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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Guerre du Donbass (Ukraine ; 2014-....)":
1
Ruzhelnyk, Olga. "Annexed and displaced: Ukrainian football clubs in Crimea and Donbass since 2014". Football(s). Histoire, culture, économie, société, n. 1 (17 novembre 2022): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.58335/football-s.127.
Abstract (sommario):
L’espace footballistique ukrainien a connu de profonds changements si on le compare à son état d’avant 2014. Pour des raisons politiques, à savoir l’annexion de la Crimée et le début de la guerre du Donbass, nombre des principaux clubs de football ukrainiens ont bouleversé la physionomie de la ligue nationale de football. Certains l’ont quittée, à l’instar des clubs de football de la péninsule de Crimée ; d’autres ont changé d’emplacement, comme, par exemple, le FC « Shakhtar » Donetsk ou le FC « Zorya » Louhansk. Cet article vise à examiner les mutations du football professionnel en Ukraine, c’est-à-dire les incidences sur les clubs de football mentionnés des évolutions de la situation politique du pays de 2014 jusqu’au début de 2022.
2
Minakov, Mikhaïl. "Un siècle de système politique ukrainien : l’expérience de construction d’un État en Europe orientale aux XXe et XXIe siècles". Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 8 (30 dicembre 2022): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2022.e1029.
Abstract (sommario):
Avec l’aimable autorisation de la revue, nous présentons ci-après la traduction légèrement abrégée d'un article de Mikhaïl Minakov paru dans Neprikosnovennyj Zapas en 2020 (n° 129, pp. 161–179). Il nous semble important de faire connaître ce texte au lectorat francophone dans le contexte de l’invasion russe déclenchée le 24 février 2022. À l’époque, la défaite rapide de l’armée ukrainienne et l’effondrement de l’État ukrainien paraissaient l'hypothèse la plus probable non seulement pour le Kremlin, mais aussi pour de nombreux commentateurs. Pour expliquer l’étonnante résistance de l’Ukraine face à l’agression, on a souligné le rôle de la mobilisation civique, dans la lignée des recherches sociologiques menées depuis 2014 sur les « volontaires » du Maïdan puis dans la guerre qui s’en est suivie dans le Donbass. L’article de Mikhaïl Minakov s’intéresse quant à lui à l’État lui-même et prend plus de recul en envisageant un siècle d’histoire et pas seulement les huit dernières années. Il montre ainsi la continuité paradoxale dans la construction d’un système politique solide en Ukraine.
3
Gladii, Andrzej. "Konteksty oraz uwarunkowania ruchu separatystycznego we wschodnim regionie Ukrainy w 2014 roku". Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, n. 13 (31 ottobre 2018): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.3.
Abstract (sommario):
In this paper was taken an attempt to research the causes of separatism in the Donbass based on a multi-faceted inquiry. Donbass has always been a key region in Ukraine. In many cases here were decided the political and economic destiny of the state. This region is the most socially and economically diversified. Donbass is a place of the most dangerous working conditions and the enormous social inequalities in Ukraine.In 2014 after the events at the Euromaidan Donbass was a field of fighting between the Ukrainian government and Russian-backed separatists. The issue of separatism in Ukraine remains unresolved.
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Ryabinin, Yevgeny. "Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict". Przegląd Strategiczny, n. 13 (31 dicembre 2020): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6.
Abstract (sommario):
The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres.
It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament.
Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
5
Enin, Maxim. "The change of the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia in the conditions of the anti-terrorism operation and humanitarian aid needs of population of Donbass region: the results of sociological researches". Świat Idei i Polityki 15, n. 1 (31 dicembre 2016): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201608.
