area and its past and recent drilling activity. Stops highlight basin formation and the consequences of geologic configuration on oil and gas plays and development. The trip focuses on work from ongoing U.S. Geological Survey research in this area (currently part of the Cenozoic Landscape Evolution of the Southern Rocky Mountains Project funded by the National Cooperative Geologic Mapping Program). Surface mapping is integrated with perspective from petroleum exploration within the basin. The starting point is the west flank of the Denver Basin to compare and contrast the latest Cretaceous through Eocene basin fill on both flanks of the Front Range. The next stop continues on the south end of the North Park–Middle Park area, about 60 miles [95km] west from the first stop. A general clockwise loop is described by following U.S. Highway 40 from Frasier via Granby and Kremmling to Muddy Pass after which CO Highway 14 is followed to Walden for an overnight stay. On the second day after a loop north of Walden, the Continental Divide is crossed at Willow Creek Pass for a return to Granby via Highway 125. The single structural basin that underlies both physiographic depressions of North Park and Middle Park originated during the latest Cretaceous to Eocene Laramide orogeny (Tweto, 1957, 1975; Dickinson et al., 1988). It largely filled with Paleocene to Eocene sediments and is bordered on the east by the Front Range, on the west by the Park Range and Gore Range, on the north by Independence Mountain and to the south by the Williams Fork and Vasquez Mountains (Figure 1). This larger Paleocene-Eocene structural basin is continuous underneath the Continental Divide, which dissects the basin in two approximately equal physiographic depressions, the ‘Parks.’ Therefore Cole et al. (2010) proposed the name ‘Colorado Headwaters Basin’ or ‘CHB,’ rather than North Park–Middle Park basin (Tweto 1957), to eliminate any confusion between the underlying larger Paleocene-Eocene basin and the two younger depressions that developed after the middle Oligocene. The name was derived from the headwaters of the Colorado, North Platte, Laramie, Cache La Poudre, and Big Thompson Rivers which are all within or near the study area. In this field guide, we will use the name Colorado Headwaters Basin (CHB) over North Park–Middle Park basin. Several workers have described the geology in the basin starting with reports from Marvine who was part of the Hayden Survey and wrote about Middle Park in 1874, Hague and Emmons reported on North Park as part of the King Survey in 1877, Cross on Middle Park (1892), and Beekly surveyed the coal resources of North Park in 1915. Further reconnaissance geologic mapping was performed by Hail (1965 and 1968) and Kinney (1970) in the North Park area and by Izett (1968, 1975), and Izett and Barclay (1973) in Middle Park. Most research has focused on coal resources (Madden, 1977; Stands, 1992; Roberts and Rossi, 1999), and oil and gas potential (1957, all papers in the RMAG guidebook to North Park; subsurface structural geologic analysis of both Middle Park and North Park (the CHB) by oil and gas geologist Wellborn (1977a)). A more comprehensive overview of all previous geologic research in the basin can be found in Cole et al. (2010). Oil and gas exploration started in 1925 when Continental Oil's Sherman A-1 was drilled in the McCallum field in the northeast part of the CHB. It produced mostly CO2 from the Dakota Sandstone and was dubbed the ‘Snow cone’ well. Later wells were more successful finding oil and/or gas, and exploration and production in the area is ongoing, most notably in the unconventional Niobrara play in the Coalmont-Hebron area.

The union of these collections and the addition of the models of St. Paul’s and various classical buildings, betoken what an Architectural Museum may become, if the individuals and the State will act together. Every foreigner who has seen this commencement sees in it the germ of the finest Architectural Museum in Europe, if the public support the attempt.From the first years of its establishment in June 1857, to the end of the nineteenth century, the South Kensington Museum had amongst its collections over a hundred architectural models. First they were acquired through a policy of encouraged loans and gifts, followed by pro-actively commissioning model makers; other models, however, were at South Kensington through default, having remained on site where they had been made by ‘sappers’. The models, which included examples of Western, Asian and Far Eastern buildings and monuments, were first shown in displays under the headings of Ornamental, Architectural, Economics, and Educational. To give an indication of their initial importance to the museum, the early guidebooks feature architectural models amongst the ‘principle objects in the gallery’. Twenty years later most models had been transferred from what were essentially style galleries to the more utilitarian displays concerned with architectural and engineering practices, and within them they were merely included as part of the broader contextual themes. By the turn of the century, with the exception of the 1901 handbook to the models of Italian Renaissance painted interiors, they were rarely referred to at all in museum publications. By 1912 (soon after the Science and Art collections had been divided on either side of the Exhibition Road) most of the models were no longer on display and were thought by senior keepers to be of little use to museum collections. Many had been de-accessioned by the 1970s, when their position in the doldrums was reversed and models were once again included in the museum displays and exhibitions. This article explores the changes in attitude towards architectural models during the first 120 years of the V&A, focusing on the models of Western buildings.

In 2022, the Rocky Mountain Association of Geologists (RMAG) celebrated its centennial anniversary. Founded on January 26, 1922, RMAG (called Rocky Mountain Association of Petroleum Geologists until 1947) grew out of a desire and need for petroleum geologists in Denver to come together in a collegial environment. Petroleum geology had become an important component of exploration and development, with significant discoveries in the greater Denver Basin (Florence Field) as well as east-central Wyoming (Salt Creek Field) and northwest Colorado (Rangely Field). Through the first 25 years (1922–1947), membership hovered around 50, reflecting an initial boom of World War I through the 1920s, and then surviving the Great Depression and World War II. Post-World War II through the early 1980s, the world saw a huge increase in demand for oil (less-so for natural gas), spurring the “golden years” of Rocky Mountain exploration and development of many now-famous discoveries. Denver grew as a petroleum business center with large (major) to small (independent) companies, leading to steady RMAG membership growth, which peaked at 4,524 in 1984. During this period, RMAG established a legacy of publishing (The Mountain Geologist and the Geologic Atlas of the Rocky Mountain Region, aka “the Big Red Book”), sponsored multi-day field trips and symposia, hosted weekly luncheons with 200–300 attendees at the peak, and maintained a dedicated office staff located in downtown Denver. The legacy “golden” years ended with the “crash” in oil prices in 1985–86, and membership declined about 7% per year until the mid-1990s, levelling out at 1,900 members. Within the ashes of the 1984–1995 period, however, RMAG began its On the Rocks field trip series (1986) and published several sold-out guidebooks. It inaugurated the 3D Seismic Symposium (1995) co-hosted with the Denver Geophysical Society (DGS) and hosted several successful AAPG and Rocky Mountain Section AAPG annual meetings. In the 1990s, natural gas hosted in “unconventional” reservoirs began an exploration/development revolution, spurred on by federal price supports and construction of a major gas pipeline to the West Coast in 1992. By 2000, huge natural gas resources locked in Rocky Mountain “tight gas” reservoirs became economically viable with improved hydraulic fracturing technology and increasing gas prices. RMAG membership began growing along with the increased natural gas-drilling activity, and RMAG offered multiple well-attended symposia and publications highlighting unconventional gas plays. A new boom began in 2008 with the advent of horizontal drilling for oil in the Bakken Shale of the Williston Basin and Niobrara Formation of the Denver Basin, and a massive increase in oil price. Consequently, RMAG membership reached a secondary peak of 2,978 in 2012. However, as oil prices began declining steadily in 2014, membership also decreased. By 2016, oil price decline led to the familiar cycle of company closings and layoffs. In 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic shut down all in-person RMAG activities, heavily impacting the organization. RMAG pivoted to online (virtual) luncheons, symposia, and field trips. Even so, membership declined to about 1200 members in 2022. The challenges that the RMAG will face in the next 100 years will be daunting. Long-term sustainability of the RMAG will require its members and member-leaders to recognize and embrace changes as they occur.

