Articoli di riviste: "Greek"

1

Kisilier, M., e I. Vasilieva. "«Greek myth» of Azov Greeks". Indo-European linguistics and classical philology XXII (7 giugno 2018): 274–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152221.

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BERK, Mehmet Fatih. "THE SCYTHIANS: THE OTHER OF THE GREEKS". Selçuk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi, n. 54 (13 giugno 2022): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21563/sutad.1129956.

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The Greeks have a distinctive status in historiography. In fact, some historians declared the Greeks as the "inventor of history" and Herodotus, the Greek historian called as “father of history. Following the Greco-Persian Wars, the Greeks gained self-confidence and described the non- Greek- speaking peoples as “barbarian”. This might be the first “othering” movement in historiography. The Scythians, one of the ancient societies of Turkish history, between the 8th and 4th century BC in history timeline. When the Greek historiography began, the Scythians were the neighbors of the Greek societies. Because of this adjacency, many Greek authors and historians depicted much information on the Scythian society in addition to Persian, Assyrian and Chinese sources about Scythian history. In our study, the Greek historiography was examined in the context of "barbarian and the other", by attributing the inability to be "objective" in historiography. Then, a portrait of the “the other (marginalized) Scythians” was searched in the works of Greek authors and historians. In Greek historiography, it has been observed that the Scythians were marginalized at least as much as the Persians.

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Arvaniti, Amalia. "Cypriot Greek". Journal of the International Phonetic Association 29, n. 2 (dicembre 1999): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510030000654x.

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Cypriot Greek is the dialect of Modern Greek spoken on the island of Cyprus by approximately 650,000 people and also by the substantial immigrant communities of Cypriots in the UK, North America, Australia, South Africa and elsewhere. Due to lengthy isolation, Cypriot Greek is so distinct from Standard Greek as to be often unintelligible to speakers of the Standard. Greek Cypriot speakers, on the other hand, have considerably less difficulty understanding Greeks, since Standard Greek is the official language of Cyprus, and as such it is the medium of education and the language of the Cypriot media. However, in every day situations Cypriot Greek is the only variety used among Cypriots. Cypriot Greek is not homogeneous but exhibits considerable geographical variation (Newton 1972). The variety described here is that used by educated speakers, particularly the inhabitants of the capital, Nicosia. Although influenced by increasing contact with Standard Greek, Cypriot Greek retains most of its phonological and phonetic characteristics virtually intact. There is no established orthography for Cypriot Greek; however, certain, rather variable, conventions have emerged, based on Greek historical orthography but also including novel combinations of letters in order to represent sounds that do not exist in the Standard (e.g. σι for [∫]); a version of these conventions has been adopted here for the sample text. The transcription is based on the speech of an educated male speaker from Nicosia in his mid-thirties, who read the text twice at normal speed and in an informal manner, he also assisted in rendering the text from Standard to Cypriot Greek.

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Nikitina, Inna, e Ksenia Klimova. "The traditional culture and the language of the “Russian Greeks” in Sochi: A review of an ethnolinguistic expedition". Slavic Almanac 2022, n. 3-4 (2022): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.3-4.2.06.

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The traditional culture and the language of the Greek population of Sochi in July 2022 for the first time became the subject of an ethnolinguistic study by Russian researchers. The Greek population (natives of the region of Pontus, located in modern Turkey) initially appeared in these territories in the second half of the 19th century. During the Stalin era, the number of Greeks decreased significantly, however, the language (Pontic dialect of the Greek language) and elements of traditional culture in places where Greeks were densely populated are preserved to this day. In the folk calendar, family rituals, folk mythology of the modern Greek population, there are not only common Greek elements that unite the Pontic Greeks of the diaspora with the wide “Greek world”, but also characteristic features that allow us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the preservation of archaic elements of culture (the rite of making rain “koshkotera”, etc.). Many elements of traditional culture were influenced by neighboring Slavic (Russian) and other Caucasian (Armenian, Georgian) traditions.

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Eddy, Wallace. "Greek and Non-Greek Affiliation". NASPA Journal 28, n. 1 (1 luglio 1990): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220973.1990.11072187.

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Snodgrass, A. M. "Greek Archaeology and Greek History". Classical Antiquity 4, n. 2 (1 ottobre 1985): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010833.

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Price, R. "Greek Yoghurt must be Greek". Journal of Intellectual Property Law & Practice 10, n. 1 (19 novembre 2014): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiplp/jpu216.

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Pedersen, Olaf. "Greek Astronomers and Their Neighbours". International Astronomical Union Colloquium 91 (1987): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100105871.