Abstract (sommario):
The article describes the specific features of the new terrorism in the Donbass which has the support of Russia in the struggle for influence on the policy of Ukraine. The terrorist organizations on Donbass are specific territorial units. Using the concept ‘state’, focusing on the Orthodox faith and idea of ‘Russian world’ this terrorism has purpose to capture a new territory, intimidation and demoralization of Ukraine and the world community. In the context of anti-terrorist operation in the Donbass region we studied also the dynamic of changing the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia. From December 6 to December 15, 2014 the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted All–Ukrainian poll of public opinion. Deterioration of attitudes towards Russia is observed in all regions. At the same time for studying attitude of Russians to Ukraine the Levada-center in Russia from 23 to 26 January, 2015 conducted a survey on a representative selection for Russian. The purpose of the second research is monitoring humanitarian aid needs of the residents of Donbass (Donetsk and Lugansk region). The research was conducted by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in December 2014 (the author of article is one of the organizers of this research). The humanitarian situation in Donbas has deteriorated during period from December 2014 to September 2015: increased number of respondents who estimate the situation of living conditions as unbearable in their localities. A significant share surveyed population (15%) would like to leave the localities of Lugansk and Donetsk region but they are not able. Despite a distress half of the residents of Donbass are optimistic and unite to help each other.
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Semenov, M. Е. "The Approaches of Presidents P. Poroshenko and V. Zelensky to the Settlement of the Conflict in the Donbass: Comparative Analysis". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, n. 1 (28 gennaio 2021): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-13.
Abstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the analysis of the approaches of the presidents of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky to the issue of resolving the conflict in Donbass. The election of Vladimir Zelensky in 2019 as president of Ukraine gave rise to hope among some politicians and experts regarding the possibility of resolving the conflict that has been ongoing in 2014 in the Donbass. This was explained by the fact that, unlike his predecessor, he had no previous relation to politics, was not related to the outbreak of the conflict, and also that V. Zelensky actively used peace-loving rhetoric in his election campaign. In this regard, more than a year after V. Zelensky’s victory in the presidential election, the aim of the article was to compare his approach with P. Poroshenko’s approach to resolving the conflict in the Donbass. The study sequentially examines the approaches of the Ukrainian government in 2014-2019 to the conflict in the southeast of the country, the current Ukrainian political class approaches to the Donbass problem and directly the politician V. Zelensky himself regarding the settlement of the conflict. Taking into account Russia’s involvement in the events in Ukraine, Kiev’s policy towards Donbass is also considered in the context of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards Russia. As a result of the study, the conclusion is drawn about the significant continuity of the policy of V. Zelensky regarding his predecessor. At the same time, the material notes differences in the approaches of the two Ukrainian presidents and gives the forecast regarding the further development of Ukraine’s policy regarding the settlement of the conflict in the Donbass.
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Nina S., Ishchenko, e Zaslavskaja Elena A. "The Image of the Other as a Structural Characteristic of the Cultural Border on the Example of Ukraine and Donbass". Humanitarian Vector 16, n. 2 (aprile 2021): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-2-124-136.
Abstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the specifics of the cultural frontier of Russian culture. The relevance of the article is due to the strengthening in the post-Soviet period of cultural conflicts on the border of Russian civilization. These conflicts on cultural grounds even lead to military action against the bearers of Russian culture, as has been the case in the Ukrainian war against Donbass since 2014. The article examines the borderland as a zone of intercultural interaction, carries out a cultural analysis of the border between cultures and identities, highlights the structural characteristic of the cultural border ‒ the image of the Other. Based on the conducted cultural analysis, the structure of the cultural space of Ukraine and the Donbass, including the wartime situation since 2014 is investigated. The study of the media content of Ukrainian information projects and similar projects in the LPR is carried out on the basis of an information-analytical methodology. Two permanent Ukrainian media projects of the Internews-Ukraine: Revision of History and Propagandarium, which work intensively in the Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine creating and broadcasting the image of the Russian as the Other by methods of aggressive anti-Russian propaganda are considered. We also analyze the activity of the Lugansk cultural site “Dandelion”, which has been operating in Lugansk since 2015 and reflects the cultural life of the city and the republic during this period. An analysis of the site’s materials shows that in the republic in wartime conditions, Russian and world culture is preserved and mastered, intensive work is underway to integrate the republics of Donbass into the cultural space of modern Russia, relying on the historical memory of these territories. The article substantiates that Ukrainian culture is currently a borderland culture, since the image of the Other as the Russian dominates its structure and is imposed on the Russians of Ukraine by propaganda methods. At the same time, the culture of modern Donbass is developing as Russian culture in which the image of the Other as a modern Ukrainian, a carrier of anti-Russian identity is formed. Keywords: Russia, Ukraine, Donbass, borderland culture, the image of the Other, anti-Russian propaganda
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Åslund, Anders. "Die ökonomischen Kosten der fortbestehenden russischen Aggression gegen die Ukraine". SIRIUS – Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 2, n. 4 (19 dicembre 2018): 352–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2018-4004.
