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1
Michailidis, Iakovos D. "Perceptions of the Lausanne Treaty in the Greek public sphere". Cahiers balkaniques 50 (2024): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11rxs.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: the article focuses on the reception of the Treaty of Lausanne in Greece from 1923 until today. It argues that the Treaty was disadvantageous to Greece, due to its defeat in the war with Turkey from 1919 to 1922. During the interwar period, the Treaty was criticized by several sides, mainly regarding the compulsory exchange of the Greek and Turkish populations. However, the majority of Greeks accepted it as the only option. From the early 1930s onwards, the Treaty of Lausanne gradually became a fundamental pillar of Greek foreign policy. Today, Greece strongly supports the implementation of the Treaty of Lausanne, often accusing Turkey of violating it.
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Lajunen, Timo J., Mark J. M. Sullman, Buket Baddal, Burcu Tekeş e Menelaos Apostolou. "Antibiotics Knowledge, Attitudes and Behaviours among the Population Living in Greece and Turkey". Antibiotics 12, n. 8 (3 agosto 2023): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/antibiotics12081279.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Antimicrobial resistance is one of the largest threats to public health worldwide. As the inappropriate use of antibiotics is one of the leading causes of antibiotic resistance, it is important to have an understanding of the public’s knowledge, attitudes and behaviours towards antibiotics and antimicrobial resistance. The present study investigated the knowledge, attitudes and behaviours towards antibiotics among the public living in Greece and Turkey using an online cross-sectional survey, with social media advertising (e.g., Facebook) and snowball sampling. In total, 709 individuals completed the survey (Greece n = 309, Turkey n = 400), with an average age of 34.2 (SD = 13.1) and 40.5 (SD = 14.7), respectively. In Greece, 49.4% of the participants were female, and in Turkey, this figure was 62.4%. The Greek respondents reported that obtaining antibiotics without a prescription was easier (52.6% reported “easy or very easy”) than the Turkish (35.6% reported “easy or very easy”) respondents did. This study reveals that Greek citizens were more educated and knowledgeable about antibiotics (58.5% of Greeks and 44.2% of Turks identified antibiotics correctly), their effects (20.9% of Greeks and 26.3% of Turks agreed with wrong statements about antibiotics) and the risks of antibiotic resistance, compared to those from Turkey. On the other hand, the Greek respondents were more prone to use leftover antibiotics or to give them to someone else later (p < 0.001). The findings of this study indicate that Greece and Turkey, both countries with high rates of antibiotic usage, exhibit distinct variations in their knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions concerning antibiotic use and antibiotic resistance. Effective countermeasures such as public campaigns should be targeted according to the population and those areas of knowledge, attitudes and behaviours in which the main shortcomings lie.
3
Gratien, Chris, e Emily K. Pope-Obeda. "The Second Exchange: Ottoman Greeks and the American Deportation State during the 1930s". Journal of Migration History 6, n. 1 (17 febbraio 2020): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After multiple wars, Greece and the newly-founded Republic of Turkey made peace through the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne and the 1930 Treaty of Ankara. A critical component of this rapprochement was the mutual exchange of population and property involving the transfer of some two million people. As part of the exchange, Greek Orthodox inhabitants of the Republic of Turkey – with the exception of those who remained in Istanbul as of the Treaty of Ankara – became Greek nationals. This article explores how the agreements between Turkey and Greece indirectly facilitated a ‘second exchange’ involving the deportation of Ottoman-born Greeks from the United States during the 1930s. As the American deportation state grew to deport upwards of 20,000 people at the outset of the Great Depression, groups targeted by stringent immigration quotas such as communities of the former Ottoman Empire were deported in large numbers. The exchange of populations provided a framework for resolving the ambiguous nationalities of Greeks in the US, allowing American diplomats to secure Greek passports for prospective deportees. As we further demonstrate, only the terms of this agreement – not national affinity nor diplomatic relations with the US – could be invoked to secure these passports in a number of cases. When it came to immigration enforcement, how people self-identified in racial, ethnic, religious, or national terms was virtually irrelevant. What mattered was how states identified them.
4
Atrashkevich, Alexandra. "How conflicts beteen Greece and Turkey in the 19th – early 20th centuries affected the formation of historical memory in both states". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 1 (2022): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018177-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Present-day relations between Greece and Turkey cannot be defined as neighborship. One of the main reasons for this is a negative influence of the historical memory of relations (HMR) on the two peoples’ mutual vision. Addressing the HMR from this angle can help to identify the degree of hostilities and assess the prospects for improving relations. Therefore, the authors tried to trace, by means of historical narrative, the eventual determinants of both HMRs in 1821–1923, i.e. during the period when the events most actualized by the HMRs of modern Greeks and Turks took place. In this century, the HMRs were formed under the pressure of conflict situations. Those were the liberation war of the Greeks in 1821–1829, the “30-day war” in 1897, the Balkan wars of 1912–1913, and the Greek-Turkish war of 1919–1922. Because of them, the HMRs and the nationalisms in Greece and Turkey acquired mutually accusatory orientation. As such, they in a way guaranteed irreconcilability between the states on the issues dividing them. Also, the Greek-Turkish relations as well as the growth of nationalisms, fell into the context of the great powers struggle for the Ottoman legacy. The current Turkish-Greek disputes concerning Cyprus and over the Aegean shelf are also influenced by other countries’ interests. Nationalisms in Greece and Turkey block reconciliation of the parties, while the interdependent hostility of the two HMRs guarantees the continuity of confrontational motivations in their political consciousness. What results, is a cyclical nature of the Greek-Turkish clashes, long-term tensions between the two countries and recurring outbreaks of conflicts between them.
5
Halstead, Huw. "‘Two Homelands and None’: Belonging, Alienation, and Everyday Citizenship with the Expatriated Greeks of Turkey". Journal of Migration History 8, n. 3 (10 ottobre 2022): 432–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract For the expatriated Greeks of Istanbul and Imbros – some of whom have Greek citizenship, some Turkish – citizenship is neither an irrelevance nor a panacea. Turkish citizenship provided limited protection for ethnic Greeks in Turkey, and Greek citizenship could only go so far to ease the burdens of their ultimate emigration to Greece. Moreover, their expressions of self and identity are altogether more complicated and malleable than the apparent fixity and dichotomousness of statism. Nevertheless, citizenship looms large in their experiences, in both pragmatic and affective dimensions. The acquisition, loss and performance of citizenship – even the very materiality of identity documents – are intimately connected to expatriate efforts to navigate the everyday experience of migration and belonging. Whilst the significance of citizenship thus goes far beyond mere words on an official document, these formal aspects of citizenship are nevertheless a part of, not something apart from, the lived experience of citizenship.