Artiklen baserer sig p&aring; unders&oslash;gelser af Turistforeningen for Danmarks virke med hovedv&aelig;gt p&aring; perioden 1923-1945. Neds&aelig;ttelsen af &bdquo;Udenrigsministeriets Udvalg for Turistpropaganda i Udlandet" i 1934 bet&oslash;d en gennemgribende forandring, hvor staten for f&oslash;rste gang involverede sig aktivt i Turistforeningens organisation<br />og arbejde. Turisme blev herved i h&oslash;jere grad opfattet som et eksporterhverv og indrettet efter sit &oslash;konomiske indtjeningspotentiale. Hermed lagdes grunden til den organisation og den turismeopfattelse, som kom til at dominere efterkrigstidens danske turisme, mens tidligere, konkurrerende syn p&aring; turismen p&aring; sigt marginaliseredes. En gennemgang af Turistforeningens brochurer og udgivelser<br />vil i &oslash;vrigt demonstrere, at &bdquo;Danmark som turistland" repr&aelig;senteredes i meget forskellige og konkurrerende diskurser, lige fra en hjemstavnsorientering med v&aelig;gt p&aring; oldtid, landskaber og landbokultur til det &bdquo;moderne Danmark" med levende byliv, uh&oslash;jtidelig harmoni, ungdommelighed og social ansvarlighed. Overordnet bet&oslash;d mellemkrigstiden b&aring;de i organisation og repr&aelig;sentation en forskydning af turistarbejdet fra provinsens lokale, folkelige forankring til byernes, prim&aelig;rt k&oslash;benhavnske, erhvervsinteresser.<br /><br />Abstract: A Happy Marriage of Convenience?<br />The Danish National Tourist Organization c.1888-1967<br />Turistforeningen for Danmark was the Danish National Tourist Organization from 1923-1967. It replaced Den danske Turistforening which dissolved in the turmoil following World War I, and was itself replaced in 1967 by Danmarks Turistr&aring;d. This article offers an outline of the development of Turistforeningen for Danmark with a main focus on the interwar-period 1923-1939. Through an analysis of the organization's activities to attract foreign visitors as well as to<br />&bdquo;enhance"the travel of Danes within their own country it is shown, how two distinct understandings of &bdquo;tourism" co-existed, and was balanced against each other, within the organization. Commercial interests, primarily based in Copenhagen and the larger tourist destinations, saw tourism as an economic activity and an &bdquo;exporting trade" to be exploited in an ever-increasing international tourism<br />market. On the other hand were the more than 100 local tourist associations, to a large degree non-commercial, which saw tourism as an educational or &bdquo;ideal" activity, meaning cultural and educational where visiting scenery, prehistoric sites, historic town centres and seeing local customs should teach locals and visitors alike about the region and the nation at large. The basic partnership<br />between commercial interests and local tourism was maintained throughout the period, but government involvement in 1935 made Turistforeningen for Danmark a state-sponsored organization, dramatically increasing the available funding, but also shifting the balance within the organization in favour of commercial interests.<br />It also meant noticeable changes in the representations of Denmark through brochures and guidebooks and the beginnings of a modern tourism discourse of 'fairy-tale Denmark', stressing tranquillity, laid-back city-life, social welfare and design. This development was halted by World War II, but though co-operation (as well as organizational debate) persisted throughout the 1950's and 1960's, the commercial and professional understanding of tourism became increasingly dominant, thereby pushing different ways of managing and thinking about tourism to the margins.<br />

Imaging buried geological boundaries is one of a major objective during the interpretation of magnetic field data in Geophysics. Therefore, edge detection and edge enhancement techniques assist a crucial role on this aim. Most of the existing edge detector methods require to obtain special points such as in general the maxima of the resulting image. One of the useful tools in estimating edges from magnetic data is the tilt angle of the analytical signal amplitude due to its value slightly dependence on the direction of magnetization. In this study, the maxima of the tilt angle of analytical signal amplitudes of the magnetic data was determined by a curvature-based method. The technique is based on fitting a quadratic surface over a 3×3 windows of the grid for locating any appropriate critical point that is near the centre of the window. The algorithm is built in Matlab environment. The feasibility of the algorithm is demonstrated in two cases of synthetic data as well as on real magnetic data from Tu Chinh-Vung May area. The source code is available from the authors on request.ReferencesAkpınar Z., Gürsoy H., Tatar O., Büyüksaraç A., Koçbulut F., Piper, JDA., 2016. Geophysical analysis of fault geometry and volcanic activity in the Erzincan Basin, Central Turkey, Complex evolution of a mature pull-apart basin. Journal of Asian Earth Sciences, 116, 97-114. Beiki M., 2010. Analytic signals of gravity gradient tensor and their application to estimate source location, Geophysics, 75(6), 159-174.Blakely R. J., and Simpson R.W., 1986. Approximating edges of source bodies from magnetic or gravity anomalies, Geophysics, 51, 1494-1498.Chen An-Guo, Zhou Tao-Fa, Liu Dong-Jia, Zhang Shu, 2017. Application of an enhanced theta-based filter for potential field edge detection: a case study of the LUZONG ORE DISTRICT, Chinese Journal of Geophysics, 60(2), 203-218.Cooper G.RJ., 2014. Reducing the dependence of the analytic signal amplitude of aeromagnetic data on the source vector direction, Geophysics, 79, 55-60.Cordell L., 1979. Gravimetric Expression of Graben Faulting in Santa Fe Country and theEspanola Basin, New Mexico. In Ingersoll, R.V., Ed., Guidebook to Santa Fe Country, New Mexico Geological Society, Socorro, 59-64.Cordell L and Grauch V.J.S., 1985. Mapping Basement Magnetization Zones from Aeromagnetic Data in the San Juan Basin, New Mexico, The Utility of Regional Gravity and Magnetic Anomaly Maps, Society of Exploration Geophysicists, Tulsa, 181-197.Hsu S.K., Coppense D., Shyu C.T., 1996. High- resolution detection of geologic boundaries from potential field anomalies: An enhanced analytic signal technique, Geophysics, 61, 1947-1957.Le D.C., Application of seismic exploration methods to identify geological structural characteristics supporting for hydrocarbon potential assessment in TuChinh - Vung May basin, Ph.D. Thesis, Hanoi University of Mining and Geology.Li X., 2006. Understanding 3D analytic signal amplitude: Geophysics, 71(2), 13-16.Miller H.G. and Singh V., 1994. Potential Field Tilt a New Concept for Location of Potential Field Sources, Journal of Applied Geophysics, 32, 213-217.Nabighian M.N., 1972. The analytic signal of two-dimensional magnetic bodies with polygonal cross-section: Its properties and use of automated anomaly interpretation, Geophysics, 37, 507-517.Nguyen N.T., Bui V.N., Nguyen T.T.H., 2014. Determining the depth to the magnetic basement and fault systems in Tu Chinh - Vung May area by magnetic data interpretation, Journal of Marine Science and Technology, 14(4a), 16-25.Nguyen X.H, San T.N, Bae W., Hoang M.C, 2014. Formation mechanism and petroleum system of tertiary sedimentary basins, offshore Vietnam, Energy Sources, Part A, 36, 1634-1649.Phillips J.D., Hansen R.O. and Blakely R.J., 2007. The use of curvature in potential-field interpretation, Exploration Geophysics, 38(2), 111-119.Rao D.B., and Babu N.R., 1991. A rapid method for three-dimensional modeling of magnetic anomalies, Geophysics, 56(11), 1729-1737.Roest W.R., Verhoef J., and Pilkington M., 1992. Magnetic interpretation using the 3-D analytic signal, Geophysics, 57, 116-125.Tran N., 2017. Sediment geology of Vietnam, VNU Press.Tran T.D., Tran N., Nguyen T.H., Dinh X.T., Pham B.N., Nguyen T.T., Tran T.T.T.N., Nguyen T.H.T., 2018. The Miocenedepositional geological evolution of Phu Khanh, Nam Con Son and Tu Chinh - Vung May basins in Vietnam continental shelf, VNU Journal of Science: Earth and Environmental Sciences, 34(1), 112-135.Vo T.S., Le H.M., Luu V.H., 2005. Three-dimensional analytic signal method and its application in interpretation of aeromagnetic anomaly maps in the Tuan Giao region, Proceedings of the 4th geophysical scientific and technical conference of Vietnam, Publisher of Science and Engineering 2005.Wijns C, Perez C and Kowalczyk P, 2005, Theta map: Edge detection in magnetic data, Geophysics, 70, 39-43.