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In Europe it has been customary to regard the ancient Greeks as our intellectual ancestors. Greek science was seen as the fountainhead from which modern European science ultimately derived both its existence and its characteristic features. This was not a completely empty idea. Each time a modern astronomer mentions a planet, the perigee and apogee of its orbit, its periods and their various anomalies, he is using so many Greek words. Moreover, until about a hundred years ago the extant works of the Greeks were the earliest scientific texts known to European scholars so that Greek science acquired a unique position in the European mind,and that ancient Greek culture in general became ‘classical’ and thus an ideal model or pattern for civilization as such. In consequence, the traditional European History of Science became an account of how science arose among the Greeks, how it penetrated into other cultural areas, and how it was sometimes eclipsed and again reborn in one of the so-called ‘renaissances’ of which European historians are so fond to speak.

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Labetska, Yuliia. "“THE BRIDGE OF ARTA” – A RUMEIC VERSION OF THE BALLAD OF THE WALLED-UP WIFE". Studia Linguistica, n. 18 (2021): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2021.18.83-97.

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The article deals with the analysis of two versions of a traditional ballad of the walled-up wife, widespread among the peoples of the Balkans and Asia Minor, recorded in the folklore of one of the national minorities of Ukraine – the Rumei Greeks. Linguistic analysis of text samples allows the author to trace the possible influences and cultural ties of the Azov Greeks with the metropolis. Structural-semantic and linguo-stylistic analysis of the Rumeic variants of the ballad demonstrated their pre-Azovian and pre-Crimean origins. One of the texts contains the motive, which is typical for the Pontic versions of the ballad. The language of both analyzed texts is dialectal, the Rumeika / Mariupol Greek, while it also has certain features of Demotic Greek, which can be explained not only by the archaic origin of the song, but also by the influence of Demotic Greek on Mariupol Greek already during the Azov period, when the policy of Hellenization of the Greek population of Ukraine was introduced in 1926-1938. It was concluded that the short period in the history of the Azov Greeks, when they gained access to the common Greek cultural tradition through the study of Demotic Greek and literature in it, had a certain influence on their language and folk poetry.

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Anastasiadou, Sofia D. "Greek Students’ Efforts to Define Green Terms". International Journal of Environmental, Cultural, Economic, and Social Sustainability: Annual Review 7, n. 1 (2011): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1832-2077/cgp/v07i01/54872.

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Hoffman, Richard J. "The Greeks and Greek Loveby James Davidson". Journal of Homosexuality 57, n. 9 (30 settembre 2010): 1192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2010.508336.

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12

Vasilopoulos, Pavlos, e Nicolas Demertzis. "The Greek Green voter: environmentalism or protest?" Environmental Politics 22, n. 5 (settembre 2013): 728–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2013.824173.

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Vasilopoulou, Effie, e Antonia Trichopoulou. "Green pies: The flavonoid rich Greek snack". Food Chemistry 126, n. 3 (giugno 2011): 855–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foodchem.2010.11.051.

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14

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History". Greece and Rome 61, n. 1 (4 marzo 2014): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000296.

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The interaction between Greeks and non-Greeks is an increasingly popular subject among Greek historians, as shown by four important books reviewed here: their significance lies in the various challenges that they pose to the still dominant structuralist approach, which focuses on polarity and alterity and privileges certain discourses in literary texts over the diversity encountered when one examines the totality of the evidence. All four books put at the centre of their attention the significance and consequences of real-life encounters and interactions between people of different cultural and ethnic backgrounds.

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Lawrence, William. "Advice to a student of Classics". Journal of Classics Teaching 18, n. 36 (2017): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631017000162.

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Look at the secondary school timetable and you will see that almost all the subjects are ancient Greek words; so the Greeks studied these ideas first and are worth studying for their ideas in their own language (just like the Romans in Latin!). Greek: Biology, Physics, Zoology, Philosophy, Mathematics, Economics, Politics, Music, Drama, Geography, History, Technology, Theatre Studies. Latin: Greek, Latin, Art, Science, Information (Latin) Technology (Greek), Computer Science, Media Studies.

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Terkourafi, Marina. "Perceptions of difference in the Greek sphereThe case of Cyprus". Journal of Greek Linguistics 8, n. 1 (2007): 60–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jgl.8.06ter.

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AbstractCypriot Greek has been cited as “the last surviving Modern Greek dialect” (Contossopoulos 1969:92, 2000:21), and differences between it and Standard Modern Greek are often seen as seriously disruptive of communication by Mainland and Cypriot Greeks alike. This paper attempts an anatomy of the linguistic ‘difference’ of the Cypriot variety of Greek. By placing this in the wider context of the history of Cypriot Greek, the study and current state of other Modern Greek dialects, and state and national ideology in the two countries, Greece and Cyprus, it is possible to identify both diachronic and synchronic, as well as structural and ideological factors as constitutive of this difference.

