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1
Bellamy, Christine. "The Paradox of National Registration in a Liberal State: The Case of Wartime National Registers in Great Britain, 1915–52*". English Historical Review 134, n. 570 (ottobre 2019): 1196–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez293.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article traces the history of British government policy on wartime national registration from 1915 to 1952. In contrast to accounts that emphasise the significance of registration for the development of an ‘information state’, it explores the implications of the fundamental paradox in national registration in a liberal state. That is, the distinctive value of a register lies in its continuing accuracy and comprehensiveness; but these properties depend on wholesale and continuing compliance with the bureaucratic demands of a tool widely regarded in Whitehall as intrusive, coercive and unpopular. The register used in the First World War never recovered from Whitehall’s unwillingness to enforce it, and preparations for registration in a second major war were frustrated by the reluctance of its principal users—those responsible for military conscription and food rationing—to be closely associated with it or dependent on it. The article explains why a robust register was nevertheless set up in 1939, but suggests, too, that the capabilities it offered to identify and trace people were less warmly welcomed and extensively exploited by other government services than is often assumed. Furthermore, the perceived need to maximise trust in its confidentiality restricted the disclosure of information recorded in the register to other public agencies, especially the police. The overall thrust of the article, then, is to cast doubt on whether the wartime national registers in the Great Britain could have developed into a formative pillar of an emergent information state.
2
Tashtamirov, Magomed, Natalya Kuchkovskaya, Irina Avdeeva e Olga Burova. "The history of economic methods of assessing social capital". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, n. 5-2 (1 maggio 2022): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi36.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The problem of measuring group social capital is primarily related to the difficulty of determining its indicators and collecting and processing the necessary statistical data. The systematization of statistical information is secondary to the justification of indicators, since it is initially important to specify “What?”, and then - “How to measure social capital?”. There is no unified position on this in academic circles. In the 21st century, thanks to special research by individual national governments and groups of scientists under the auspices of the World Bank and the OECD, a significant breakthrough has been made in elucidating indicators for measuring social capital. The Governments of Australia, Great Britain, Canada and New Zealand have been the most active in developing a methodology for assessing social capital.
3
Oldroyd, David, e Graham McKenna. "Conditions of Employment and Work Practices in the Early Years of the Geological Survey of Great Britain". Earth Sciences History 24, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2005): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.24.2.ml26302l857325r3.
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This paper provides information about the conditions of employment and concomitant work practices of the early years of the Geological Survey of Great Britain. It is chiefly based on a series of pamphlets issued by the successive Survey Directors. These set down the conditions of employment for the organization's staff members, but they also provide insights into the day-to-day workings of the Survey, its gradual enlargement, and its modes of bureaucratic control. They also provide some insight into the ethos of the Survey, and the kind of career and the nature of the work that the organization could offer its staff. Evidence is put forward as to the reason why the series of printed regulations was initiated. The Survey provides a useful early example of the nature and practice of government science, organized according to bureaucratic principles.
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PICKARD, JOHN. "Wire Fences in Colonial Australia: Technology Transfer and Adaptation, 1842–1900". Rural History 21, n. 1 (5 marzo 2010): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990136.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractAfter reviewing the development of wire fencing in Great Britain and the United States of America in the early nineteenth century, I examine the introduction of wire into Australia using published sources only. Wire was available in the colonies from the early 1850s. The earliest published record of a wire fence was on Phillip Island near Melbourne (Victoria) in 1842. Almost a decade passed before wire was used elsewhere in Victoria and the other eastern colonies. Pastoralists either sought information on wire fences locally or from agents in Britain. Local agents of British companies advertised in colonial newspapers from the early 1850s, with one exceptional record in 1839. Once wire was adopted, pastoralists rejected iron posts used in Britain, preferring cheaper wood posts cut from the property. The most significant innovation was to increase post spacings with significant cost savings. Government and the iron industry played no part in these innovations, which were achieved through trial-and-error by pastoralists. The large tonnages of wire imported into Australia and the increasing demand did not stimulate local production of wire, and there were no local wire mills until 1911.