6
Georganta, Konstantina. "‘Greek Gypsies’, Greek dress and a blockade in the 1886 British press". Journal of Greek Media & Culture 10, n. 1 (1 giugno 2024): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00085_1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ninety-nine Roma from the periphery of Europe arrived in Britain in July 1886. They were called the ‘Greek Gypsies’ in the contemporary press and hailed from all parts of Greece and European Turkey, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania and the Asia Minor coast, at a time when Europe was under a ‘Balkan crisis’. The ‘Greek’ epithet affixed to the foreign travellers in the 1886 British press was effectively an umbrella term for the ‘Graeco-Turkish corner of Europe’. It also associated a transnational group with Greece, a single, defiant nation over which the Powers had already asserted their dominance with a naval blockade in the spring of 1886. This article explores the political climate of 1886 in regards to Greece, the narrative of the ‘Greek Gypsies’ in the British press and the depiction of modern Greeks in the same year to show that, like the ‘Gypsies’, the Greeks physically and culturally represented at the time an Other both familiar, exotic and a supposed threat to Europe’s stability that Victorian Britain could not accommodate.
7
Stefanidis, Abraham, Moshe Banai, Ursula Schinzel e Ahmet Erkuş. "Ethically questionable negotiation tactics: the differential roles of national, societal and individual cultural values". Cross Cultural & Strategic Management 28, n. 3 (26 marzo 2021): 626–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccsm-11-2019-0213.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
PurposeThe purpose of this study is to refine theory of negotiation by empirically investigating the extent to which national-, societal- and individual-level cultures relate to negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics.Design/methodology/approachTo assess the hypothesized relationships between culture and ethically questionable negotiation tactics at three cultural levels of analysis, the authors collected data from Turks who reside in Turkey and in Germany and from Greeks who reside in Greece and in Cyprus. Respondents' national-level cultural values were inferred from their nationality, respondents' societal-level cultural values were inferred from their country of residency, and respondents' individual-level cultural values were inferred from their discrete and unique individuality.FindingsAt the national level, the authors found that Turks in Turkey and Germany scored significantly higher than Greeks in Greece and Cyprus on the endorsement of pretending negotiation tactics. At the societal level, the authors found that Turkish negotiators in Germany displayed higher levels of lying negotiation tactics and lower levels of pretending negotiation tactics than Turkish negotiators in Turkey. Greek negotiators in Greece endorsed deceiving and lying tactics more than Greek negotiators in Cyprus. At the individual level, the authors found that negotiators who score high on vertical individualism and collectivism endorse questionable negotiation tactics significantly more than negotiators who score high on horizontal individualism and collectivism.Originality/valueThe authors empirically demonstrate how national-, societal- and individual-level cultures differentially influence negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics. The study's trilevel analysis allows for integrating the societal-level theories of negotiators' acculturation and cultural adjustment to a host culture, highlighting the importance of bicultural identity.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Cultural Differences in Children’s Recommended Punishment of Moral Transgressions". Athens Journal of Social Sciences 9, n. 4 (30 settembre 2022): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-4-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Migration flows are as old as human history itself. In Greece, the first movements of people are recorded in the 13th century BCE and not stopped ever since. Inflows and outflows of people are a permanent future of Greek history. However, a distinction should be made between three types of flows. Firstly, people are forced to leave their country because of national agreements of resettlements. A world example of such resettlement was the exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in the first part of the 20th century. Secondly, people flee an area to save their lives because of war and prosecutions, including genocides. An example of such migration was the outflow of Greeks from Asia Minor because of the war between Turkey and Greece. Thirdly, people migrate for social reasons which may include economic, political and educational purposes. This was definitely the case of the post-Second World War period in Greece when many Greeks moved outside of Greece to find better jobs abroad (e.g., Germany); study abroad (e.g., U.K.); and to live in a democratic country (e.g., Canada, Sweden, etc.), because in Greece a dictatorship (1967-1974) had abolished democracy. Greece has also been on the receiving end of many migrants from all over the world for the same reasons. The latest example is the flow of Ukrainians who are coming to Greece due to the Russian-Belarus invasion of their country. These migration flows are examined in this paper. Keywords: migrants, refugees, migration policy, Greece, Ukraine
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Nikitina, Inna, e Ksenia Klimova. "The traditional culture and the language of the “Russian Greeks” in Sochi: A review of an ethnolinguistic expedition". Slavic Almanac 2022, n. 3-4 (2022): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.3-4.2.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The traditional culture and the language of the Greek population of Sochi in July 2022 for the first time became the subject of an ethnolinguistic study by Russian researchers. The Greek population (natives of the region of Pontus, located in modern Turkey) initially appeared in these territories in the second half of the 19th century. During the Stalin era, the number of Greeks decreased significantly, however, the language (Pontic dialect of the Greek language) and elements of traditional culture in places where Greeks were densely populated are preserved to this day. In the folk calendar, family rituals, folk mythology of the modern Greek population, there are not only common Greek elements that unite the Pontic Greeks of the diaspora with the wide “Greek world”, but also characteristic features that allow us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the preservation of archaic elements of culture (the rite of making rain “koshkotera”, etc.). Many elements of traditional culture were influenced by neighboring Slavic (Russian) and other Caucasian (Armenian, Georgian) traditions.
10
MacMillan, Catherine. "Narrating the Nation? National Identity and the Uncanny in De Bernières’ Birds without Wings". Literature & History 30, n. 2 (novembre 2021): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03061973211041268.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Informed primarily by Bhabha and Kristeva's theories of national identity and the uncanny, the article examines the themes of nation building, migration and the uncanny in Louis de Bernières’ Birds Without Wings. It also explores the cosmopolitan nature of the late Ottoman Empire, as portrayed by de Bernières, from the perspective of critical cosmopolitan theory and Bhabha's concept of vernacular cosmopolitanism. The novel depicts the fortunes of a South-West Anatolian village, populated primarily by monoglot Turkish-speaking Greek Orthodox Christians and Muslims, through a turbulent historical period, from the First World War to the 1923 declaration of the Republic of Turkey and the subsequent population exchange between Greece and the new Turkish state. Despite the Christian and Muslim villagers’ arguably hybrid identities, forged in the context of a cosmopolitan Ottoman Empire, and their largely shared culture and harmonious co-existence, they are eventually forced to redefine themselves as ‘Greeks’ and ‘Turks’. The Turkish-speaking Christian villagers, exiled to Greece, have an uncanny, unsettling effect on a Greek national identity largely constructed with Turkey as its principal Other; the experience of the new Turkish citizens left behind in the decaying, half-deserted village is an equally unhomely one.
11
Fröhlich, Julia. "Halstead, Huw. 2018. Greeks without Greece. Homelands, Belonging, and Memory amongst the Expatriated Greeks of Turkey." DIYÂR 4, n. 2 (2023): 318–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2023-2-318.