This paper will discuss the recognition of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in legal cases based on the historical development of the Diagnostic Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders (DSM). Further the discussion will draw on the diagnostic relationship between the DSM and the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). It is important to understand how the courts received evidence in relation to a person&rsquo;s traumatic experience and to define the limits of liability for psychiatric illness cases. In tort law, the courts had been cautious to permit recovery to underserving litigants. Interpreting traumatic experiences from psychiatry to law, at times, do not succeed in a claim for compensation. &nbsp;Belanger-Hardy opined &lsquo;Tort Law has always viewed mental harm with caution, not to say scepticism&rsquo;. &nbsp;Historically, compensation for PTSD claims have always been awarded on ad hoc basis in tort law for fear of opening the floodgates. &nbsp;In Saadati v Moorhead , Brown J acknowledged the requirement of a psychiatrist to diagnose a psychiatric disorder by referring to DSM and ICD classifications. &nbsp;The diagnostic manual is a guide book and should be used with caution. &nbsp;The DSM Manual also explains the concept of malingering and practitioners should be cautious when preparing an expert report to assist the court. It is argued the courts are trying to play catch up with psychiatry, however, in its deliberations pronouncing inappropriate policy decisions, hampering recovery for a deserving claimant in tort law. &nbsp;Ultimately, Judges control the goal posts for awarding damages in trauma related cases.&nbsp; Historically, PTSD was defined as railway spine, shell shock, traumatic neurosis, accident neurosis and fright neurosis. Medical science established there is a relationship between the mind and body and the mind can only function in the body. Therefore, if the mind is affected by an external factor, the psyche may become muddled to develop post traumatic symptoms. This paper will examine the method adopted by practitioners and judges in interpreting the manual. This is seen from a methodological assessment of diagnostic concordance in the light of inherent problems of psychiatric classifications and malingering. This assessment will ultimately relate to psychiatric classification of individual patients who are subjected to an intense trauma resulting in fear and helplessness. Hence, unable to relate to what had taken place and subsequently not able to realize that the psyche is muddled or disorganized. In the absence of an actual physical lesion, the courts have become sceptical and wary of extending the defendant&rsquo;s liability to cover alleged damage such as psychiatric illness. The inherent fears are that evidence can be confabulated and based on false premise. Hence, the courts make a linguistic interpretation in view of the struggle between the law and psychiatric illness. Furthermore, the discussion will capture the essence of PTSD which was introduced in the 1970&rsquo;s and adopted in DSM-III in 1980 by the American Psychiatric Association (APA). In 1992, PTSD was recognised as a diagnosis in the International Classifications of Diseases (ICD-10) in Europe under the rubric of Neurotic, Stress-related and Somatoform Disorders by the World Health Organization (WHO). &nbsp;The DSM is a guidebook for mental health practitioners. &nbsp;However the origins of PTSD lie further back than the twentieth century. The history can be traced through the experience of the American Civil War, First World War, Second World War and the Vietnam War where veterans who returned home suffered trauma because of devastating exposure to war. Their traumatic experiences were documented and translated as symptoms which were eventually associated with PTSD, as described in DSM-III. These traumatic experiences were observed in the civil and forensic setting.&nbsp; Moreover, this paper will contain a summary of the historical development of the ICD and DSM classifications depicting war associated syndromes as they played a dominant role in shaping the early diagnostic thinking of WHO and APA. From 1840 to 1921, in the United States, data was collected by gathering statistical information across mental hospitals in order to produce a nationally acceptable psychiatric nomenclature. &nbsp;In particular, a notable physician called Da Costa in the American Civil War gave the name &lsquo;irritable heart&rsquo; to the symptoms suffered by some soldiers. Consequently, the statistical information was broadened to take account of and incorporate outpatient presentations from World Wars I and II veterans. This was known as &lsquo;shell shock&rsquo; and &lsquo;war neurosis&rsquo;. War neurosis was further refined following World War II and the Vietnam War in terms of &lsquo;trauma&rsquo;. Contemporaneously in 1948, WHO adopted the Armed Forces categorisation based on Army, Navy and Veteran experiences in World War I and II, when it integrated mental disorders into the sixth revision of the ICD depicting an European model. Mental disorders were not introduced into the ICD until its sixth edition, published by WHO in 1948, &nbsp;and therefore it is not pertinent to discuss ICD classifications from 1 to 5 editions for the purposes of mental illness.&nbsp; Besides, this paper will explore the development of trauma as defined in the current understanding of PTSD. This development is necessary to show how the term &lsquo;trauma&rsquo; was transformed into PTSD. Evidence is also drawn from the courts as to how PTSD is used in a legal setting. As was the case for DSM-I where a category called &lsquo;gross stress reaction&rsquo; &nbsp;was recognized in 1952 and a diagnosis called &lsquo;transient situational disturbance&rsquo; or &lsquo;anxiety neurosis&rsquo; &nbsp;was declared in DSM-II in 1968. The development of DSM-III was coordinated with the ninth revision of ICD. &nbsp;In 1980, DSM-III introduced PTSD for the first time. DSM-III made major changes in which the diagnosis of PTSD was formally introduced. DSM-III did not prescribe duration of the symptoms.&nbsp; Similarly, ICD-9 did not include diagnostic criteria to specify mental categories and facilitate the collection of basic health statistics. In view of the incompatibility between ICD-9 and DSM-III, APA suggested that modifications to be made to ICD-9 for its use in the United States. The result was ICD-9-CM.&nbsp; In 1987, DSM-III-R was introduced to refine the duration of symptoms. In 1992, WHO introduced the diagnosis of PTSD in ICD-10 and consequently the APA formed a task force to develop the DSM-IV in 1994. At the time, WHO was ready to publish ICD-10. The U.S. was under a treaty to maintain systems consistent with WHO and there was a desire to build a better empirical foundation, using 13 groups of researchers in field trials. Research in natural environment diagnoses in the United States and Canada used DSM-IV, whilst most countries officially use ICD-10 and now ICD-11adopted in 2019. In DSM-IV-TR of 2002, there was still doubt by psychiatrists as to whether PTSD is an anxiety disorder or a disorder in its own category. Refinement of DSM-IV-TR was undertaken in the current DSM-5 following research. In addition, issues related to malingering and methodology for the detection of malingering are explored. Such methodology will confirm evidence as to whether an individual malingers or not. In conclusion, this paper will look at the latest developments in the DSM Manual and by discussing how such a manual should be utilised effectively by the courts and psychiatrists.