5
Ittmann, Karl. "Demography as Policy Science in the British Empire, 1918–1969". Journal of Policy History 15, n. 4 (ottobre 2003): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0024.
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In 1944, Robert Kuczynski, a demographer working with the Colonial Office, wrote a memo discussing plans for a postwar census of the British Empire. He called for the creation of a Colonial Demographic Service, arguing that Colonial Office programs “offer no guarantee of a decisive improvement unless there is an expert on the spot to make an effective use of these means.” Kuczynski's firm belief in the need for expert knowledge matched the growing willingness of the Colonial Office to call upon experts in a variety of fields to assist in the reshaping of colonial government. This article examines why demography came to be seen as useful for colonial governance in the interwar years and how officials attempted to make use of demographers and demographic information in the final years of the British Empire. At present, this topic falls between several existing literatures. Works by Richard Soloway, Daniel Kelves, and others document the domestic history of demography in Great Britain, particularly its involvement in debates over hereditarian views of population. At the international level, most recent studies deal with the United States and trace the origins of American support for programs of population control after 1945. Still another body of literature chronicles the unique nature of policy formation in Britain and its relationship with social science in the twentieth century. This article seeks to connect these literatures by focusing on the colonial and international role of British demography from the end of World War I to the postcolonial era of the 1960s.
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Maltseva, L. D., O. L. Morozova, N. A. Gorbachev e P. F. Litvitskiy. "Alexandr Bogdanovich Fokht ― The Founder of Clinical-Experimental Approach in Medicine (in Honor of 170th Year Anniversary)". Annals of the Russian academy of medical sciences 72, n. 1 (8 marzo 2017): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15690/vramn811.
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The review is dedicated to the investigation of the role of A.B. Fokht, who was one of the most famous scientist, teacher and doctor during the period of the development of clinical oriented approach pathophysiology. The article examines new vectors in clinical medicine development of the second half of the 19th century. It is pointed out in the article that Russian scientists of that time instead of aiming at history rewriting or repeating the traditions of the West-European science finally formed their own rational ideas and tried to provide unique scientific research. What is more, the article contains biographical information about Fokht’s family, his teachers and colleagues. The article describes the main principles of Fokht’s scientific school, which became the most remarkable in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century, and also achievements of his followers, who had been working in the largest laboratories and chairs of Great Britain, the USA, Poland etc. Moreover the article contains information about the influence which the results of Fokht’s research had on recognition of Russian independent medical science worldwide. The article emphasizes the Fokht’s political and civil position against the educational and scientific reforms, which had been conducted by the Russian government in the beginning of the 20th century. Finally, the article describes Fokht’s personality and his activities in other spheres.
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Fedyukin, I. I., e A. D. Novikova. "Letters of Friedrich Christian Weber to John Robeson from Russia, 1718-1719". MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, n. 2 (10 maggio 2022): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-2-83-85-107.
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The article examines the correspondence of the Hanoverian resident in Russia Friedrich Christian Weber over the period from January 1718 to the spring of 1720. The set of letters includes over two hundred reports written by the diplomate in French and currently deposited in the French Manuscripts collection of the Bodleian Library of the University of Oxford. The goal of this article is to present this source to the scholarly audience and to offer its preliminary analysis. Although Weber was formally a Hanoverian resident, he represented the interests of England, because the Elector of Hanover, since 1714, was also the monarch of Great Britain. The addressee of Weber’s letters was John Robethon, George I's diplomatic secretary. The article examines various aspects of Weber's diplomatic activities, including the methods he used to collect information in Russia and send it to England, such as bribing Russian officials, resorting to secret agents, ciphers, sending dispatches “under the cover, and others. The letters also reflect the tasks set before him by his government, first of all, investigating the nature of relations between the Russian court and the Jacobites and monitoring the progress of the Congress of Åland, including the views of the Russian and Swedish courts regarding the prospects of a separate peace treaty between them. The article also considers Weber’s approach to the analysis of the international situation and the political situation in Russia. He concluded that a separate treaty between Russia and Sweden was highly unlikely and sought to convey this to his addressee. In spite of this the British government continued to view the ongoing negotiations at Åland as a threat. Beginning in May 1718, the Court of St. James repeatedly instructed Weber to find ways to disrupt Congress. The set of letters shed light on the history of Russian foreign policy at the final stage of the Great Northern War on the eve of the conclusion of the Peace of Nystad.