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Kvashnin, Yu D. "Russian-Greek Relations: Is There a Light at the End of the Tunnel?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, n. 3 (3 luglio 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, relations between Russia and Greece entered a protracted period of stagnation, which continues to this day, despite numerous attempts by both countries to intensify political dialogue. One of the reasons is the general degradation of Russia’s relations with the Western countries, which intensified in the middle of the last decade against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. At the same time, the “sanctions wars” have become an important, but not the only reason for the reduction in bilateral contacts. There were other factors as well: Greece’s dissatisfaction with the excessively close cooperation between Russia and Turkey, different views on NATO’s Eastern enlargement, as well as interchurch disagreements.On the economic plane, Russian-Greek cooperation was hampered by the desire of Greece to diversify its energy supplies, the food embargo regime introduced by Russia against the EU countries, as well as the policy of investment protectionism pursued by Greece towards Russian companies.The greatest success has been achieved in the humanitarian field. Due to the cultural and historical closeness of the two peoples, as well as due to the disappointment of the Greeks in the results of European integration, Greece remains one of the few countries where most people treat Russia with sympathy. At the same time, the perception of Russia by the Greeks is distorted and often fragmentary. The positive effect of Russian-Greek humanitarian cooperation is often overshadowed by negative coverage of Russian foreign policy in the Greek media.
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Romero, Eulogio. "“A Productive Asset for the Country:” Refugees, the League of Nations, and the Greco-Turkish Exchange, 1924-1930". Migration Letters 20, n. 1 (31 gennaio 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2876.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1924, the League of Nations authorized a special commission to resettle the hundreds of thousands of refugees created by the Greco-Turkish War. The Refugee Settlement Commission (RSC) would be responsible for rehousing Greek refugees expelled from former Ottoman territories and resettling them in Greece. The RSC had a unique commission. In an attempt to effect a “permanent solution” to ethnic violence in the lands of the former Ottoman Empire, the League of Nations had helped broker the Treaty of Lausanne between the warring nations of Greece and Turkey that ended the conflict and authorized each nation to denaturalize and expel any Greeks in Turkey and any Turks in Greece, over one and a half million civilians in total from both countries. With the League's approval, the RSC carried out the task of resettling hundreds of thousands of refugees who had been created by international accord, forced out of their ancestral homelands, and expelled to Greece with the vague promise of citizenship, housing, and welfare. This paper follows how the Refugee Settlement Commission, a supranational organization created and legitimized by the League of Nations, sought to enact their visions of modernity and civilization through the resettlement of these refugees.
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Dashyan, Mariam Ashotovna, e Andrey A. Kudelin. "The Ethnic Minority Policy of Turkey". RUDN Journal of World History 12, n. 3 (15 dicembre 2020): 274–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-274-285.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article is an overview of the state stance and attitude towards minorities throughout history of the republic of Turkey. It represents the official approach of the republic towards ethnic and religious groups. Though due to actions of the Ottoman Empire, the number of non-Turks in the republic of Turkey already was incomparably small, however their existence could not be ignored. Still Turkey recognizes only three minorities (Greeks, Armenians, and Jews) and for decades adopted the strategy of regarding all minority persons other than Greeks, Armenians, and Jews as Turks. Ethnic variety was considered a threat to territorial integrity of Turkey. Every action was directed to create a unitary nation-state suppressing ethnic identities of non-Turks. In this article state policy towards ethnic groups in the republic of Turkey is examined from the perspective of the Lausanne Treaty provisions and legislative regulations regarding the status and rights of minorities showing to what extent authorities have followed them and rising the controversial points minority representatives face in exercising their rights.
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Erciyas, D. Burcu. "Ethnic identity and archaeology in the Black Sea region of Turkey". Antiquity 79, n. 303 (marzo 2005): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113791.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How has Turkey used archaeology to define itself and address political goals? How have these goals clashed with western Europeans in pursuit of the Hittites and ancient Greeks? The author analyses the context of her own work in the Black Sea coastal area of Turkey, and deconstructs its ethnic influences in the context of modern archaeology.
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Tsakiridou, Cornelia (Corinna) A. "Nationalist Dilemmas: Halide Edib on Greeks, Greece, and the West". New Perspectives on Turkey 27 (2002): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003782.
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O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.
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Papagaroufali, Eleni. "Disasters that Matter: Gifts of Life in the Arena of International Diplomacy". Outlines. Critical Practice Studies 12, n. 2 (5 maggio 2010): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ocps.v12i2.2728.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the bodily donations made by Greeks, Turks and Cypriots to the victims of two devastating earthquakes in Turkey and Greece (1999), as well as to a Greek and a Turkish Cypriot boy, both suffering from leukemia (2000). Considering the age old discourse of amity and enmity shared by the citizens of the three nation states, I ask what made them see these hardly rare events as exceptionally important, and rush to offer each other their blood and body organs. Politicians and journalists of the time presented these corporeal responses as "civil society's demand for brotherly rapprochement," thus underscoring the anthropological insight that contemporary identity politics is increasingly "medicalized". Taking into consideration both the medical regimes of truth that made these donations possible, and the painful political experiences lived and remembered by Greeks, Turks and Cypriots to this day, I argue that the conciliation these donors performed revealed the suspense of their faith in the reconciliatory future rather than their acceptance of restorative notions such as brotherhood and rapprochement. Stated otherwise, these donors, being familiar with the euphemistic and the conditional hence pending nature of such political conciliations, dared the Derridian impossible: without endangering the principle of sharing, they opened their bodies to alterity, to their foe's bodies, and hence entertained the possibility of non-predetermined, thus unexpected even incongruous events of memory.
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Pavlova, Petya. "1974 – The transformation of “Cyprus dispute”". Lyuboslovie 21 (22 novembre 2021): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/ojuw5377.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.
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Erskine, Andrew. "John Boardman. The Greeks in Asia." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (1 gennaio 2017): 432–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.608.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
These two books are underpinned by the same essential theme, Greek influence in Asia, but they are very different. John Boardman is one of the leading historians of Greek art with a record of publication going back over fifty years, Elisabeth Katzy is at the other end of her academic career with this, her first book, a lightly-revised version of her Tübingen PhD thesis. Where Boardman covers the vast expanse from Turkey to China over the course of many centuries, Katzy’s focus is much narrower, a particular region of North Mesopotamia during the last three centuries BC. Both, however, make valuable contributions to our understanding of cultural interaction in the East.
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ÇARKOĞLU, ALİ, e KEMAL KİRİŞCİ. "8 The View from Turkey: Perceptions of Greeks and Greek-Turkish Rapprochement by the Turkish Public". Turkish Studies 5, n. 1 (marzo 2004): 117–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2004.9687245.
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Kovalskyi, S. "The Cyprus Question in the Policy of the Jimmy Carter Administration". Problems of World History, n. 7 (14 marzo 2019): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.