Abstract (sommario):
Kurzfassung Die Ukraine hat massive wirtschaftliche Verluste infolge der russischen Annexion der Krim im März 2014 und der militärischen Aggression gegen die östlichen Regionen Luhansk und Donetsk erleiden müssen. Während Russland auf der Krim einigermaßen funktionierende staatliche Strukturen eingeführt hat, ist die besetzte Donbass Region ein gesetzloses Dreckloch, aus dem mittlerweile die Hälfte der Bevölkerung geflohen ist. Russische Staatsbürger haben die Region geplündert und Unternehmen, Gebäude und Infrastruktur zerstört. Russische Handelssanktionen haben etwa 80 Prozent des Handels zwischen beiden Staaten eliminiert. Die Donbass-Region trug mit etwa 10 Prozent zum Bruttoinlandsprodukt der Ukraine bei, die Krim mit etwa 3,7 %. Wenn man von der Faustformel ausgeht, dass der Wert einer Region ungefähr dem Vierfachen des jährlichen Bruttoinlandsprodukts entspricht, so kann man den materiellen Verlust, der der Ukraine durch die russischen Aggressionen entstanden ist, bei etwa 98,4 Milliarden US Dollar ansetzen.
9
Guo, Zhikang. "Why the War in Donbass Is Difficult to Reconcile: Based on the Comparison to the 2014 Crimean War". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 15, n. 1 (26 ottobre 2023): 264–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/15/20231067.
Abstract (sommario):
After the Crimean crisis in 2014, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict re-emerged in the form of war in the Donbass. The two conflicts were handled in completely different ways, with the Crimean crisis ending in a short period, while the war in the Donbass lasted for more than a year. Using a case study and comparative politics approach, this paper examines the reasons for the intractability of this war by comparing the two Russia-Ukraine conflicts. The paper begins by setting the context of the two conflicts, aiming to show how the differences like the war, government strategy, the level of Western support, and the ethnic composition of the conflict areas have had an impact on the intractability of the war. The paper suggests that the war will be a long-term stalemate and that the key point of mediation will be Chinas involvement. This article fills a gap in the scholarship by comparing the two Russia-Ukraine conflicts.
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Mitrofanova, Oksana. "Ukraine-Pologne : du partenariat stratégique à l’incertitude tactique". Questions internationales 107-108, n. 3 (22 giugno 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.107.0145.
Abstract (sommario):
La Pologne et l’Ukraine ont noué un partenariat stratégique fort à la fin du siècle dernier. Or, malgré leur proximité géographique et de nombreux intérêts communs, les deux pays connaissent des divergences socio-économiques et sécuritaires croissantes. Avec le conflit de basse intensité qui secoue le Donbass depuis 2014, l’Ukraine est en effet confrontée à des problèmes intérieurs majeurs qui participent à l’affaiblissement de ce partenariat. Sa pérennité dépend tant de la capacité des partenaires à surmonter les vicissitudes actuelles que des évolutions du contexte géopolitique régional .
Tesi sul tema "Guerre du Donbass (Ukraine ; 2014-....)":
1
Cuer, Nicolas. "La guerre hybride au regard du droit international". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023ULILD018.