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Skelton, Christina. "Greek-Anatolian Language Contact and the Settlement of Pamphylia". Classical Antiquity 36, n. 1 (1 aprile 2017): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2017.36.1.104.

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The Ancient Greek dialect of Pamphylia shows extensive influence from the nearby Anatolian languages. Evidence from the linguistics of Greek and Anatolian, sociolinguistics, and the historical and archaeological record suggest that this influence is due to Anatolian speakers learning Greek as a second language as adults in such large numbers that aspects of their L2 Greek became fixed as a part of the main Pamphylian dialect. For this linguistic development to occur and persist, Pamphylia must initially have been settled by a small number of Greeks, and remained isolated from the broader Greek-speaking community while prevailing cultural attitudes favored a combined Greek-Anatolian culture.

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Timofeeva, Olga. "Bide Nu Æt Gode Þæt Ic Grecisc Cunne: Attitudes to Greek and the Greeks in the Anglo-Saxon Period". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 51, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2016): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2016-0007.

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Abstract The Greeks were one of those outgroups to whom the Anglo-Saxons had reasons to look up to, because of the antiquity of their culture and the sanctity of their language, along those of the Hebrews and the Romans. Yet as a language Greek was practically unknown for most of the Anglo-Saxon period and contact with its native speakers and country extremely limited. Nevertheless, references to the Greeks and their language are not uncommon in the Anglo-Saxon sources (both Latin and vernacular), as a little less than 200 occurrences in the Dictionary of Old English (s.v. grecisc) testify. This paper uses these data, supplementing them with searches in the Dictionary of Old English Web Corpus, Brepolis Library of Latin Texts - Series A, monumenta.ch and Medieval Latin from Anglo-Saxon Sources, and analyses lexical and syntactic strategies of the Greek outgroup construction in Anglo-Saxon texts. It looks at lexemes denoting ‘Greek’ and their derivatives in Anglo-Latin and Old English, examines their collocates and gleans information on attitudes towards Greek and the Greeks, and on membership claims indexed by Latin-Greek or English-Greek code-switching, by at the same time trying to establish parallels and influences between the two high registers of the Anglo-Saxon period.

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Shubin, Vladimir Il'ich. "Greek mercenaries in Sais Egypt". Genesis: исторические исследования, n. 4 (aprile 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.4.32577.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.

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Ralli, Angela. "Greek". Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 90, n. 3 (2012): 939–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2012.8269.

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De Angelis, Franco. "Greek". Archaeological Reports 53 (novembre 2007): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400000399.

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Spawforth, A. J., e Susan Walker. "The World of the Panhellenion I. Athens and Eleusis". Journal of Roman Studies 75 (novembre 1985): 78–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300654.

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In A.D. 131/2 the emperor Hadrian created a new organization of Greek cities, the Panhellenion. This paper is the first of two in which we explore, from a provincial perspective, the implications of this novel initiative by Rome in Greek affairs.The foundation of the Panhellenion belongs to a series of interventions by Hadrian in the Greek world, the others mostly in the form of acts of benefaction towards individual communities. Although Hadrian's reign marked a watershed in Greek relations with Rome, these relations had already evolved significantly over the previous two generations. The two most obvious developments lay in the overlapping areas of cultural and political life. Not only did educated Greeks and Romans now share an intellectual milieu, but a renaissance of Greek literary and rhetorical activity had begun under the leadership of provincials enjoying (more often than not) close ties with Rome. At the same time, a Roman career had become more available to ambitious Greeks; a marked increase in the numbers of Greek senators may be dated to the last quarter of the first century.

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Kritikos,, Alexander S., e Christian Dreger. "The Greek Crisis: A Greek Tragedy?" Vierteljahrshefte zur Wirtschaftsforschung 84, n. 3 (settembre 2015): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/vjh.84.3.5.

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Konstan, David. "What is Greek about Greek Mythology?" Kernos, n. 4 (1 gennaio 1991): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.280.

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Anson, Edward M. "Greek Ethnicity and the Greek Language". Glotta 85, n. 1-4 (agosto 2009): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/glot.2009.85.14.5.

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Penna, Vasso. "Ancient Greek Coins on Greek Banknotes". Abgadiyat 5, n. 1 (24 novembre 2010): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00501009.

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Özkan, Dilek. "The Greek War of Independence in Turkish historiography". Journal of Greek Media & Culture 7, n. 2 (1 ottobre 2021): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00038_1.