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Tovsultanov, Rustam Alkhazurovich, Malika Sharipovna Tovsultanova e Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. "The Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922: the formation of new Turkey and the collapse of the idea of Great Greece". Samara Journal of Science 11, n. 2 (1 giugno 2022): 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2022112207.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper deals with the history of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922. As a result of the defeat in the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, the country became the object of the division of the Entente countries and their satellites. The Turkish sultan became a puppet of the leadership of the British Empire. In May 1919, a large-scale Greek intervention in Anatolia began. In 1920, the Sultans government recognized the imposed humiliating Treaty of Sevres, which divided the territory of Turkey between neighboring states and great powers. However, a powerful patriotic movement arose in Anatolia, led by Mustafa Kemal. Playing on the contradictions between the Entente countries and at the same time on their confrontation with Soviet Russia, M. Kemal led Armenia out of the war, deprived the Greeks of support from France and Italy, re-equipped the Turkish army and gained time to prepare for the defeat of the Greek military forces. The successive victories of the Turks in 1921-1922 near the village of Inonu, the Sakarya River and the town of Dumlupinar caused the final collapse of the idea of Great Greece. The results of the national liberation struggle of the Turkish people were fixed by the Lausanne Treaty of 1923. The final results of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922 determined the geographical boundaries and political system of the modern Turkish Republic.
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Ozfidan, Burhan, Lynn Burlbaw e Hasan Aydin. "The Minority Languages Dilemmas in Turkey: A Critical Approach to an Emerging Literature". Journal of Educational Issues 4, n. 1 (5 gennaio 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jei.v4i1.11498.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Turkey comprises many ethnic groups other than Turks including, but not limited to, Armenians, Assyrians, Alevi, Arabs, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, Laz, and Zaza. These groups are ethnically different from Turks and were incorporated into the Ottoman Empire’s eastern provinces with de facto autonomy. The main objective of this study is to illustrate the need for a language curriculum and identify the obstacles that minority groups encountered in Turkey. This study examines three large communities: Arabs, Kurds, and Laz. The results indicate that minority people in Turkey who had poor Turkish language education were unable to learn their mother tongue within the formal educational settings from the foundation of the republic until 2012. Some of the ethnic groups’ languages, such as Laz, Kurdish, and Arabic, were started at schools as elective courses, but few, if any, textbooks written in these languages exist.
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Suvari, Çakır Ceyhan. "A Brief Review of Ethnicity Studies in Turkey". Iran and the Caucasus 14, n. 2 (2010): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190467.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractAs is known, the racist worldview rising in Europe, particularly in Germany of the 1930s, affected also the socio-political realities in Turkey, and became in effect a part of the official policy of the country. Many theories of obvious Turkist nature, such as Güneş Dil Teorisi (Sun Language Theory), were even shaped by the government and introduced into the university programmes. In this framework, the ancient Near Eastern states were declared Turkish, and the idea about the primordial presence of the Turks in Anatolia and Mesopotamia became a sort of axiom or absolute truth. From anthropological perspective, thousands of Armenian and Greek graves were opened and examined for the purpose of determining the real Turkish type; the skulls taken from these graves were compared with those of the contemporary Turks. The racist ideology defeated in Europe as a result of World War II, was correspondingly overthrown in Turkey too; even some sanctions were imposed to its defenders. However, since the 1980s, the similar ideas have been brought to the agenda again via the project of “the re-discovery of the proto-Turks in Anatolia”. Moreover, some Turkish academics have argued that the non-Muslim and non-Turk peoples, such as the Pontus Greeks, the Armenians, and the Assyrians are, indeed, of Turkic origin. This paper examines the recent publications by several Turkish authors who vehemently advocate the above summarised views, which, at the same time, are shared and embraced by a clear majority of the academics studying identity and ethnicity issues in Turkey. The introductory part of the paper discusses the theoretical aspects of ethnicity—again with a focus on the relevant literature published in Turkey.
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Der Matossian, Bedross. "FROM GENOCIDE TO POSTGENOCIDE: SURVIVAL, GENDER, AND POLITICS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, n. 1 (26 dicembre 2018): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818001253.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On 31 July 2018, eighteen representatives of religious minority groups in Turkey, including the Armenians, Greeks, and Syriacs, issued a joint declaration saying: “As religious representatives and directors of different faiths and beliefs who have been residing in our country for centuries, we live out our faiths freely and practice our worship freely according to our traditions.” This state-orchestrated declaration contradicts a long history of discrimination suffered by minorities under different late Ottoman and Turkish political regimes. In the last two decades of the Ottoman Empire's rule, Ottoman Armenian, Greek, and Syriac subjects/citizens, among others, suffered extreme depredations and persecutions culminating in ethnic cleansing, genocide, and population exchange. The books under review deal with a grim phase in Ottoman and Turkish history: the Armenian Genocide during World War I and its repercussions during the subsequent republican period.
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Kazaryan, Gevorg. "The Hay Horoms in the Whirlpool of the Massacres of Christians in the Late 19th – Early 20th Centuries". Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 9, n. 1 (5 maggio 2021): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Orthodox Armenians or so-called Hay Horoms (Armenian Romans) in the late 19th – early 20th centuries were compactly settled in Western Armenia, namely in the villages of Vank, Dzorak, Shrzu and Musheghka in Akn district, in the villages of Mamsa, Sedrka and Khenderkik in Chemishkatsag district, as well as in the village of Hoghus in Kamakh region. Apart from this, the migrants from Akn and Hoghus resided in the villages of Ortakyöy, Khudi and in other places of Izmit province (historical Bithynia). During the Hamidian massacres in 1895-1896 the Orthodox Armenians did not suffer great loss. However, after these events, the process of Hellenization started to strengthen among the Hay Horoms, so that in the early 20th century they were no longer considered as Orthodox Armenians, but Armenian-speaking Greeks. For this reason they avoided the horrors of the Armenian Genocide except the Hoghus village whose habitants left their homeland to avoid being deported. Later the survived villagers immigrated to Greece. In the summer of 1920 the Hay Horoms of the Izmit province, approximately 10,000 people, were perished and their villages were destroyed. As regards the few Orthodox Armenians of Akn and Chemishkatsag regions, according to the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) they emigrated from Turkey to Greece with the Greek population of Asia Minor.
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Сиднева, С. А. "ГРЕЧЕСКИЙ КОФЕ И ТРАДИЦИИ ГРЕЧЕСКОЙ КОФЕЙНИ В СОВРЕМЕННОМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ". Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology), n. 3 (1 ottobre 2021): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2021-3/274-286.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Статья посвящена кофе и кофейне в новогреческой культуре. Варианты названия кофе у греков встраиваются в определенный политический дискурс, открывающий различные грани длительного и незавершенного конфликта Греции и Турции. Похожие процессы «переназывания» напитка с использованием этнонима наблюдаются и в других балканских странах. Родившись из турецкой традиции, во времена греческого освободительного движения против османского владычества, греческая традиционная кофейня нередко становится местом, где обсуждаются пути развития нового государства и греческой идентичности. В наше время ракурс дискуссий смещается на противостояние различных партий и гендерный вопрос, что приводит к возникновению такого феномена как «женская кофейня», который впервые исследуется в данной статье. «Женская кофейня», с одной стороны, нарушает традицию, но с другой – лишний раз раскрывает неизменные черты и механизмы новогреческой традиционной культуры. The article is dedicated to coffee and coffee houses in modern Greek culture. Names of coffee types among the Greeks are embedded in a specific political discourse that sheds light on the long and unfinished conflict between Greece and Turkey. Similar processes of re-naming drinks with ethnonyms in their names are observed in other Balkan countries. A traditional Greek coffee house has its roots in the Turkish tradition. During the Greek liberation movement against the Ottomans, it often becomes a place to discuss the development of a new state and Greek identity. Nowadays, the focus of discussions is shifting to the confrontation between different parties and the gender issue, which even leads to the phenomenon of a “women's coffee house”, which is first explored in the present study. On the one hand, a “women's coffee house” violates tradition, but on the other, it once again reveals the constant nature and mechanisms of modern Greek traditional culture.