Abstract (sommario):
Depuis les traités de Westphalie en 1648, les lois et coutumes de la guerre se sont développées tout au long des XVIIIe et XIXe siècle, pour finalement être codifiées à travers les Conventions de la Haye de 1899 et 1907, puis au XXe siècle, avec les Conventions de Genève en 1949 et leurs protocoles additionnels de 1977. Cette codification des lois et coutumes de la guerre vise principalement la « guerre interétatique classique » ou « guerre westphalienne ». Malgré l'apport des Conventions de Genève et de ses protocoles, le droit des conflits armés ne prend pas suffisamment en compte l'évolution même des conflits armés, qui prendraient actuellement la forme de « guerres hybrides ». Apparue au début du XXIe siècle sous la plume de militaires américains, la notion de « guerre hybride » caractérise une forme de conflictualité, qui dépasse les catégories binaires et traditionnelles relatives aux conflits armés (CAI/CANI ; guerre/paix ; etc.). Dans les discours des Etats membres de l’OTAN, la guerre hybride désigne essentiellement les actions militaires russes et chinoises sous le seuil de l’agression armée. Il est possible de définir la guerre hybride comme l’extension du domaine de la guerre (par l’emploi de moyens armés et non-armés, sous le seuil de la riposte en légitime défense) et comme la combinaison entre guerre régulière et irrégulière (combattants, moyens, méthodes), de manière s'affranchir de tout ou partie du droit relatif aux conflits armés et au recours à la force armée. Ainsi, elles matérialisent le triomphe de l’approche indirecte, de la guerre par « proxys » et de la guerre couplée. Cette thèse traite donc de l'applicabilité et de l'application du jus ad bellum et du jus in bello aux phénomènes de « guerre hybride », ainsi que de l'adaptabilité et de l'adaptation du droit international humanitaire à la guerre hybrideSince the Westphalian Treaties, the laws and customs of war have developed throughout the XVIII and the XIX centuries to be eventually codified into the Hague and Geneva Conventions. This codification of laws and customs of war is primarily aimed at classical interstate warfare or « Westphalian warfare ». Despite the contribution of these covenants, international humanitarian law does not take sufficient account of the evolution of armed conflicts, actually under the form of « hybrid warfare ». Appearing of the beginning of the 21st century, the notion of « hybrid warfare » characterized a form of confliction which breaks traditional categories present in armed conflicts. In the discourses of NATO member states, hybrid warfare essentially refers to Russian and Chinese military actions below the threshold of armed attack. It is possible to define « hybrid warfare » such as the extension of the field of war (through the use of armed and unarmed means, below the threshold of self-defense), and as a combination of regular and irregular warfare (fighters, means and methods of combat). Thus, they materialize the triumph of the indirect approach, the « proxy warfare » and « compound warfare ». This thesis is concerned with the applicability and the implementation of jus ad bellum and jus in bello to hybrid threats and warfare, and with the adaptability and the adaptation of international humanitarian law
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Kis-Marck, Alexia. "Regards croisés sur l’Euromaïdan : de la « crise ukrainienne » à « une nouvelle guerre froide »". Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30030.