Currently, modern cats (Felidae) are divided into 8 lineages (phylogenetic lines), which include 14 genera and approximately 40 modern species (Загороднюк та ін., 2022). The cat collection of the State Museum of Natural History NASU, like all vertebrate collections, has a regional character, therefore it is represented by only two species: European wildcat – Felis silvestris Schreber, 1775 and Eurasian lynx – Lynx lynx (Linnaeus, 1758). The collection has been filled since the foundation of the Didushytskyi Museum, the heir of which is a modern museum, that is, from the middle of the 19th century. According to the method of making, the collection consists of stuffed animals (25), skulls (10) and skins (2). It consists of 37 samples (20 of European wildcat and 17 Eurasian lynx). Earlier in the collection there were 13 more samples, which were lost for various reasons or transferred to other collections (5 stuffed Eurasian lynx and European wildcat, and 3 skulls of Eurasian lynx). In the archive of the Museum preserved acts of transfer of exhibits to the Institute of Zoology NASU and Kyiv zoological museum and Uzhhorod University, where among others there are Felidae, however, we failed to find these samples in the mentioned museums. One Eurasian lynx was transferred to the museum of Grodno city (Belarus) in 1924. The oldest exhibit is Eurasian lynx skull, dated of 1857, the youngest – European wildcat skin dated of 2013. The main number of samples, almost 40%, collected from 1880 to 1889. The largest number of exhibits (4) arrived during 1880. All samples collected in the Carpathians and Ciscarpathians (14 – Lvivska oblast, 11 – Ivano-Frankivska oblast, 1 – Ternopilska oblast of Ukraine and 3 – form South-Eastern Poland) and one Eurasian lynx collected in Polissia region. The main ways of income – gifts to the founder of the museum Volodymyr Didushytskyi from his friends and acquaintances, some samples were purchased. Three samples (stuffed Eurasian lynx, stuffed animal and two skulls of a European wildcat) came from the Natural History Museum (disbanded in 1940) of the Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv. Scientific analysis of the State Museum of Natural History NASU cat collection was not carried out, indirectly the collection is mentioned in the guidebooks by the museum (Dzieduszycki, 1895; Guidebook, 1957; State, 1982) and K.A. Tatarynov monograph (Татаринов, 1973).

Background and objectives: Diabetes mellitus (DM) is a major health problem in South Asian Region including Bangladesh. Increasing prevalence of DM is likely to cause higher morbidity and mortality. The objective of this study was to find out the prevalence and incidence of diabetic complications in a Bangladeshi diabetic cohort attending BIRDEM, a largest referral center in Bangladesh for endocrine and metabolic diseases. Methodology: The study was conducted in BIRDEM-OPD (outpatient department) from 1 January to 31 December of 1995 and analyzed the data of diabetic cases preserved in BIRDEM registry since 1956. Up to 31 December 1985, the REFERENCE NUMBER (Ref No) of last case was ‘49,510’. Therefore, this retrospective cohort comprised of all those patients having Ref No 49,510 or less and attending BIRDEM-OPD for follow-up. In the year 1995, the cohort had follow-up for at least ten years. The duration of follow-up was 39 years (1956 to 1995). The study also retrieved follow-up data from the guidebook of each registered diabetic patient. All data regarding clinical, anthropometric and biochemical investigations preserved in BIRDEM registry and in the patient's guidebook were retrieved and analyzed. The cohort was categorized into three groups (Gr1, 2 and 3) based on follow-up duration: >15, 10-15 and <10years, respectively. Results: Micro-vascular complications (retinopathy and nephropathy) were the highest among both Gr1 with follow-up >15y and Gr2 with follow-up 10-15y. Compared with the Gr2, retinopathy (34.4 vs. 48.5 %: c2 =11.5, p <0.001) and nephropathy (24.0 vs. 39.2 %: c2 = 15.6, p<0.001) were significantly higher in the Gr1. In contrast, HTN, skin-lesion and periodontal diseases were significantly higher in the Gr2 than in Gr1. All types of complications were found increasing with the duration of follow-up. For Gr1, the increasing trend of cerebrovascular accident (CVD/ stroke) and CHD was significant (p<0.01 and p<0.001). Mean blood glucose of study population revealed moderate to severe hyperglycemia in successive follow-up visits. The comparison between patients with and without severe hyperglycemia (2hPG: <10.0 vs. ³10.0 mmol/l) showed very little difference of complications. The increasing age over 40 years showed significant risk for CHD and hypertension. Conclusion: CHD, stroke and PVD were less frequent compared to those with retinopathy and nephropathy. Compared to microvascular complications the macrovascular events resulted in either early death or complete disability to pursue long-term follow-up. The most important and consistent predictors were female gender and duration of diabetes. IMC J Med Sci 2022; 16(1): 002 *Correspondence: M. Abu Sayeed, Department of Community Medicine, Ibrahim Medical College, 1/A Ibrahim Sarani, Segunbagicha, Dhaka-1000. email: sayeed@imc.ac.bd; sayeed1950@gmail.com

Introduction Many destinations promote culinary encounters. Foods and beverages, and especially how these will taste in situ, are being marketed as niche travel motivators and used in destination brand building across the globe. While initial usage of the term culinary tourism focused on experiencing exotic cultures of foreign destinations by sampling unfamiliar food and drinks, the term has expanded to embrace a range of leisure travel experiences where the aim is to locate and taste local specialities as part of a pleasurable, and hopefully notable, culinary encounter (Wolf). Long’s foundational work was central in developing the idea of culinary tourism as an active endeavor, suggesting that via consumption, individuals construct unique experiences. Ignatov and Smith’s literature review-inspired definition confirms the nature of activity as participatory, and adds consuming food production skills—from observing agriculture and local processors to visiting food markets and attending cooking schools—to culinary purchases. Despite importing almost all of its foodstuffs and beverages, including some of its water, Singapore is an acknowledged global leader in culinary tourism. Horng and Tsai note that culinary tourism conceptually implies that a transferal of “local or special knowledge and information that represent local culture and identities” (41) occurs via these experiences. This article adds the act of reading to these participatory activities and suggests that, because food writing forms an important component of Singapore’s suite of culinary tourism offerings, taste contributes to the cultural experience offered to both visitors and locals. While Singapore foodways have attracted significant scholarship (see, for instance, work by Bishop; Duruz; Huat & Rajah; Tarulevicz, Eating), Singapore food writing, like many artefacts of popular culture, has attracted less notice. Yet, this writing is an increasingly visible component of cultural production of, and about, Singapore, and performs a range of functions for locals, tourists and visitors before they arrive. Although many languages are spoken in Singapore, English is the national language (Alsagoff) and this study focuses on food writing in English. Background Tourism comprises a major part of Singapore’s economy, with recent figures detailing that food and beverage sales contribute over 10 per cent of this revenue, with spend on culinary tours and cookery classes, home wares such as tea-sets and cookbooks, food magazines and food memoirs additional to this (Singapore Government). This may be related to the fact that Singapore not only promotes food as a tourist attraction, but also actively promotes itself as an exceptional culinary destination. The Singapore Tourism Board (STB) includes food in its general information brochures and websites, and its print, television and cinema commercials (Huat and Rajah). It also mounts information-rich campaigns both abroad and inside Singapore. The 2007 ‘Singapore Seasons’ campaign, for instance, promoted Singaporean cuisine alongside films, design, books and other cultural products in London, New York and Beijing. Touring cities identified as key tourist markets in 2011, the ‘Singapore Takeout’ pop-up restaurant brought the taste of Singaporean foods into closer focus. Singaporean chefs worked with high profile locals in its kitchen in a custom-fabricated shipping container to create and demonstrate Singaporean dishes, attracting public and media interest. In country, the STB similarly actively promotes the tastes of Singaporean foods, hosting the annual World Gourmet Summit (Chaney and Ryan) and Pacific Food Expo, both attracting international culinary professionals to work alongside local leaders. The Singapore Food Festival each July is marketed to both locals and visitors. In these ways, the STB, as well as providing events for visitors, is actively urging Singaporeans to proud of their food culture and heritage, so that each