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Castiñeiras, Manuel. "Crossing Cultural Boundaries: Saint George in the Eastern Mediterranean under the Latinokratia (13th–14th Centuries) and His Mythification in the Crown of Aragon". Arts 9, n. 3 (4 settembre 2020): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9030095.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The cult of St George in the Eastern Mediterranean is one of the most extraordinary examples of cohabitation among different religious communities. For a long time, Greek Orthodox, Latins, and Muslims shared shrines dedicated to the Cappadocian warrior in very different places. This phenomenon touches on two aspects of the cult—the intercultural and the transcultural—that should be considered separately. My paper mainly focuses on the cross-cultural value of the cult and the iconography of St George in continental and insular Greece during the Latinokratia (13th–14th centuries). In this area, we face the same phenomenon with similar contradictions to those found in Turkey or Palestine, where George was shared by different communities, but could also serve to strengthen the identity of a particular ethnic group. Venetians, Franks, Genoese, Catalans, and Greeks (Ῥωμαῖοι) sought the protection of St George, and in this process, they tried to physically or figuratively appropriate his image. However, in order to gain a better understanding of the peculiar situation in Frankish-Palaiologian Greece, it is necessary first to analyze the use of images of St George by the Palaiologian dynasty (1261–1453). Later, we will consider this in relation to the cult and the depiction of the saint on a series of artworks and monuments in Frankish and Catalan Greece. The latter enables us to more precisely interrogate the significance of the former cult of St George in the Crown of Aragon and assess the consequences of the rulership of Greece for the flourishing of his iconography in Late Gothic art.
29
Kozyris, P. John. "Denying Human Rights and Ethnic Identity: The Greeks of Turkey (review)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 12, n. 1 (1994): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2010.0261.
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Jurkowska, Beata. "Konflikt cypryjski i jego wpływ na proces integracji Turcji z Unią Europejską". Gospodarka w Praktyce i Teorii 29, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2011): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1429-3730.29.04.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cyprus dispute lasts over 35 years. Prime Minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced that Ankara would not accept Cyprus as the chairman of the council of the European Union in the second half of 2012 year, if there is no earlier agreement concerning uniting of the island. Cyprus was divided in 1974 in response to a coup made by the Cypriot National Guard on the President of Cyprus Makarios III. In 1983, The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus declared itself independent from the Republic of Cyprus. The country was condemned by the United Nations, and is not recognized by any countries other than Turkey. Ankara, which in 2005 started accession negotiations with EU refuses to recognize Republic of Cyprus inhabited mainly by Greeks what causes the conflict between both countries and remains an obstacle to Turkish aspirations to become the member of European Union.
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Eser, Umit. "Homeland as Terra Pericolosa: Post-Catastrophe Homecoming Narratives of Smyrniote Greeks in Early Republican Turkey". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 40, n. 1 (maggio 2022): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2022.0015.
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BALTSIOTIS, Lambros. "The discovery of new Greeks. The cases of Gagauz in Moldova and Pontians in Turkey". International journal of Science Culture and Sport 2, n. 8 (1 gennaio 2014): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.14486/ijscs211.
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Klimova, Ksenia A., e Elena S. Uzeneva. "Language Policy and Language Situation in Dynamics: Pomaks of Northern Greece". Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 66 (2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-66-148-160.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper comes up with a synchronous-diachronic analysis of the linguistic situation in one of the isolated cultural and linguistic enclaves of the Balkan Peninsula: the district of Xanthi in the region of Thrace in Northern Greece, on the Bulgarian-Greek border. Here, in a remote mountainous area, live Muslim Slavs, ethnic Bulgarians, representing a minority ethnolinguistic and cultural-confessional group that has existed for a long time in a foreign language and other religious environment among Orthodox Greeks. In the historical past, this community formed a single whole with the Muslim Bulgarians who now live within the boundaries of the Republic of Bulgaria. This minority is the object of the language and cultural policy of three states: Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria. Note that the Greek authorities for a long time 1920s–1990s (excluding the period of Bulgarian rule in 1941–1944) pursued a policy of de-Bulgarization of this population. As a result, today the degree of its Turkicization (due to the influence of Islam, the study of the Koran in Turkish and the active position of Turkey) is quite high. It should be noted that the Bulgarian-speaking communities in Northern Greece are not the object of the Bulgarian language policy, which is carried out by disinterested officials and politicians who ignore the opinions and assessments of Bulgarian dialectologists and sociolinguists. The study focuses on ethnonyms and exonyms as important factors in the formation of the Pomaks' linguistic identity: the self-name of the speakers of these dialects is Pomaks, Ahryans. The ethnonym Pomaks was introduced and continues to be actively used to discuss the new Greek policy towards the Bulgarian-speaking population of Greece; the linguonym Pomaks was also formed from it. Earlier in Greece, the term Slavophones ('speakers of the Slavic language') was used, cf. new pomakophones. In the 90s of the 20th century and early 21th century a number of scientists (V. Friedman, A. D. Dulichenko, A. Ioannidou, K. Voss, M. Nomati, M. Henzelmann, K. Steinke) considered Pomak to be one of the literary microlanguages of the southern Slavia, noting that it is characterized by the diversity of the script used and poor functionality. There were appropriate grounds for this (codification, publication of dictionaries and grammar, textbooks, etc.). But the impetus for the “creation” of the literary language of the Pomaks was the political task of the country's leadership. At present, Pomak (Southern Rodhopian, Bulgarian) dialects in Greece have an unwritten character (they are used exclusively for oral communication in the family and village, microsociety). Despite the presence of certain signs of the formation of the literary language among the Pomaks, the modern language situation and language policy do not contribute to its existence and functioning. We rely on both published sources and our own field materials collected during two ethnolinguistic expeditions carried out in 2018 and 2019, as well as online in 2021, and will try to present preliminary results of the study of the current state of the language and language policy. Let us note the importance of modern interdisciplinary approaches to the study of the phenomenon of intercultural communication, which are based on the dialogue of languages and cultures, and which necessitated the description of new linguistic conditions and consideration of the importance of not so much Greek as Turkish as a means of intra — and interethnic communication in the specific genre.