Abstract (sommario):
Depuis le 21 novembre 2013, l’Ukraine est touchée par une crise politique majeure qui a déclenché dans les médias internationaux un certain nombre d’interprétations antagoniques. Ce travail de recherche interroge les mots qui ont été posés sur le conflit et se penche sur les représentations qui ont été mises en scène dans les médias en France. À partir de concepts théoriques en relation avec les représentations sociales, l'analyse du discours et la communication médiatique, notre analyse explore l'imaginaire de la crise ukrainienne, également appelée Euromaïdan. Elle s'appuie sur l'étude d’articles de presse tirés des principaux organes d’information nationaux français et se focalise sur la période du 21 novembre 2013 (date du refus de signature de l’accord d’association avec l’UE par Viktor Ianoukovitch et début d’Euromaïdan) au 28 février 2014 (constitution d'un gouvernement provisoire). Ce travail soulève ainsi des interrogations quant au traitement médiatique de la crise ukrainienne, à la mémoire collective qu’elle sollicite et aux enjeux idéologiques et identitaires qu'elle a fait naître. En nous appuyant sur une démarche à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous tenterons d’identifier les principaux aspects et les particularités de la représentation de l’Euromaïdan dans le discours médiatique français. En croisant les regards et confrontant ces représentations au discours médiatique russe, ce travail étudiera également le jeu des représentations en marche et adoptera, ainsi, une démarche comparativeSince 21 November 2013, Ukraine goes through a major political crisis which has triggered several conflicting interpretations in the international media coverage. This research investigates the words used to describe the conflict, as well as the social representations staged by the French media. Based on theoretical concepts such as social representations, discourse analysis and media communication, this study aims at exploring the collective imagination of the Ukrainian crisis, also referred as “Euromaidan”. The French articles published in the main daily information newspapers are investigated for the period from 26 November 2013 (when Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the Association Agreement agreements with the European Union, triggering the Euromaidan protest) to 28 February 2014 (when a provisional government was established). Consequently, this work raises questions about how media handled the Ukrainian crisis, recalling specific parts of the collective memory, as well as the ideological and identity-related stakes in France. Build on both quantitative and qualitative approaches, this research highlights the main features and characteristics of the Ukrainian crisis representation in French media discourses. Finally, by confronting the Russian media discourses with the French one, this study reflects the interplays of representation in action, embracing a comparative approach
Libri sul tema "Guerre du Donbass (Ukraine ; 2014-....)":
1
Svinarenko, Igorʹ. Donbass do... Moskva: OGI, 2015.
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Lattanzio, Alessandro. Battaglia per il Donbass. Cavriago (Re): Anteo edizioni, 2014.
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T͡Syganok, A. D. Donbass: Neokonchennai︠a︡ voĭna : Grazhdanskai︠a︡ voĭna na Ukraine (2014-2016) : Russkiĭ vzgli︠a︡d. Moskva: AIRO-XXI, 2017.
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Severskiĭ, Viktor. Donbass v ogne: Khroniki neobʺi︠a︡vlennoĭ voĭny, aprelʹ-senti︠a︡brʹ 2014. Moskva: T︠S︡entrpoligraf, 2015.
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Foucher, Michel. Ukraine: Une guerre coloniale en Europe. La Tour d'Aigues: Éditions de l'Aube, 2022.
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platform), Rubicon (Analytical. Ukraine: Le choc de la guerre. Paris: Équateurs, 2022.
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Korolëv, Vladimir. Dnepr: Svechi na plotakh ; Smolenshchina : ot Potëmkina do Simonova ; My s toboĭ, Donbass! : sbornik prozy, poėzii i zhurnalistiki. Smolensk: Madzhenta, 2019.
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Maksymchuk, Oksana, Svetlana Lavochkina, Max Rosochinsky e Lyuba Yakimchuk. Apricots of Donbass. Lost Horse Press, 2021.
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Arjakovsky, Antoine. Russie/Ukraine : de la guerre à la paix ? Parole et Silence Editions, 2014.
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Amacher, Korine, Eric Aunoble e Andrii Portnov, a cura di. Histoire partagée, mémoires divisées. Ukraine, Russie, Pologne. Editions Antipodes, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33056/antipodes.11698.
Abstract (sommario):
Déboulonnement de statues de Lénine en Ukraine ; réhabilitation du passé impérial et stalinien en Russie ; nouvelle «politique historique» officielle en Pologne: depuis la chute du communisme en 1989-1991, les questions mémorielles sont au centre de l’actualité polonaise, ukrainienne et russe. Elles alimentent les batailles géopolitiques en cours autour de l’ancrage européen de la Pologne ou de l’Ukraine, de l’annexion de la Crimée ou de la guerre dans le Donbass. Or, la Russie, l’Ukraine et la Pologne sont liées par une histoire commune où les conflits font disparaître les cohabitations et la diversité humaine de ces territoires. En éclairant des espaces, des événements et des figures qui ont été l’objet de récits historiques divergents, voire conflictuels, cet ouvrage montre comment, de l’histoire à la mémoire, des «romans nationaux» antagonistes sont écrits.