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How was the Greek War of Independence or the Greek Revolution narrated in Turkish historical texts? How did the Turkish historians’ approach to the establishment of the Greek State affect Greek‐Turkish relations? On the occasion of the bicentenary of the Greek War of Independence, this article reviews the approaches of the Ottoman/Turkish historians to the Greeks, to the establishment of the Greek State and to outbreak the Greek Revolution, and demonstrates to what extent their perceptions have changed from the Ottoman period to the present day. Offering an analysis based on three historical periods (Ottoman rule to the 1920s, the 1930s to the1980s and from the 1990s to the present), the discussion highlights the prevalent approach of Turkish nationalist historiography in the 1970s and 1980s, and the influence on younger generations’ approaches to the Greek War of Independence. This article also tackles the issue of how this prevalent historiographical approach affected the Turkish‐Greek relations, and conversely, how the trajectory of Turkish‐Greek relations impacted the consolidation of such a narrative.

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Rougemont, Georges. "Hellenism in Central Asia and the North-West of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent: The Epigraphic Evidence". Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, n. 1 (2012): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005712x638681.

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Abstract The Greek inscriptions from Central Asia give information mainly on the three centuries before our era, particularly on the 3rd and 2nd century BC. In the Greek inscriptions from Central Asia, we notice the absence of any sign of a civic life; the inscriptions, however, clearly show firstly on which cultural frontier the Greeks of Central Asia lived and secondly how proudly they asserted their cultural identity. The presence in Central Asia of a living Greek culture is unquestionable, and the most striking fact is that the authors of the inscriptions were proud of the Greek culture. Their Greek names however do not necessarily reveal the ethnic origin, and we do not know whether among them there were “assimilated” Bactrians or Indians. The Greeks, at any rate, constituted a limited community of people living very far from their country of origin, at the borders of two foreign worlds (Iranian and Indian) which were far bigger and older than theirs.

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Cebrián, Reyes Bertolín. "Greeks and Pre-Greeks. Aegean Prehistory and Greek Heroic Tradition". Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 7, n. 3 (2007): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.0.0026.

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Kokkinou, Iro, Nikolaos Ntoulas, Panayiotis A. Nektarios e Dimitra Varela. "Response of Native Aromatic and Medicinal Plant Species to Water Stress on Adaptive Green Roof Systems". HortScience 51, n. 5 (maggio 2016): 608–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.51.5.608.

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The aim of this study was to determine the effects of different irrigation regimens on five native aromatic and medicinal species including Ballota acetabulosa (Greek horehound), Helichrysum orientale (helichrysum), Melissa officinalis (lemon balm), Rosmarinus officinalis (rosemary), and Salvia fruticosa (Greek sage) when grown on adaptive green roof systems. The applied levels of irrigation were 100% (well-watered control), 75%, 50%, 25%, and 0% (no irrigation) of the daily pan evaporation (Epan). Measurements included the in situ determination of substrate moisture, stomatal resistance, and soil plant analysis development (SPAD) values. It was found that Greek horehound, helichrysum, and rosemary can sustainably grow at an irrigation of 25% Epan, whereas Greek sage and lemon balm require an irrigation of at least 50% Epan for sustainable growth in shallow adaptive green roof systems.

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Risson, Toni. "From Oysters to Olives at the Olympia Café". Gastronomica 14, n. 2 (2014): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2014.14.2.5.

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Greek cafés were a feature of Australian cities and country towns from the 1910s to the 1960s. Anglophile Australians, who knew the Greeks as dagos, were possessed of culinary imaginations that did not countenance the likes of olive oil, garlic, or lemon juice. As a result, Greek cafés catered to Australian tastes and became the social hubs of their communities. After establishing the diverse and evolving nature of food offered in Greek shops since their origins in the late nineteenth century – oyster saloons, cafés, fish shops, fruit shops, milk bars, snack bars, confectioneries – this article uses the concepts of “disgust” and “hunger” to offer new insights about food and identity in Australia’s Greek community and in the wider Australian culinary landscape. In particular, it applies Ghassan Hage’s work on nostalgia among Lebanese immigrants to the situation of Greek proprietors and reveals how memories of a lost homeland allowed café families to feel “at home” in Australia. In a land of “meat-n-three-veg,” a moussaka recipe the family had known for generations offered both a sense of identity and the comfort of familiarity, and Greek cafés, because they represented hope and opportunity, were familial spaces where feelings of nostalgia were affective building blocks with which Greeks engaged in homebuilding in a new land. And although their cafés did not serve Greek food, Greek proprietors and their families did eventually play a role in introducing the Australian palette to Mediterranean foods and foodways.