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Turonok, S. G. "Oikophobia and the crisis of modern Western civilization". Полис. Политические исследования, n. 3 (29 maggio 2024): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2024.03.04.
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The subject of this article is the phenomenon of oikophobia, which in recent decades has attracted the attention of philosophers, political scientists, sociologists and psychologists who tend to interpret it as the origin of many crisis phenomena affecting the modern Western civilization. The term has been used in political contexts to refer critically to political ideologies that are perceived as responsible for repudiating one's own culture, history, traditions and laud others. The simplest way of defining oikophobia is as the opposite extreme of xenophobia. As xenophobia means the fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners, reversely oikophobia means the fear or hatred of home or one's own society or civilization, oikos being the ancient Greek word for home, house, household. The article reveals the essence and content, characteristic manifestations of oikophobia in its narrow and broad meanings, the historical, cultural and intellectual background and sources of its origin and development. The author identifies signs of oikophobia in a number of key political, philosophical and ideological paradigms and concepts. Based on our findings, we suggest that various manifestations of oikophobia, especially those that may provide the ideological basis for mass protest movements, pose a serious challenge to public policy and government institutions not only in Western countries, but also in Russia. Government bodies and non-governmental organizations involved in the process of policy formulation in the spheres of security, information and education should pay attention to the threats and challenges that government institutions in the USA, Great Britain and a number of other Western countries have already dealt with. In our opinion, one of the most relevant areas of interaction between the Russian government and civil society in the field of countering the manifestations of oikophobia should be formulating general criteria for identifying Russophobia, which could be applied not only in the field of scientific research and educational practices, but also in the field of lawmaking and law enforcement.
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Bokayev, B. N., A. A. Balmanova e K. K. Sadykova. "Communicative competencies of civil servants: foreign experience". Bulletin of "Turan" University, n. 2 (5 luglio 2023): 310–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46914/1562-2959-2023-1-2-310-321.
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To date, the Law on the Civil Service of the Republic of Kazakhstan for civil servants has approved ethical rules, tasks, requirements that must be observed when interacting with society, however, explanations of communicative competencies, communication skills that must be observed when interacting with society are not given. The concept of development of local self-government in the Republic of Kazakhstan until 2025 outlines the need to clarify the status, functions, and powers of civil servants taken together of the current model of local self-government. The research paper uses the results of a sociological survey conducted by the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan in 2021, which indicate the main characteristics of the state body: accessibility of the state body, starting with the availability of contacts and addresses in the public domain; openness in providing information about activities and budget; availability of existing feedback channels with the population. This result once again confirms the need to improve the communicative competencies of civil servants of the Republic of Kazakhstan. In the course of writing the article, the analysis of the content and history of the development of the process of reforming the civil service of the countries of Great Britain, France, USA, Switzerland, Japan, Canada, South Korea, standards of conduct of civil servants was carried out. Based on foreign experience, on the full coordination of the functions of the Civil Servants Service, on the experience of introducing the benchmarking process into the public administration system, the principles of the Civil Service Commission, the School of Public Service, Charity and Care in the country, recommendations are given on the formation of a model of professional communicative competencies of Kazakhstan civil servants.