Capitoli di libri sul tema "Guerre du Donbass (Ukraine ; 2014-....)":
1
Zima, Amélie. "La Boussole stratégique de l’UE et le concept stratégique de l’OTAN : un rendez-vous manqué ?" In Annuaire français de relations internationales, 695–708. Éditions Panthéon-Assas, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/epas.ferna.2023.01.0695.
Abstract (sommario):
En 2022, deux organisations internationales, l’Union européenne (UE) et l’Organisation du Traité de l’Atlantique Nord (OTAN), ont renouvelé leur doctrine stratégique. Ces documents s’inscrivent dans un contexte d’incertitude politique lié au Brexit et à la présidence de Donald Trump, mais aussi de la détérioration de la situation sécuritaire européenne, sensible depuis l’annexion illégale de la Crimée par la Russie en 2014, la guerre dans la région ukrainienne du Donbass et surtout depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie en février 2022. Bien que leur rédaction ait donné lieu à des consultations entre les deux organisations, les deux documents ne reflètent pas une convergence des positions concernant les deux rivaux systémiques, Russie et Chine. Cette concomitance des parutions n’a pas plus permis une actualisation des accords de coopération entre l’UE et l’OTAN. En revanche, ils entérinent une division du travail où l’OTAN reste la seule garante de la sécurité territoriale en Europe.
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Clarke, Renfrey. "The Donbass in 2014: Ultra-Right Threats, Working-Class Revolt, and Russian Policy Responses". In Russia, Ukraine and Contemporary Imperialism, 46–67. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315205625-3.
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Tolkun Bekturgan kyzy e Niyazi Ayhan. "Understanding Digital Diplomacy Through Ukraine-Russia Events". In Maintaining International Relations Through Digital Public Diplomacy Policies and Discourses, 121–35. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-5822-8.ch010.
Abstract (sommario):
Digital diplomacy is a form of new public diplomacy that uses the internet, new information and communication technologies, and social media as a means to strengthen diplomatic relations. The main differences from classical public diplomacy are greater access to information, more interaction between people and organizations, and greater transparency. Diplomacy is radically transforming in front of our eyes. In the face of new challenges, its structure and methods are changing, and new directions are emerging. The chapter analyzes new opportunities and technologies for use by the diplomatic departments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine in the course of current activities in the field of international relations. The authors also presented a descriptive analysis of the document entitled “The Truth behind Events in Ukraine and Donbass (2014-2022)” published on the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.
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Meyer, Christoph O., e Nikki Ikani. "The Case of the Ukraine–Russia Undeclared War 2013/2014: Lessons for the EU’s Estimative Intelligence 1". In Estimative Intelligence in European Foreign Policymaking, 129–59. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399505512.003.0005.
Abstract (sommario):
How did the EU’s foreign policy machinery anticipate and handle the events leading from the summer of 2013 to the late summer of 2014 starting with Russia increasing pressure on Eastern Partnership states up to the to the annexation of Crimea by force and the military intervention in Donbass. The authors find that some aspects were less surprising, such as the U-Turn of President Yanukovych before the Vilnius summit, whereas the Russian annexation of Crimea came as a complete surprise to officials in the EU institutions, if not in all member states. The EU should have performed better when anticipating events in Ukraine but was not well enough equipped in terms of legal authority, collection capacities, and organisation of diplomatic and assessed intelligence to anticipate Russia’s actions, which represented a major discontinuity. The EU machinery suffered from geo-political and security blind spots regarding the role of Russia, disregarded some warnings because of suspicions of national bias, and some political agendas limited receptivity in relation to events in Ukraine. This chapter discusses potential lessons such as bringing together analytical resources to analyse the Russian threat, analytical dissent procedures and structural reforms relating to the decision of labour between Commission and EEAS.