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Arvaniti, Amalia. "Standard Modern Greek". Journal of the International Phonetic Association 29, n. 2 (dicembre 1999): 167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100300006538.

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Modem Greek is a descendant of Classical Greek and is spoken today by approximately 11,000,000 people living in Greece. In addition, it is spoken (with various modifications) in large Greek immigrant communities in North America, Australia and elsewhere. Although the Modern Greek dialects had largely been shaped by the 10th c. A.D. (Browning 1983), the linguistic situation in Greece has been one ofdiglossiafrom the middle 19th c. (the early beginnings of the independent Greek state) and until 1976. The High and Low varieties of Greek diglossia are known asKatharevousaandDhimotikirespectively. Katharevousa was a purist, partly invented, variety that was heavily influenced by Classical Greek; the term Dhimotiki, on the other hand, loosely describes the mother tongue of the Greeks, which was confined to oral communication. In 1976 the use of Katharevousa was officially abolished and gradually a new standard based on Dhimotiki as spoken in Athens has emerged. This variety is adopted by an increasingly large number of educated speakers all over Greece, who choose it over regional varieties (Mackridge 1985). In spelling, Modern Greek has kept many of the conventions of Ancient Greek, although several simplifications have taken place since 1976. Perhaps the most dramatic of these has been the decision to stop using accent and breath marks (which have not had phonetic correspondents in the language for nearly 2,000 years); these marks were replaced by one accent on the stressed vowel of each word with two or more syllables. The variety described here is Standard Modern Greek as spoken by Athenians. The sample text in particular is based on recordings of two Athenian speakers, a male in his mid-twenties and a female in her mid-thirties. Both speakers read the passage twice in relatively informal style.

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Christodoulidou, Maria. "Style Shifting from Cypriot towards Greek Phonology". Journal of Greek Linguistics 13, n. 1 (2013): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-13130105.

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This study investigates how different linguistic audiences influence the speech styles of Cypriot Greeks who are bilinguals in Cypriot and Standard Modern Greek. Drawing upon the theoretical framework of language style as audience design (Bell 1984), this paper investigates style shifting of select phonological variables—from Cypriot Greek towards Standard Modern Greek—in the interactions of Cypriots with three types of audiences, composed of respectively: 1. Cypriot addressees and Greek auditors; 2. Greek and Cypriot addressees; and 3. Greek addressees and Cypriot auditors. The variables investigated are (k), (x), (t), (p). Apart from the specific results for each of the variables, this research demonstrates that the subjects under investigation shift their speech to imitate the speech of their addressees, whereas auditors have an inferior effect on style shifting. Specifically, the results of this study show greater style-shifting in conversations with an audience of Greek addressees rather than auditors.

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Drout, Cheryl E., e Christie L. Corsoro. "ATTITUDES TOWARD FRATERNITY HAZING AMONG FRATERNITY MEMBERS, SORORITY MEMBERS, AND NON-GREEK STUDENTS". Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 31, n. 6 (1 gennaio 2003): 535–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2003.31.6.535.

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This study was designed to look at differences between Greek and non-Greek college students' perceptions of a hazing incident that had taken place in a fraternity setting. Subjects were 231 students (112 Greeks, 119 independents) at a moderate size state university in the eastern United States with a moderate Greek presence. Subjects read one of four conditions of a hazing scenario involving an overdose of alcohol consumed voluntarily or involuntarily administered by a fraternity president or fraternity brother. Dependent measures included attributions of responsibility as well as causal attributions. Authoritarianism was explored as well. Responsibility attributions and causal attributions varied with the voluntary versus involuntary nature of the overdose and with membership in Greek organizations. Finally, Greek students were found to score higher on authoritarianism than were non-Greek students.

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Sadraddinova, Gulnara. "Establishment of the Greek state (1830)". Grani 23, n. 11 (25 novembre 2020): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1720105.