34
Bali, Rifat. "Istanbul's Jewish Bookstores: Monuments to a Bygone Era". Judaica Librarianship 20, n. 1 (31 dicembre 2017): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1213.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the Turkish cultural sphere there is very limited information available on the history of bookstores, although they are considered among the most important places of Istanbul’s cultural life. One can come across scraps of information either in recollections on Babıâli or in some memoirs devoted to the history of the rare books trade in Turkey. Traditionally the rare books trade and bookstores were mostly in the hands of Armenians, Greeks and Jews in the Ottoman Empire and early Republican years. However there is not much information available on these dealers and store owners. Not holding broader information about the three Jewish bookstores studied in this article stems from such lack of information and documentation.
35
Kaya, Nurcan. "Teaching in and Studying Minority Languages in Turkey: A Brief Overview of Current Issues and Minority Schools". European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, n. 1 (24 novembre 2015): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_013.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Turkey is a nation–state built on remnants of the Ottoman Empire where non-Muslim minorities were guaranteed the right to set up educational institutions; however, since its establishment, it has officially recognised only Armenians, Greeks and Jews as minorities and guaranteed them the right to manage educational institutions as enshrined in the Treaty of Lausanne. However, they have faced bureaucratic restrictions and discriminatory practises. Turkey’s EU accession triggered developments toward democratisation, including in minority rights. Private language teaching courses teach ‘traditionally used languages’, elective language courses have been introduced in public schools and universities are allowed to teach minority languages. However, there is still a long way to reach EU standards. This article assesses existing legal frameworks in regard to the teaching in and studying of minority languages and their implementation. It covers developments since the EU accession process began and provides an overview of current issues and minority schools.
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Rubacha, Jarosław. "Ostatni akt politycznej współpracy Słowian na Bałkanach. Sojusz bałkański 1912 roku". Prace Historyczne 147, n. 2 (2020): 435–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.024.12478.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Last act of political cooperation of Slavs on the Balkans. Balkan alliance, 1912 The deep changes on the political map of the Balkan Peninsula, which followed after the Congress of Berlin in 1878, opened a new chapter in the relations between the nations inhabiting this region. Although the arbitrary decisions taken by the great powers increased the rivalry between the Balkan Slavs, the fact that most of the European territory of Turkey had been left within its borders undoubtedly encouraged the Bulgarians, Serbs, Montenegrins and Greeks to take measures aimed at mutual rapprochement and finding the ultimate solution to the so-called Turkish issue. Despite numerous problems, these ideas were implemented in 1912, through creating the Balkan League, but as it soon turned out, it was the last act of political cooperation between the Slav nations in Southeastern Europe.
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Танрыверди, М. "The resettlement of Greeks from the eastern vilayets of Turkey to Tsalka (1829–1831) according to the documents of the National Archives of Georgia". Kathedra, n. 18(1) (15 maggio 2024): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52607/26587157_2024_18_60.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Статья посвящена истории переселения греков из восточных вилайетов Турции в Цалку после русско-турецкой войны 1828–1829 г. В этой статье рассматриваются причины и последствия их переселения, названия деревень, из которых они уехали, какие занятия имели и какую помощь оказывала им русская власть на Кавказе. Эта статья подготовлена на основе архивных материалов Центрального государственного исторического архива Грузии (ЦГИА Грузии). The article is devoted to the history of the resettlement of Greeks from the eastern vilayets of Turkey to Tsalka after the Russo-Turkish war of 1828–1829. This article examines the causes and consequences of their resettlement, the names of the villages from which they left, what professions they had and what help the Russian authorities provided them in the Caucasus. This article is based on the archival materials of the Central Historical Archive of Georgia.
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Bryce, Trevor. "The land of Hiyawa (Que) revisited". Anatolian Studies 66 (2016): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154616000053.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe focus of this article is the recently published, near-duplicate ARSUZ inscriptions carved on two stelae found near İskenderun in southeastern Turkey and dating to the later tenth century BC. Particular attention is given to the historical section of these inscriptions, and its reference to a land called Hiyawa (Assyrian Que) in eastern Cilicia, previously attested in only one other Iron Age inscription, the Luwian-Phoenician bilingual found at Çineköy near Adana. The article discusses what new information can be deduced about Hiyawa, including its relationship with the land of Adana(wa) in eastern Cilicia, the implications to be drawn from the findspot of the stelae and the much-debated question of whether the references to Hiyawa reflect Greek settlement in southeastern Anatolia during the Early Iron Age. Fresh attention is also given to the two Akkadian texts from the archives of Late Bronze Age Ugarit which refer to a group called the Hiyawa-men, who were located at that time (late 13th to early 12th century) in Lukka in southwestern Anatolia. The controversial identification of this group with Ahhiyawans/Mycenaean Greeks is re-examined within the broader context of a comprehensive reconsideration of the Ahhiyawa-Hiyawa equation and the role played by ‘Hiyawans’ and the land of Hiyawa in the affairs of the eastern Mediterranean world from the end of the Bronze Age through the succeeding Iron Age.
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Putkaradze, Tariel, Mikheil Labadze e Sopio Kekua. "Georgian and Turkish onymy in the speech of Georgian speaking Muhajirs living in the Düzce region (Turkey)". Onomastica 66 (2022): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17651/onomast.66.13.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, the Turkish authorities initially settled Muhajirs on the Black Sea coast of the Ottoman Empire. Some of their descendants have preserved their mother tongue and many historical traditions to the present day. There were about 150 villages in which Muhajirs from the Russian Empire were temporarily settled on Ottoman state owned lands (vakufs) between 1878pp1882. In those villages, descendants of Muhajirs (not only Georgians, but also Abkhaz-Abazas and North Caucasians) can still be found today. The present article deals with the onomastic material preserved in Georgian Muhajirs’ speech in the Düzce region (Düzce İli). Before 1878, the territory of modern Düzce was populated by different ethnic groups living alongside ethnic Turks. These included Orthodox Bulgarians from Thrace, Greeks and Bosnians. After the war, most of those peoples left the region for their historical motherlands, and the territory left by them was offered to Muhajirs coming from the South-western Georgia (Achara, Machakhela, Nigali…).
40
Philliou, Christine. "Greeks in Turkey: Elite Nationalism and Minority Politics in Late Ottoman and Early Republican Istanbul by Dimitris Kamouzis". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 39, n. 2 (2021): 481–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2021.0036.