Singaporean becomes a proactive ambassador of their cuisine. Singapore Food Writing Popular print guidebooks and online guides to Singapore pay significantly more attention to Singaporean food than they do for many other destinations. Sections on food in such publications discuss at relative length the taste of Singaporean food (always delicious) as well as how varied, authentic, hygienic and suited-to-all-budgets it is. These texts also recommend hawker stalls and food courts alongside cafés and restaurants (Henderson et al.), and a range of other culinary experiences such as city and farm food tours and cookery classes. This writing describes not only what can be seen or learned during these experiences, but also what foods can be sampled, and how these might taste. This focus on taste is reflected in the printed materials that greet the in-bound tourist at the airport. On a visit in October 2013, arrival banners featuring mouth-watering images of local specialities such as chicken rice and chilli crab marked the route from arrival to immigration and baggage collection. Even advertising for a bank was illustrated with photographs of luscious-looking fruits. The free maps and guidebooks available featured food-focused tours and restaurant locations, and there were also substantial free booklets dedicated solely to discussing local delicacies and their flavours, plus recommended locations to sample them. A website and free mobile app were available that contain practical information about dishes, ingredients, cookery methods, and places to eat, as well as historical and cultural information. These resources are also freely distributed to many hotels and popular tourist destinations. Alongside organising food walks, bus tours and cookery classes, the STB also recommends the work of a number of Singaporean food writers—principally prominent Singapore food bloggers, reviewers and a number of memoirists—as authentic guides to what are described as unique Singaporean flavours. The strategies at the heart of this promotion are linking advertising to useful information. At a number of food centres, for instance, STB information panels provide details about both specific dishes and Singapore’s food culture more generally (Henderson et al.). This focus is apparent at many tourist destinations, many of which are also popular local attractions. In historic Fort Canning Park, for instance, there is a recreation of Raffles’ experimental garden, established in 1822, where he grew the nutmeg, clove and other plants that were intended to form the foundation for spice plantations but were largely unsuccessful (Reisz). Today, information panels not only indicate the food plants’ names and how to grow them, but also their culinary and medicinal uses, recipes featuring them and the related food memories of famous Singaporeans. The Singapore Botanic Gardens similarly houses the Ginger Garden displaying several hundred species of ginger and information, and an Eco(-nomic/logical) Garden featuring many food plants and their stories. In Chinatown, panels mounted outside prominent heritage brands (often still quite small shops) add content to the shopping experience. A number of museums profile Singapore’s food culture in more depth. The National Museum of Singapore has a permanent Living History gallery that focuses on Singapore’s street food from the 1950s to 1970s. This display includes food-related artefacts, interactive aromatic displays of spices, films of dishes being made and eaten, and oral histories about food vendors, all supported by text panels and booklets. Here food is used to convey messages about the value of Singapore’s ethnic diversity and cross-cultural exchanges. Versions of some of these dishes can then be sampled in the museum café (Time Out Singapore). The Peranakan Museum—which profiles the unique hybrid culture of the descendants of the Chinese and South Indian traders who married local Malay women—shares this focus, with reconstructed kitchens and dining rooms, exhibits of cooking and eating utensils and displays on food’s ceremonial role in weddings and funerals all supported with significant textual information. The Chinatown Heritage Centre not only recreates food preparation areas as a vivid indicator of poor Chinese immigrants’ living conditions, but also houses The National Restaurant of Singapore, which translates this research directly into meals that recreate the heritage kopi tiam (traditional coffee shop) cuisine of Singapore in the 1930s, purposefully bringing taste into the service of education, as its descriptive menu states, “educationally delighting the palate” (Chinatown Heritage Centre). These museums recognise that shopping is a core tourist activity in Singapore (Chang; Yeung et al.). Their gift- and bookshops cater to the culinary tourist by featuring quality culinary products for sale (including, for instance, teapots and cups, teas, spices and traditional sweets, and other foods) many of which are accompanied by informative tags or brochures. At the centre of these curated, purchasable collections are a range written materials: culinary magazines, cookbooks, food histories and memoirs, as well as postcards and stationery printed with recipes. Food Magazines Locally produced food magazines cater to a range of readerships and serve to extend the culinary experience both in, and outside, Singapore. These include high-end gourmet, luxury lifestyle publications like venerable monthly Wine & Dine: The Art of Good Living, which, in in print for almost thirty years, targets an affluent readership (Wine & Dine). The magazine runs features on local dining, gourmet products and trends, as well as international epicurean locations and products. Beautifully illustrated recipes also feature, as the magazine declares, “we’ve recognised that sharing more recipes should be in the DNA of Wine & Dine’s editorial” (Wine & Dine). Appetite magazine, launched in 2006, targets the “new and emerging generation of gourmets—foodies with a discerning and cosmopolitan outlook, broad horizons and a insatiable appetite” (Edipresse Asia) and is reminiscent in much of its styling of New Zealand’s award-winning Cuisine magazine. Its focus is to present a fresh approach to both cooking at home and dining out, as readers are invited to “Whip up the perfect soufflé or feast with us at the finest restaurants in Singapore and around the region” (Edipresse Asia). Chefs from leading local restaurants are interviewed, and the voices of “fellow foodies and industry watchers” offer an “insider track” on food-related news: “what’s good and what’s new” (Edipresse Asia). In between these publications sits Epicure: Life’s Refinements, which features local dishes, chefs, and restaurants as well as an overseas travel section and a food memories column by a featured author. Locally available ingredients are also highlighted, such as abalone (Cheng) and an interesting range of mushrooms (Epicure). While there is a focus on an epicurean experience, this is presented slightly more casually than in Wine & Dine. Food & Travel focuses more on home cookery, but each issue also includes reviews of Singapore restaurants. The bimonthly bilingual (Chinese and English) Gourmet Living features recipes alongside a notable focus on food culture—with food history columns, restaurant reviews and profiles of celebrated chefs. An extensive range of imported international food magazines are also available, with those from nearby Malaysia and Indonesia regularly including articles on Singapore. Cookbooks These magazines all include reviews of cookery books including Singaporean examples – and some feature other food writing such as food histories, memoirs and blogs. These reviews draw attention to how many Singaporean cookbooks include a focus on food history alongside recipes. Cookery teacher Yee Soo Leong’s 1976 Singaporean Cooking was an early example of cookbook as heritage preservation. This 1976 book takes an unusual view of ‘Singaporean’ flavours. Beginning with sweet foods—Nonya/Singaporean and western cakes, biscuits, pies, pastries, bread, desserts and icings—it also focuses on both Singaporean and Western dishes. This text is also unusual as there are only 6 lines of direct authorial address in the author’s acknowledgements section. Expatriate food writer Wendy Hutton’s Singapore Food, first published in 1979, reprinted many times after and revised in 2007, has long been recognised as one of the most authoritative titles on Singapore’s food heritage. Providing an socio-historical map of Singapore’s culinary traditions, some one third of the first edition was devoted to information about Singaporean multi-cultural food history, including detailed profiles of a number of home cooks alongside its recipes. Published in 1980, Kenneth Mitchell’s A Taste of Singapore is clearly aimed at a foreign readership, noting the variety of foods available due to the racial origins of its inhabitants. The more modest, but equally educational in intent, Hawkers Flavour: A Guide to Hawkers Gourmet in Malaysia and Singapore (in its fourth printing in 1998) contains a detailed introductory essay outlining local food culture, favourite foods and drinks and times these might be