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At the beginning of the 19th century, under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution and nationalist ideas, the Greeks revolted to secede from the Ottoman Empire and gain independence. It was no coincidence that the main members of the Filiki Etheriya Society, which led the uprising, as well as its secret leaders were Greeks who served the Russian government. Russia, which wanted to break up the Ottoman Empire and gain a foothold in the seas, had been embroiled in various conflicts with the Austrian alliance since the 18th century, before the uprising. Russia, which managed to isolate the Ottoman Empire from the West through the Greek uprising, also acquired large tracts of land through the Edirne Peace Treaty, which was signed as a result of the Russo-Turkish War. However, although Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia agreed with Russia on granting autonomy to Greece, they did not intend to transfer control of the newly formed state to Russia. The revolt of the Greeks against the Ottoman Empire in 1821-1830 resulted in the victory of the Greeks. The revolt was organized and intensified with the help of great powers. The article discusses Greece's independence as a result of the uprising. In this regard, the London Protocol of April 3, 1830, signed by Russia, France and England, is of special importance. The newly established Greek state was revived as the Aegean state. Greece's borders have become clearer. The article also deals with the redefinition of the Ottoman-Greek borders by the Treaty of Constantinople of 1832. Although the London Protocol of 1830 formally established the Greek state, the Great Powers and the Greeks were not content with that. Russia, as during the uprising, remained a state that influenced the "Eastern policy" of European states after the uprising. This study was dedicated to all these factors.

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Stewart, Charles. "Forget Homi! Creolization, Omogéneia, and the Greek Diaspora". Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, n. 1 (marzo 2006): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.1.61.

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Abstract (sommario):

An early colonial model of creolization asked whether migrants to the New World underwent such drastic denaturing as to no longer be considered trustworthy compatriots. Homelands and their overseas colonies actively debated the moral meaning of change. In this essay, this structural model of creolization is applied to understand the relationship between the Greek state and its diaspora in the United States. That relationship has been governed by the ethnonationalist concept of omogéneia, which means “of the same génos or ancestry” but also “homogeneity.” In the twentieth century, omogeneís referred mainly to ethnic Greeks born and raised abroad and not possessing Greek citizenship. The idea of ethnic homogeneity became increasingly hard to sustain as Greek-Americans lost linguistic and cultural competence. The structural model of creolization guides the exploration of Greek homeland–diaspora negotiations of cultural and linguistic change in the American case. Greek-Americans are both ethnic Americans and diaspora Greeks at the same time. Although hybridity and creolization have been held up in postcolonial studies (e.g., Homi Bhabha) as productive of creative political agency, this study reveals a troubled dimension of creolization in the Greek diaspora. Omogéneia has implicitly become an othering term for those who are not linguistically and culturally competent according to homeland models and standards. A word that initially extended a welcome to ethnic Greeks left behind in Ottoman lands at independence in 1832 is now crumbling under the weight of its own contradictions.

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37

Schuh, Guy. "Was Eudaimonism Ancient Greek Common Sense?" Apeiron 52, n. 4 (25 ottobre 2019): 359–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apeiron-2018-0037.

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Abstract (sommario):

AbstractI argue that Eudaimonism was not Ancient Greek common sense. After dividing Eudaimonism into Psychological and Normative varieties, I present evidence from Greek literature that the Ancient Greeks did not commonsensically accept Eudaimonism. I then review, and critique, evidence that has been offered for the opposite claim that Eudaimonism was Ancient Greek common sense. This claim is often called on to explain why Ancient Greek philosophers embraced Eudaimonism; the idea is that they did so because it was the ethical common sense of their day. But, according to the case I make in this paper, this explanation cannot stand. Those looking to explain the Eudaimonistic character of Ancient Greek ethical thought must turn to other explanations.

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38

Chrissini, Maria, Ioanna Tsiligianni, Dimitra Sifaki-Pistolla e Nikolaos Tzanakis. "Greek and Immigrant Kindergarteners’ Dietary Habits and BMI: Attica, Greece in Austere Times". Health Behavior and Policy Review 7, n. 6 (2020): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.14485/hbpr.7.6.1.

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Abstract (sommario):

Objective: In this study, we assessed Greek and immigrant kindergarteners’ and their families’ body mass index (BMI), nutritional habits, and level of adherence to the Mediterranean diet during the Greek austerity period beginning in 2009. Methods: A cross-sectional study in Attica, Greece, during the school year 2016-17, enrolling 578 guardian parents and 578 kindergarteners aged ≥ 5-6 years, from 63 public kindergartens in 36 municipalities in Attica’s prefecture. Results: Immigrant mothers experienced twice as high the unemployment rate (21.3%) than Greek mothers (10.5%), with consequent degradation in food products purchasing (p = .03)(non-Greeks 54.3%, Greeks: 49.1%). BMI rates between Greeks and immigrant participants were similar, with significant variations in several lifestyle habits, including Greek parents’ heavier smoking and higher physical activity in parents of different ethnic origin. KIDMED score was “poor” in both Greek and other identity kindergarteners, with slight differences in some of the Mediterranean dietary habits and patterns; strong correlation was expressed between the child’s BMI and KIDMED score, guardian parent’s age, BMI, and overall lifestyle. Conclusions: This study could be a springboard for further research in the understudied population of native and immigrant kindergarteners, reflecting on national and international initiatives and action plans to ensure that their similarities and differences are noted.