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Günay, S. "3D VISUALIZATION OF A TIMBER FRAME HISTORIC BUILDING: PARTITE USAGE AND ITS IMPACT ON THE STRUCTURAL SYSTEM". ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W5 (18 agosto 2017): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w5-325-2017.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout their lifetime, historic buildings might be altered for different kind of usage for different purposes. If this new function or new usage requires utilization of the building in separate units, this separation might affect the historic building’s functionality and structure and as a result its overall condition.<br><br> Yorguc Pasa Mansion conservation project was prepared as a part of the Middle East Technical University (METU) Master’s Program in Documentation and Conservation of Historic Monuments and Sites for the historic Yorguc Pasa Mansion. The mansion is a 19th century Ottoman Period timber frame building in Amasya, a Black Sea Region city in Turkey that has traces from different civilizations such as Hittites, Greeks, Romans and Ottomans.<br><br> This paper aims to discuss the affects of the partite usage on structural conditions of timber frame buildings with the case study of Amasya Yorguc Pasa Mansion through the 3D visualized structural systems.
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Kévorkian, Raymond. "Kostas Faltaits, The Genocide of the Greeks in Turkey: Survivor Testimonies from the Nicomedia (Izmit) Massacres of 1920-1921". Études arméniennes contemporaines, n. 9 (30 settembre 2017): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/eac.1263.
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Porshnev, Valerij P. "Landscape gardening art of the Hellenistic states of Asia Minor". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, n. 1 (46) (marzo 2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-1-112-120.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article continues a cycle of publications of the author on Hellenustic landscape gardening art. The cultural region, which already in the most ancient times was a contact zone between the Greek world and the East is considered. The historical heritage of the Phrygian and Lydian kingdoms and the Persian Empire, which bequeathed to governors the Hellenistic era sacred groves, hunting reserves paradises and terrace parks with regular planning is traced. Special attention is devoted to parks of the Pontic kingdom of time of Mithridates VI Eupator’s government and parks of Pergamon. The country residence of Mithridates VI in Kabeira is interesting as a sample of the landscape park, the first in the history of the European landscape gardening art, at which there are motives characteristic for parks of time of Romanticism. Besides, parks in Kabeira and in Pergamon had unique collections poisonous and the herbs gathered by Mithridates VI and Attalus III. According to the author of article, these collections, besides utilitarian appointment, being raw materials for preparation of poisons and drugs, had aesthetic value, enriching park landscapes, and their natural qualities were intricately connected with mythology and religion of Greeks. Base of a research are the landscapes of the Black Sea coast of Turkey, the rich archaeological material saving up in one and a half centuries of excavations in Pergamon, and written sources, compositions of antique authors, among which are the works of poet and scientist 2nd century BC Nicander of Colophon not yet translated to Russian.
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de Tapia, Stéphane. "De Berlin à la conquête du monde". Anthropology of the Middle East 15, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2020): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150214.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: Döner-kebab became the emblem of Turkish gastronomy. It is nowadays present in all the world. In fact, this culinary preparation is somewhat new in Turkey, and in its worldwide form of sandwich, it appears in Germany with the immigration of Turkish workers, and being offered by the Turks, the Greeks and the Lebanese cooks. However, it is not known by the other Turkic countries, except if imported by Turkish migrants. Turkish Gastronoms and Gourmets are often sad to see that this speciality became the symbol of Turkish cuisine in foreign countries.Résumé : Le döner-kebab est devenu la spécialité emblématique de la cuisine turque, aujourd’hui consommé dans le monde entier. En réalité, c’est une préparation apparue relativement récemment en Turquie et sous sa forme internationale avec l’immigration turque en Allemagne. Il est revendiqué par les Turcs, les Grecs ou les Libanais, mais reste étranger aux autres pays turcophones, sauf importation récente apportée par les immigrés turcs. Gastronomes et gourmets turcs sont souvent attristés de voir que cette préparation est devenue le symbole de la cuisine turque à l’étranger.
45
AVCI, Halil Ersin. "Faded colors of Western Anatolia, exploring non-Muslim immigration and industrial development in Western Anatolia from the 19th to the 20th century in the example of Ezine's socio-economic transformation". London Journal of Social Sciences 2, n. 4 (25 dicembre 2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/ljss.2022.4.93.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ezine is in western Turkey, within the borders of Canakkale province, between the legendary Troy and the ancient city of Alexandria-Troas. This paper investigates the socio-economic transformation of Ezine City in response to the Industrial Revolution's impact, positioning it as a crucial supplier of raw materials to Europe's industrialized states during the 19th century. The emergence of new sectors, including raw material production, supply, and transportation, facilitated unprecedented economic growth and development in Ezine. Leveraging the legal provisions of the 1856 Paris Treaty, Ottoman Armenians, Greeks, and Jews migrated to Ezine, strategically settling in the city to capitalize on its thriving economy. By analyzing historical data, primary sources, and legal frameworks, this study explores the profound influence of non-Muslim immigration on Ezine's economic landscape. Furthermore, it examines the dynamics of cultural exchanges, societal integration, and the legacy of this diverse influx on Ezine's socio-cultural fabric. Through an interdisciplinary approach, this research offers valuable insights into the intertwined relationship between industrial development, non-Muslim immigration, and the formation of Ezine's socio-economic identity.