served, festivals and festive foods, Indian, Indian Muslim, Chinese, Nyonya (Chinese-Malay), Malay and Halal foods and customs, followed with a selection of recipes from each. More contemporary examples of such information-rich cookbooks, such as those published in the frequently reprinted Periplus Mini Cookbook series, are sold at tourist attractions. Each of these modestly priced, 64-page, mouthwateringly illustrated booklets offer framing information, such as about a specific food culture as in the Nonya kitchen in Nonya Favourites (Boi), and explanatory glossaries of ingredients, as in Homestyle Malay Cooking (Jelani). Most recipes include a boxed paragraph detailing cookery or ingredient information that adds cultural nuance, as well as trying to describe tastes that the (obviously foreign) intended reader may not have encountered. Malaysian-born Violet Oon, who has been called the Julia Child of Singapore (Bergman), writes for both local and visiting readers. The FOOD Paper, published monthly for a decade from January 1987 was, she has stated, then “Singapore’s only monthly publication dedicated to the CSF—Certified Singapore Foodie” (Oon, Violet Oon Cooks 7). Under its auspices, Oon promoted her version of Singaporean cuisine to both locals and visitors, as well as running cookery classes and culinary events, hosting her own television cooking series on the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation, and touring internationally for the STB as a ‘Singapore Food Ambassador’ (Ahmad; Kraal). Taking this representation of flavor further, Oon has also produced a branded range of curry powders, spices, and biscuits, and set up a number of food outlets. Her first cookbook, World Peranakan Cookbook, was published in 1978. Her Singapore: 101 Meals of 1986 was commissioned by the STB, then known as the Singapore Tourist Promotion Board. Violet Oon Cooks, a compilation of recipes from The FOOD Paper, published in 1992, attracted a range of major international as well as Singaporean food sponsors, and her Timeless Recipes, published in 1997, similarly aimed to show how manufactured products could be incorporated into classic Singaporean dishes cooked at home. In 1998, Oon produced A Singapore Family Cookbook featuring 100 dishes. Many were from Nonya cuisine and her following books continued to focus on preserving heritage Singaporean recipes, as do a number of other nationally-cuisine focused collections such as Joyceline Tully and Christopher Tan’s Heritage Feasts: A Collection of Singapore Family Recipes. Sylvia Tan’s Singapore Heritage Food: Yesterday’s Recipes for Today’s Cooks, published in 2004, provides “a tentative account of Singapore’s food history” (5). It does this by mapping the various taste profiles of six thematically-arranged chronologically-overlapping sections, from the heritage of British colonialism, to the uptake of American and Russia foods in the Snackbar era of the 1960s and the use of convenience flavoring ingredients such as curry pastes, sauces, dried and frozen supermarket products from the 1970s. Other Volumes Other food-themed volumes focus on specific historical periods. Cecilia Leong-Salobir’s Food Culture in Colonial Asia: A Taste of Empire discusses the “unique hybrid” (1) cuisine of British expatriates in Singapore from 1858 to 1963. In 2009, the National Museum of Singapore produced the moving Wong Hong Suen’s Wartime Kitchen: Food and Eating in Singapore 1942–1950. This details the resilience and adaptability of both diners and cooks during the Japanese Occupation and in post-war Singapore, when shortages stimulated creativity. There is a centenary history of the Cold Storage company which shipped frozen foods all over south east Asia (Boon) and location-based studies such as Annette Tan’s Savour Chinatown: Stories Memories & Recipes. Tan interviewed hawkers, chefs and restaurant owners, working from this information to write both the book’s recipes and reflect on Chinatown’s culinary history. Food culture also features in (although it is not the main focus) more general book-length studies such as educational texts such as Chew Yen Fook’s The Magic of Singapore and Melanie Guile’s Culture in Singapore (2000). Works that navigate both spaces (of Singaporean culture more generally and its foodways) such Lily Kong’s Singapore Hawker Centres: People, Places, Food, provide an consistent narrative of food in Singapore, stressing its multicultural flavours that can be enjoyed from eateries ranging from hawker stalls to high-end restaurants that, interestingly, that agrees with that promulgated in the food writing discussed above. Food Memoirs and Blogs Many of these narratives include personal material, drawing on the author’s own food experiences and taste memories. This approach is fully developed in the food memoir, a growing sub-genre of Singapore food writing. While memoirs by expatriate Singaporeans such as Cheryl Lu-Lien Tan’s A Tiger in the Kitchen: A Memoir of Food and Family, produced by major publisher Hyperion in New York, has attracted considerable international attention, it presents a story of Singapore cuisine that agrees with such locally produced texts as television chef and food writer Terry Tan’s Stir-fried and Not Shaken: A Nostalgic Trip Down Singapore’s Memory Lane and the food memoir of the Singaporean chef credited with introducing fine Malay dining to Singapore, Aziza Ali’s Sambal Days, Kampong Cuisine, published in Singapore in 2013 with the support of the National Heritage Board. All these memoirs are currently available in Singapore in both bookshops and a number of museums and other attractions. While underscoring the historical and cultural value of these foods, all describe the unique flavours of Singaporean cuisine and its deliciousness. A number of prominent Singapore food bloggers are featured in general guidebooks and promoted by the STB as useful resources to dining out in Singapore. One of the most prominent of these is Leslie Tay, a medical doctor and “passionate foodie” (Knipp) whose awardwinning ieatŸishootŸipost is currently attracting some 90,000 unique visitors every month and has had over 20,000 million hits since its launch in 2006. An online diary of Tay’s visits to hundreds of Singaporean hawker stalls, it includes descriptions and photographs of meals consumed, creating accumulative oral culinary histories of these dishes and those who prepared them. These narratives have been reorganised and reshaped in Tay’s first book The End of Char Kway Teow and Other Hawker Mysteries, where each chapter tells the story of one particular dish, including recommended hawker stalls where it can be enjoyed. Ladyironchef.com is a popular food and travel site that began as a blog in 2007. An edited collection of reviews of eateries and travel information, many by the editor himself, the site features lists of, for example, the best cafes (LadyIronChef “Best Cafes”), eateries at the airport (LadyIronChef “Guide to Dining”), and hawker stalls (Lim). While attesting to the cultural value of these foods, many articles also discuss flavour, as in Lim’s musings on: ‘how good can chicken on rice taste? … The glistening grains of rice perfumed by fresh chicken stock and a whiff of ginger is so good you can even eat it on its own’. Conclusion Recent Singapore food publishing reflects this focus on taste. Tay’s publisher, Epigram, growing Singaporean food list includes the recently released Heritage Cookbooks Series. This highlights specialist Singaporean recipes and cookery techniques, with the stated aim of preserving tastes and foodways that continue to influence Singaporean food culture today. Volumes published to date on Peranakan, South Indian, Cantonese, Eurasian, and Teochew (from the Chaoshan region in the east of China’s Guangdong province) cuisines offer both cultural and practical guides to the quintessential dishes and flavours of each cuisine, featuring simple family dishes alongside more elaborate special occasion meals. In common with the food writing discussed above, the books in this series, although dealing with very different styles of cookery, contribute to an overall impression of the taste of Singapore food that is highly consistent and extremely persuasive. This food writing narrates that Singapore has a delicious as well as distinctive and interesting food culture that plays a significant role in Singaporean life both currently and historically. It also posits that this food culture is, at the same time, easily accessible and also worthy of detailed consideration and discussion. 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Acknowledgements Research to complete this article was supported by Central Queensland University, Australia, under its Outside Studies Program (OSPRO) and Learning and Teaching Education Research Centre (LTERC). An earlier version of part of this article was presented at the 2nd Australasian Regional Food Networks and Cultures Conference, in the Barossa Valley in South Australia, Australia, 11–14 November 2012. The delegates of that conference and expert reviewers of this article offered some excellent suggestions regarding strengthening this article and their advice was much appreciated. All errors are, of course, my own.