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39

Pelling, Christopher. "Plutarch the Multiculturalist: Is West always Best?" Ploutarchos 13 (2 novembre 2016): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_13_2.

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Abstract (sommario):

Is Plutarch a multiculturalist, recognising the value of non-Greek cultures along with Greek? Does he even go as far as Antiphon in the fifth century and deny any firm dividing line between barbarian and Greek? There are some traces of this, particularly an awareness that all may recognise the same gods; the Romans in particular may share some underlying traits with the Greeks while also showing differences. But Alexander the Great, even if the On the Virtue or Fortune of Alexander essays present him as unifying East and West, does so by imposing Greek values; the Life shows little interest in his learning anything from eastern values and philosophy. The alien culture to inspire most respect is that of Egypt, and the Isis and Osiris in particular accepts that there is much wisdom that Greeks share with Egyptians.

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40

Gavriilidou, Zoe, e Lydia Mitits. "The Socio-linguistic Profiles, Identities, and Educational Needs of Greek Heritage Language Speakers in Chicago". Journal of Language and Education, n. 1 (31 marzo 2021): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/jle.2021.11959.

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Abstract (sommario):

The present study aims to further the research on heritage language speakers (HLSs) by providing the socio-linguistic profiles and identities of an uninvestigated community of heritage speakers, namely the Greeks of Chicago, thus offering data for a less-studied HL, Greek. The participants were fifty-four (N=54) first, second, and third-generation Greek HLSs. The socio-linguistic data were collected through an online survey, while identification with Greek culture as well as ethnic attachment and practice of Greek traditions were investigated through the content analysis of data from the Greek Heritage Language Corpus. The results of the study are discussed with respect to how they can improve our knowledge of the educational needs of Greek HL learners. This research-based knowledge can be employed for addressing the academic needs of HL learners through educational programs. The authors propose an agenda for a more linguistically and culturally responsive education program for HL learners, in general, and Greek HL learners in diasporic communities, in particular.

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41

GONDA, JOSEPH. "An Argument Against Slavery in the Republic". Dialogue 55, n. 2 (7 marzo 2016): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217316000159.

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Abstract (sommario):

The Republic contains: (1) an implicit argument that slavery is unjust, (2) a bar against Greeks having Greek slaves that (3) allows barbarian slaves. The scholarship has failed to notice the first, that the second is a performative addressed to Greeks, and mistakes the third as explicit. Four passages are examined: (1) a catalogue of a Greek city’s social classes (433d1–5); (2) a bar against Greek slaves, asserting the continuation of barbarian slavery (469b5–71c3); (3) an assertion that the Best City can exist at any time and any place (499c7–d1); and (4) a passage asserting the injustice of enslavement (615a6–b6).

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42

Godfrey, A. W., J. R. Morgan e Richard Stoneman. "Greek Fiction: The Greek Novel in Context". Classical World 91, n. 5 (1998): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352110.

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43

Russell, Norman. "Modern Greek Theologians and the Greek Fathers". Philosophy and Theology 18, n. 1 (2006): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtheol20061814.

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44

Girard, M. Phyllis. "Greek Theatre: A Reflection of Greek Society". G/C/T 8, n. 1 (gennaio 1985): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107621758500800106.

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45

SMITH, TYLER JO. "The Ancient Greek World:The Ancient Greek World". Museum Anthropology 29, n. 1 (aprile 2006): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mua.2006.29.1.68.

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46

Trygub, O. P., e O. V. Osypenko. "South Ukraine Greek community under revolutionary upheavals and armed conflicts (1917–1920)". Rusin, n. 63 (2021): 156–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/63/8.

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Abstract (sommario):

The revolutionary changes of 1917 contributed to the intensification of the political, national, and cultural life of the Greek community of the entire Black Sea and Azov Sea coasts, where the national states emerged on the shards of the former Russian Empire. In contrast to the Azov Sea region, where the Greeks had an active social and political life and by the end of 1917 had formed the Mariupol Union of the Hellenic People, the Greeks of the Northern Black Sea region were quite apolitical and inactive. Their attitude to the Ukrainian and Soviet powers was rather ambiguous, and during 1917 they maintained, mainly, a wait and see position. Only individual representatives of the Greek people were affiliated with one or another party, which was more an exception than a typical feature of the Greek community. The Greeks fought in the ranks of the Imperial Army, N. Makhno’s Rebel Army, in the Red Army, in regular units and partisan detachments of the Volunteer Army. In contrast to the rural population, which opposed the Volunteer Army and its policies, the urban communities of Odessa, Nikolaev, and Kherson actively supported both the French-Greek Entente troops and Denikin’s Volunteer Army. Most urban Greeks were well-to-do middle-class persons running small and medium businesses (restaurants, hotels, grocery stores, various workshops, etc.) and did not accept the ideas of social and property equality proclaimed by the Bolsheviks. The article draws on the periodical press and undefined documents of the Soviet Special Services to define the role of the Greek communies of the Ukrainian Black Sea Region cities in the revolutionary events. The authors analyze the role of the Greek community members in the military and political events of 1917–1920 and their attitude to the changing powers, participation in the revolutionary struggle, the reasons for the emigration of 1919–1920, and Bolshevik repressions against the Greek ethnos. It is concluded that the Greek community of the Northern Black Sea region suffered the greatest losses as a result of mass emigration, rather than civil confrontation during the revolution time.