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Allen, John R., F. Ben Hodges e Julian Lindley-French. "Russia and Europe’s northern and eastern flanks". In Future War and the Defence of Europe, 89–123. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855835.003.0005.
Abstract (sommario):
What threat does Russia actually pose to Europe’s defence? Russia has become more aggressive since President Putin came to power in 2000. It is modernizing its armed forces and has forged a new strategy of complex strategic coercion. Many Russians see this as necessary because of the enlargement of NATO and the EU and that a critical Russian national interest is to have strong Russian armed forces. However, Russia is also a relatively poor and politically unstable state and the cost of maintaining such an effort in the wake of COVID-19 could prove crippling, which makes Russia potentially dangerous, particularly to its immediate neighbours. There are also many technical and materiel road-bumps on the way to developing the Russian future force Putin likes to imply already exists. Consequently, it is Russian economic weakness and political instability allied to the overbearing cost of the Russian security state that poses the greatest danger to European defence and the prospect of more adventurism, such as the 2014 seizure of Crimea and Donbass from Ukraine.
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Helysh, Mariana. "„Kryzys humanitarny” czy zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości?" In Inwazja Rosji na Ukrainę 2022, 259–83. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381388719.08.
Abstract (sommario):
Since 2014, with the start of military operations in Ukraine by Russia, especially in the territory of Donbass, the inhabitants have been experiencing various kinds of inconveniences that not only do not allow them to continue their normal lifestyle, but even force them to fight for survival, i.e. the ability to meet basic human needs. Since February 24, 2022, the Ukrainian citizens have been experiencing daily terrors from the Russian army throughout its territory. Torture of prisoners of war, bombing of civilian infrastructure, deliberate restriction of access to water, food and medicine – these are criminal activities under international law. The purpose of this article is to provide evidence that the Russian army’s actions deliberately exacerbate the humanitarian crisis that has occurred as a result of the war and bear the hallmarks of war crimes through an institutional-legal analysis. As an additional source of information, there is the Ukrainian media and Western discourse. Unfortunately, in the current circumstances, punishing crimes or implementing basic measures to mitigate the effects of the crisis seems impossible if you have Russia as an adversary, which acts according to its own rules.
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Serafim, José Francisco, Maria Conceição Ramos e Maria Natália Ramos. "Migração, Trabalho e Cinema Documentário: Abordagem no Contexto Europeu". In The Overarching Issues Of The European Space. Sustainable development and territorial preservation in a globalized world, 76–87. Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/978-989-9082-57-1/overa5.
Abstract (sommario):
The purpose of this text is to reflect on the binomial migration and work and its representation through documentary cinema. The current social and political crisis, as well as environmental catastrophes and political and armed conflicts, such as the wars that the world is currently facing, mainly in the European context, is reflected in reception strategies for large portions of the population that leave the country invaded by its neighbor, Russia, in a situation of forced migration and refuge. Images of war and people abandoning their homeland, Ukraine, have been frequent in all the world's media since February 24, 2022. One of the greatest documentarians of our time, the Ukrainian Sergey Loznitsas, in his documentary works addressed the issue of struggles and wars experienced by the Ukrainian population, as well as the disastrous consequences for the population after the end of the conflict, as in Maïdam (2014) and Donbass (2018). Portugal, even before the current war in Ukraine, already had a significant number of Ukrainian migrants in its territory, since the late 1990s (Ramos, 2007), and this community is currently the second largest in the country, and the current conflict will increase the number of refugees and migrants who will settle in Portugal. Some documentary films made in Portugal in recent years seek to represent the situation experienced by migrants, in their e/immigration variants. For example, the film Lisboetas (Sérgio Tréfaut, 2004) aim to help in the elaboration of a reflection on the thorny issue of the displacement of people that, for the most varied reasons, are forced to leave their countries of origin in search of better living conditions in host countries.