This paper argues that illegitimacy is a concept that relates to almost all of the fundamental ways in which Western society has traditionally organised itself. Sex, family and marriage, and the power of the church and state, are all implicated in the various ways in which society reproduces itself from generation to generation. All employ the concepts of legitimacy and illegitimacy to define what is and what is not permissible. Further, the creation of the illegitimate can occur in more or less legitimate ways; for example, through acts of consent, on the one hand; and force, on the other. This paper uses the study of an English Renaissance text, Shakespeare’s Henry V, to argue that these concepts remain potent ones, regularly invoked as a means of identifying and denouncing perceived threats to the good ordering of the social fabric. In western societies, many of which may be constructed as post-marriage, illegitimate is often applied as a descriptor to unlicensed migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. In countries subject to war and conflict, rape as a war crime is increasingly used by armies to create fractures within the subject community and to undermine the paternity of a cohort of children. In societies where extramarital sex is prohibited, or where rape has been used as a weapon of war, the bastard acts as physical evidence that an unsanctioned act has been committed and the laws of society broken, a “failure in social control” (Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith, 5). This paper explores these themes, using past conceptions of the illegitimate and bastardy as an explanatory concept for problematic aspects of legitimacy in contemporary culture.Bastardy was a particularly important issue in sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe when an individual’s genealogy was a major determining factor of social status, property and identity (MacFarlane). Further, illegitimacy was not necessarily an aspect of a person’s birth. It could become a status into which they were thrust through the use of divorce, for example, as when Henry VIII illegitimised his daughter Mary after annulling his marriage to Mary’s mother, Catherine of Aragon. Alison Findlay’s study of illegitimacy in Renaissance literature lists over 70 portrayals of illegitimacy, or characters threatened with illegitimacy, between 1588 and 1652 (253–257). In addition to illegitimacy at an individual level however, discussions around what constitutes the “illegitimate” figure in terms of its relationship with the family and the wider community, are also applicable to broader concerns over national identity. In work such as Stages of History, Phyllis Rackin dissected images of masculine community present in Shakespeare’s history plays to expose underlying tensions over gender, power and identity. As the study of Henry V indicates in the following discussion, illegitimacy was also a metaphor brought to bear on issues of national as well as personal identity in the early modern era. The image of the nation as a “family” to denote unity and security, both then and now, is rendered complex and problematic by introducing the “illegitimate” into that nation-family image. The rhetoric used in the recent debate over the Scottish independence referendum, and in Australia’s ongoing controversy over “illegitimate” migration, both indicate that the concept of a “national bastard”, an amorphous figure that resists precise definition, remains a potent rhetorical force. Before turning to the detail of Henry V, it is useful to review the use of “illegitimate” in the early modern context. Lacking an established position within a family, a bastard was in danger of being marginalised and deprived of any but the most basic social identity. If acknowledged by a family, the bastard might become a drain on that family’s economic resources, drawing money away from legitimate children and resented accordingly. Such resentment may be reciprocated. In his essay “On Envy” the scientist, author, lawyer and eventually Lord Chancellor of England Francis Bacon explained the destructive impulse of bastardy as follows: “Deformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and bastards, are envious. For he that cannot possibly mend his own case will do what he can to impair another’s.” Thus, bastardy becomes a plot device which can be used to explain and to rationalise evil. In early modern English literature, as today, bastardy as a defect of birth is only one meaning for the word. What does “in everything illegitimate” (quoting Shakespeare’s character Thersites in Troilus and Cressida [V.viii.8]) mean for our understanding of both our own society and that of the late sixteenth century? Bastardy is an important ideologeme, in that it is a “unit of meaning through which the ‘social space’ constructs the ideological values of its signs” (Schleiner, 195). In other words, bastardy has an ideological significance that stretches far beyond a question of parental marital status, extending to become a metaphor for national as well as personal loss of identity. Anti-Catholic polemicists of the early sixteenth century accused priests of begetting a generation of bastards that would overthrow English society (Fish, 7). The historian Polydore Vergil was accused of suborning and bastardising English history by plagiarism and book destruction: “making himself father to other men’s works” (Hay, 159). Why is illegitimacy so important and so universal a metaphor? The term “bastard” in its sense of mixture or mongrel has been applied to language, to weaponry, to almost anything that is a distorted but recognisable version of something else. As such, the concept of bastardy lends itself readily to the rhetorical figure of metaphor which, as the sixteenth century writer George Puttenham puts it, is “a kind of wresting of a single word from his owne right signification, to another not so natural, but yet of some affinitie or coueniencie with it” (Puttenham, 178). Later on in The Art of English Poesie, Puttenham uses the word “bastard” to describe something that can best be recognised as being an imperfect version of something else: “This figure [oval] taketh his name of an egge […] and is as it were a bastard or imperfect rounde declining toward a longitude.” (101). “Bastard” as a descriptive term in this context has meaning because it connects the subject of discussion with its original. Michael Neill takes an anthropological approach to the question of why the bastard in early modern drama is almost invariably depicted as monstrous or evil. In “In everything illegitimate: Imagining the Bastard in Renaissance Drama,” Neill argues that bastards are “filthy”, using the term as it is construed by Mary Douglas in her work Purity and Danger. Douglas argues that dirt is defined by being where it should not be, it is “matter in the wrong place, belonging to ‘a residual category, rejected from our normal scheme of classifications,’ a source of fundamental pollution” (134). In this argument the figure of the bastard aligns strongly with the concept of the Other (Said). Arguably, however, the anthropologist Edmund Leach provides a more useful model to understand the associations of hybridity, monstrosity and bastardy. In “Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse”, Leach asserts that our perceptions of the world around us are largely based on binary distinctions; that an object is one thing, and is not another. If an object combines attributes of itself with those of another, the interlapping area will be suppressed so that there may be no hesitation in discerning between them. This repressed area, the area which is neither one thing nor another but “liminal” (40), becomes the object of fear and of fascination: – taboo. It is this liminality that creates anxiety surrounding bastards, as they occupy the repressed, “taboo” area between family and outsiders. In that it is born out of wedlock, the bastard child has no place within the family structure; yet as the child of a family member it cannot be completely relegated to the external world. Michael Neill rightly points out the extent to which the topos of illegitimacy is associated with the disintegration of boundaries and a consequent loss of coherence and identity, arguing that the bastard is “a by-product of the attempt to define and preserve a certain kind of social order” (147). The concept of the liminal figure, however, recognises that while a by-product can be identified and eliminated, a bastard can neither be contained nor excluded. Consequently, the bastard challenges the established order; to be illegitimate, it must retain its connection with the legitimate figure from which it diverges. Thus the illegitimate stands as a permanent threat to the legitimate, a reminder of what the legitimate can become. Bastardy is used by Shakespeare to indicate the fear of loss of national as well as personal identity. Although noted for its triumphalist construction of a hero-king, Henry V is also shot through with uncertainties and fears, fears which are frequently expressed using illegitimacy as a metaphor. Notwithstanding its battle scenes and militarism, it is the lawyers, genealogists and historians who initiate and drive forward the narrative in Henry