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47

Marinis, Agis. "Roots ancient or medieval? Nikolaos Politis, modern Greek folklore studies and ancient Greek religion". Historical Review/La Revue Historique 16 (1 aprile 2020): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.22824.

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Abstract (sommario):

The question posed by the title can be reformulated in the following manner: to what extent has it been possible or desirable to connect modern Greek customs with ancient ones? not customs in general, but more precisely religious customs. Greek folklore studies typically begin with Nikolaos Politis, professor at the University of Athens, the first to introduce the term λαογραφία (meaning “folklore studies”) towards the end of the nineteenth century. Yet, we need to revert to at least as far back as the time prior to the Greek Revolution, that is, the period of the Greek enlightenment, in order to trace the beginnings of the shaping of the ideological framework of modern Greek folklore studies. it is well known and has aptly been pointed out, also in connection with Greek folklore studies, that for the Greeks the enlightenment movement went hand in hand with a specific form of romanticism. The Greek idea of the nation developed within the framework of the Romantic movement and on the basis of the connection between “us” and “the ancients”. How, then, were modern Greek folk customs that were not firmly related to the orthodox church incorporated in this new cultural narrative?

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48

Austin, M. M. "Greek Tyrants and the Persians, 546–479 B.C." Classical Quarterly 40, n. 2 (dicembre 1990): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042889.

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Abstract (sommario):

The word ‘tyrant’ was not originally Greek, but borrowed from some eastern language, perhaps in western Asia Minor. On the other hand, tyranny as it developed in the Greek cities in the archaic age would seem to have been initially an indigenous growth, independent of any intervention by foreign powers. It then became a constantly recurring phenomenon of Greek political and social life, so long as the Greeks enjoyed an independent history.

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49

Gülsün, Umut. "Voice in Istanbul Greek: A Language Contact Explanation". Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 6, n. 1 (19 dicembre 2021): 5059. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v6i1.5059.

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Abstract (sommario):

The aim of this research is analyzing Voice-related constructions in Istanbul Greek, namely anticausative and passive predicates, and addressing the synchronic differences between the Istanbul dialect and Standard Greek in terms of these constructions from a language-contact perspective. As a morphosyntactic analysis of Istanbul Greek, this research is the first of its kind, and is based on data collected from native speakers, namely the Istanbul Greeks. Voice-related constructions in Greek involve regular use of non-active morphology. Hence, the empirical domain of this research covers the use of non-active morphology in Istanbul Greek. My hypothesis is that the markedness of Istanbul Greek anticausatives is correlated with the markedness of their Turkish counterparts, contrary to Standard Greek. By markedness, I refer to the existence of an overt exponent for the binary morphological distinction between active and non-active forms. I claim that language contact between Istanbul Greek and Turkish is a possible reason for the dialectal differences between Istanbul Greek and Standard Greek in terms of the marking of Voice-related constructions.In terms of setting the theoretical background for Voice-related constructions in Standard Greek, I utilized Alexiadou et al.’s (2015) work about Standard Greek marked/unmarked anticausatives. I also collected data on Standard Greek from ten speakers, which diverged from Alexiadou et al.’s (2015) explanation of Voice-related constructions in the standard dialect. For setting the linguistic background on Istanbul Greek, I utilized the study of Pandelidis (2019). To offer a morphosyntactic explanation for the dialectal differences observed in the Istanbul Greek data, I utilized language contact concepts such as interference (Thomason 2003), convergence (Clyne 2003), valency-copying (Grossman and Witzlack-Makarevich 2019), morphophonological explanations such as the presence vs. absence of an augment, and Haspelmath’s (1993) spontaneity scale, among others.

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50

JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL". Classical Quarterly 70, n. 2 (dicembre 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.

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Abstract (sommario):

Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.

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