46
Hidayat, Syahrul. "Minority groups in Ottoman Turkey before 1856: different arrangements of the Jews and the Christians under Millet system". Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 4, n. 1 (1 giugno 2014): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v4i1.25-30.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the exceptionalities of the Middle East is the existence of sectarianidentities along with late modern institutions, such as nation state. Whilemodern states in the region struggle for coexistence, imperial authorities, especiallyOttoman, was relatively successful to endure its rule over differentidentities as minority across region. It is recorded that the Ottomans’ longhistory as imperium is supported by their ability to develop and implementsystem to incorporate different identities under their rule known as milletsystem. Historical exploration as used in this paper suggests that the conceptwas adopted from Islamic teologic tradition in respond to the reality of mixturesociety in newly conquered territories which resembles the character ofthe Ottomanism itself since Suleyman. The mundane aspect of the milletsystem can be seen from the way of the Ottomans’ rulers handling the majorminority groups such as Greeks and Jews based on their personal or social andeconomic capabilities. One of the obvious beneficial relations with the groups is the ability to do trading and fill positions in foreign services that lead particulargroup to enjoy better position in bureaucracy and society. The differences,in fact, have influenced the arrangement and treatment of the Ottomanrulers towards them over time which were also heavily affected by politicalchanging in the case of the Greeks for example. Therefore, the arrangements ofthe minority groups are based on mutual benefit that suits both objectiveswhich was able to last for centuries. However, it is also found that the Greeksand Jews’ ability to survive is heavily based the character of Ottoman bureaucracywhich is patrimonial. In that case, patronage relation is important andacknowledgement on merit and achievement is rarely found.Salah satu aspek yang membuat kawasan Timur Tengah berbeda adalahkeberadaan identitas-identitas yang bersifat sektarian bersamaan dengandibangunnya lembaga-lembaga modern, seperti negara bangsa. Sementara konsepnegara terkini di kawasan itu berjuang untuk mempertahankan kehidupanssecara bersama, penguasa-penguasa kerajaan seperti Ottoman, dapat dikatakanberhasil mempertahankan kekuasaannya atas kelompok-kelompok masyarakatkecil dengan identitas yang berbeda di berbagai wilayah. Tercatat bahwa sejarahpanjang Ottoman sebagai sebuah kerajaan didukung oleh kemampuan merekauntuk membangun dan menerapkan sebuah cara yang dikenal dengan milletuntuk menerima dan menyerap identitas yang berbeda di bawah kekuasaanmereka. Penelusuran sejarah seperti yang dilakukan di dalam tulisan inimenyarankan bahwa istlah millet itu diambil dari tradisi teologi Islam sebagaitanggapan terhadap realitas kemajemukan masyarakat di daerah-daerah yangbaru ditaklukkan dan ini pada dasarnya menggambarkan ciri khas dari carapandang Ottoman sejak Suleyman. Unsur keduniaan dari sistem tersebut dapatdilihat dari cara penguasa-penguasa Ottoman menangani kelompok-kelompokminoritas yang utama seperti Yunani dan Yahudi yand didasarkan ataskemampuan perorangan ataupun kelebihan ekonomi dan sosialnya. Salah satucontoh nyata hubungan yang saling menguntungkan dengan mereka adalahkemampuan untuk berdagang dan mengisi jabatan-jabatan di kantor hubunganluar negeri yang membuat sebagian dari mereka menikmati posisi yang lebihbaik di pemerintahan maupun masyarakat. Perbedaan-perbedaan itu, padakenyatannya, telah mempengaruhi pula penanganan dan perlakuan penguasapenguasaOttoman terhadap mereka dalam jangka waktu yang lama yang juga dipengaruhi oleh perubahan politik seperti yang terjadi pada kelompok Yunani.Karenanya, penanganan yang berbeda terhadap kelompok-kelompok minoritasitu pada dasarnya saling menguntungkan dan hal itu sesuai dengan kebutuhankedua belah pihak dan mampu bertahan dalam kurun waktu berabad-abad.Selain itu, tulisan ini juga mengungkap bahwa kemampuan kelompok Yunanidan Yahudi untuk mempertahankan posisi mereka di hadapan penguasabergantung kepada karakter birokrasi Ottoman sendiri yang bersifat patrimonial.Dalam kasus ini, hubungan yang bersifat patronase menjadi penting danpengakuan terhadap prestasi dan pencapaian kerja dapat dikatakan jarangditemukan.
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Tatoyan, Robert. "On the Question of the Armenian Death Toll as a Result of Smyrna Catastrophe". Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, n. 2 (28 ottobre 2022): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0033.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article attempts to calculate the Armenian death toll because of the 1922 Smyrna catastrophe, based on a comparative analysis of data from the main Armenian and foreign sources. For this aim the article presents and analyses: a) Historiography related to the studied question; b) Data from the most important sources on the total death toll (Greeks, Armenians and representatives of other Christian denominations), on the basis of which conclusions are made about the most probable, in our opinion, total death toll; c) Data on the numbers of the Armenian population of the city of Smyrna and its environs on the eve of the Armenian Genocide; as well as on the numbers of Armenians gathered in Smyrna on the eve of the capture of the city by the Kemalists in September 1922; d) Data on the numbers of Armenians who died because of the Smyrna catastrophe; e) Data on the numbers of Armenian refugees evacuated from Smyrna and its environs and received asylum in Greece and other countries; these data are compared with data on the numbers of the Armenian population of the western regions of Asia Minor before the Smyrna catastrophe, as of 1921; f) Question of losses among Armenians of military age, detained in Smyrna and its environs and deported to the hinterland of Turkey. According to our calculations, about 5,000-5,500 Armenians died because of the Smyrna catastrophe, of which about 4,000 died because of fire and massacres, and about 1,000-1,500 (15-45 years old men) lost their lives in captivity and exile. Armenian victims accounted for about a quarter of the total death toll (20-22,000).
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Hayajneh, Ayman, e Khamis AL-Maslamani. "The Impact of the Maritime Border Demarcation Agreement between Turkey and Libya in the Mediterranean Sea (2019) on Turkish-Greek Relations (2017-2021)". Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 51, n. 3 (30 maggio 2024): 404–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v51i3.3232.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Objectives: The study aimed to analyze the agreement to demarcate the maritime borders between Turkey and Libya in the Mediterranean Sea and its impact on Turkish-Greek relations during the period of 2017-2021, in light of the competition between Mediterranean countries to exploit oil and gas resources. Methods: The study adopted a decision-making approach to reach its results. Various sources, references, books, articles, and reports were consulted, in addition to events, to analyze the impact of the agreement between Turkey and Libya on Turkish-Greek relations. The study also examined how the two countries made decisions or chose the best available political alternatives based on their conflicting interests. Results: The study found that the Turkish-Libyan agreement on maritime borders has intensified the crisis between Turkey and Greece. Greece rejected the agreement due to its impact on its rights established in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, where Turkey relinquished sovereignty over most islands in the Aegean Sea and Mediterranean. Greece sees itself as the primary target of this agreement, as it loses a significant portion of its exclusive economic zone to Turkey. Greece, along with Egypt and Greek Cyprus, formed a regional alliance to prevent Turkey from benefiting from exploration activities in the Eastern Mediterranean, given their shared maritime borders with Libya and Turkey. Conclusion: The agreement has negatively impacted Turkish-Greek bilateral relations, increasing the state of international polarization in the Eastern Mediterranean.
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Tzortzis, Ioannis. "“Corrective Intervention” versus “Unfinished Revolution”: Transitions by Reforma and the Military in Turkey and Greece". Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, n. 1 (1 marzo 2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0075.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The article compares the failed self-transformation attempt in 1973 in Greece and the actual transition that occurred in 1983 in Turkey. These two cases of regime-initiated transitions to democracy with differing outcomes beg the question: If the 1973 transition in Greece led to a crippled democracy controlled by the military (as in Turkey 10 years later), why was it brought to an abrupt end by the very group that it was supposed to benefit—i.e. the military themselves? The author seeks to answer this question by comparing the position of the Turkish and Greek military in their respective power structures, which produced different regimes (hierarchical in Turkey vs. non-hierarchical in Greece). Moreover, in both cases, the transitions were not perceived as equally benefitting the military—hence the different outcomes, i.e. the failure of the Greek transition and the problematic democracy in Turkey.
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Oztig, Lacin Idil. "The Turkish–Greek Border Crisis and COVID-19". Borders in Globalization Review 2, n. 1 (15 dicembre 2020): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr21202019843.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay examines the emergence and the escalation of a border crisis between Turkey and Greece. On February 27th, Turkey opened its Greek border to asylum seekers and migrants which led to the gathering of thousands of people on the border. The border crisis escalated as Greek forces repelled people who forced their way into Greece. Even though the border crisis deescalated with the COVID-19 pandemic, Turkey’s political maneuvering with the European Union (EU) regarding the movement of asylum seekers is not off the table.