V (McAlindon, 435). The reward of the battle for Henry is not so much the crown of France as the assurance of his own legitimacy as monarch. The lengthy and legalistic recital of genealogies with which the Archbishop of Canterbury proves to general English satisfaction that their English king Henry holds a better lineal right to the French throne than its current occupant may not be quite as “clear as is the summer sun” (Henry V 1.2.83), but Henry’s question about whether he may “with right and conscience” make his claim to the French throne elicits a succinct response. The churchmen tell Henry that, in order to demonstrate that he is truly the descendant of his royal forefathers, Henry will need to validate that claim. In other words, the legitimacy of Henry’s identity, based on his connection with the past, is predicated on his current behaviour:Gracious lord,Stand for your own; unwind your bloody flag;Look back into your mighty ancestors:Go, my dread lord, to your great-grandsire’s tomb,From whom you claim; invoke his warlike spirit…Awake remembrance of these valiant dead,And with your puissant arm renew their feats:You are their heir, you sit upon their throne,The blood and courage that renowned themRuns in your veins….Your brother kings and monarchs of the earthDo all expect that you should rouse yourselfAs did the former lions of your blood. (Henry V 1.2.122 – 124)These exhortations to Henry are one instance of the importance of genealogy and its immediate connection to personal and national identity. The subject recurs throughout the play as French and English characters both invoke a discourse of legitimacy and illegitimacy to articulate fears of invasion, defeat, and loss of personal and national identity. One particular example of this is the brief scene in which the French royalty allow themselves to contemplate the prospect of defeat at the hands of the English:Fr. King. ‘Tis certain, he hath pass’d the river Somme.Constable. And if he be not fought withal, my lord,Let us not live in France; let us quit all,And give our vineyards to a barbarous people.Dauphin. O Dieu vivant! shall a few sprays of us,The emptying of our fathers’ luxury,Our scions, put in wild and savage stock,Spirt up so suddenly into the clouds,And overlook their grafters?Bourbon. Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!...Dauphin. By faith and honour,Our madams mock at us, and plainly sayOur mettle is bred out; and they will giveTheir bodies to the lust of English youthTo new-store France with bastard warriors. (Henry V 3.5.1 – 31).Rape and sexual violence pervade the language of Henry V. France itself is constructed as a sexually vulnerable female with “womby vaultages” and a “mistress-court” (2.4.131, 140). In one of his most famous speeches Henry graphically describes the rape and slaughter that accompanies military defeat (3.3). Reading Henry V solely in terms of its association of military conquest with sexual violence, however, runs the risk of overlooking the image of bastards themselves as both the threat and the outcome of national defeat. The lines quoted above exemplify the extent to which illegitimacy was a vital metaphor within early modern discourses of national as well as personal identity. Although the lines are divided between various speakers – the French King, Constable (representing the law), Dauphin (the Crown Prince) and Bourbon (representing the aristocracy) – the images develop smoothly and consistently to express English dominance and French subordination, articulated through images of illegitimacy.The dialogue begins with the most immediate consequence of invasion and of illegitimacy: the loss of property. Legitimacy, illegitimacy and property were so closely associated that a case of bastardy brought to the ecclesiastical court that did not include a civil law suit about land was referred to as a case of “bastardy speciall”, and the association between illegitimacy and property is present in this speech (Cowell, 14). The use of the word “vine” is simultaneously a metonym for France and a metaphor for the family, as in the “family tree”, conflating the themes of family identity and national identity that are both threatened by the virile English forces.As the dialogue develops, the rhetoric becomes more elaborate. The vines which for the Constable (from a legal perspective) represented both France and French families become instead an attempt to depict the English as being of a subordinate breed. The Dauphin’s brief narrative of the English origins refers to the illegitimate William the Conqueror, bastard son of the Duke of Normandy and by designating the English as being descendants of a bastard Frenchman the Dauphin attempts to depict the English nation as originating from a superabundance of French virility; wild offshoots from a true stock. Yet “grafting” one plant to another can create a stronger plant, which is what has happened here. The Dauphin’s metaphors, designed to construct the English as an unruly and illegitimate offshoot of French society, a product of the overflowing French virility, evolve instead into an emblem of a younger, stronger branch which has overtaken its enfeebled origins.In creating this scene, Shakespeare constructs the Frenchmen as being unable to contain the English figuratively, still less literally. The attempts to reduce the English threat by imagining them as “a few sprays”, a product of casual sexual excess, collapses into Bourbon’s incoherent ejaculation: “Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!” and the Norman bastard dominates the conclusion of the scene. Instead of containing and marginalising the bastard, the metaphoric language creates and acknowledges a threat which cannot be marginalised. The “emptying of luxury” has engendered an uncontrollable illegitimate who will destroy the French nation beyond any hope of recovery, overrunning France with bastards.The scene is fascinating for its use of illegitimacy as a means of articulating fears not only for the past and present but also for the future. The Dauphin’s vision is one of irreversible national and familial disintegration, irreversible because, unlike rape, the French women’s imagined rejection of their French families and embrace of the English conquerors implies a total abandonment of family origins and the willing creation of a new, illegitimate dynasty. Immediately prior to this scene the audience has seen the Dauphin’s fear in action: the French princess Katherine is shown learning to speak English as part of her preparation for giving her body to a “bastard Norman”, a prospect which she anticipates with a frisson of pleasure and humour, as well as fear. This scene, between Katherine and her women, evokes a range of powerful anxieties which appear repeatedly in the drama and texts of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries: anxieties over personal and national identity, over female chastity and masculine authority, and over continuity between generations. Peter Laslett in The World We Have Lost – Further Explored points out that “the engendering of children on a scale which might threaten the social structure was never, or almost never, a present possibility” (154) at this stage of European history. This being granted, the Dauphin’s depiction of such a “wave” of illegitimates, while it might have no roots in reality, functioned as a powerful image of disorder. Illegitimacy as a threat and as a strategy is not limited to the renaissance, although a study of renaissance texts offers a useful guidebook to the use of illegitimacy as a means of polarising and excluding. Although as previously discussed, for many Western countries, the marital status of one’s parents is probably the least meaningful definition associated with the word “illegitimate”, the concept of the nation as a family remains current in modern political discourse, and illegitimate continues to be a powerful metaphor. During the recent independence referendum in Scotland, David Cameron besought the Scottish people not to “break up the national family”; at the same time, the Scottish Nationalists have been constructed as “ungrateful bastards” for wishing to turn their backs on the national family. As Klocker and Dunne, and later O’Brien and Rowe, have demonstrated, the emotive use of words such as “illegitimate” and “illegal” in Australian political rhetoric concerning migration is of long standing. Given current tensions, it might be timely to call for a further and more detailed study of the way in which the term “illegitimate” continues to be used by politicians and the media to define, demonise and exclude certain types of would-be Australian immigrants from the collective Australian “national family”. Suggestions that persons suspected of engaging with terrorist organisations overseas should be stripped of their Australian passports imply the creation of national bastards in an attempt to distance the Australian community from such threats. But the strategy can never be completely successful. Constructing figures as bastard or the illegitimate remains a method by which the legitimate seeks to define itself, but it also means that the bastard or illegitimate can never be wholly separated or cast out. 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