10
Clary, Renee, e James Wandersee. "The journey from elite society to government geologist: Henry de la Beche's (1796-1855) powerful impact on the importance of observation within an emerging professional science". Earth Sciences History 33, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2014): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.33.2.b0764512965g836u.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Henry De la Beche (1796-1855) entered the scientific realm within an elite group of gentleman geologists. As a firm advocate of observation, De la Beche's philosophy of science involved the collection of fects, from which satisfactory theories or solutions to geological problems could only arise after accumulated observations were compiled. He authored many texts, but insisted that he recorded only fects and did not support particular theories, which often relied on scant observation. When De la Beche's finances floundered, his persistence at procuring government support for his mapping projects resulted in his eventual appointment (1835) as director of what would become the British Geological Survey. As a government scientist, De la Beche maintained a staunch advocacy of observation. He used his position to promote field work, and ensured quality in the deliberate recording of accurate information. He provided clear instructions to local survey directors, and advocated a "general mode of observing and recording fects" for "systematic investigations and uniformity of results" (1845). His methods guaranteed that facts, and not selective interpretations, would be available for those who needed them. He insisted that utilitarian geological products, such as survey maps and mining records, were consistent and of high quality. He also promoted the importance of these products—and the field work that produced them—within the elite societies of which he remained a member. Through his government position, De la Beche successfully advocated for public displays of facts and collections, and largely through his efforts the Museum of Practical Geology, the School of Mines, and the Mining Record Office were established. Therefore, De la Beche's emphasis of observation over theory had far-reaching impact in the emerging Victorian professionalization of science. Although he lost personal funding and could not sustain only an elite participation in the emerging geological discipline, his government position provided a powerful platform from which he was able to teach, systematize, and institutionalize field-based geological observation. De la Beche's success is measured through the establishment of feet repositories in Great Britain, and also through the impact that surveyors who studied his field methods brought to other countries.
11
Stezhenskaya, Lidiya. "Protestant Missionary Accounts of Chinese Secret Societies in the Beginning of the 19th Century". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 2 (2023): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024726-5.
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The paper examines the earliest information by Europeans concerning activities of the secret societies–traditional public organizations that have played a significant role in history of China and continues to be a phenomenon of public life in China and abroad. By analogy with the “colonial school” of the studies of secret societies in China, it is proposed to single out the earliest period of the Protestant historiography of secret societies, tentatively designating it as a “missionary school” of William Milne and Robert Morrison. Amendments are done to the available bio-bibliographic data on Milne’s publications in The Indo-Chinese Gleaner. The authorship and time of the reports on secret societies in China delivered by R. Morrison at the Royal Asiatic Society are clarified. Milne’s reports indicated that the secret societies were anti-government, and some of them were anti-Qing. However, he did not notice the slogans for the restoration of the late Chinese Ming dynasty. The purpose of the destruction of the Qing dynasty is directly expressed in the materials of R. Morrison, which also talked about the hope for help from the spirits of the Ming emperors. It is noted that the ‘Mason paradigm’ of the study of secret societies proposed by W. Milne was based on the similarity of some formal aspects in their activities with the practice of the Freemason Society in Great Britain. At the same time, W. Milne pointed out the differences in the social status and social role of such societies in Europe and in China.
12
Bilousova, Liliia. "Emigration of Jews from Odessa to Argentina in the Late 19th - Early 20th century". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, n. 29 (10 novembre 2020): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.036.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article deals with the history of emigration of Jews from the south of Ukraine to Argentina in the late 19th - early 20th century and the role of Odessa in the organizational, economic and educational support of the resettlement process. An analysis of the transformation of the idea of the Argentine project from the beginning of compact settlements to the possibility of creating a Jewish state in Patagonia is given. There are provided such aspects as reasons, preconditions and motives of emigration, its stages and results, the exceptional contribution of the businessman and philanthropist Maurice de Hirsch to the foundation of Jewish settlements in Argentina. There are reflected a legislative aspect, in particular, the first attempt of Russian government to regulate migration abroad with the Regulations for activity in Russia of the Jewish Colonization Association founded in Great Britain; various forms and directions of the work of Odessa JCA committee; the activities of the Argentine Vice-Consulate (1906-1909) and the Consul General of Argentina in Odessa (1909-1917). There are also presented some valuable archival genealogical documents from the State Archives of the Odessa Region, namely the lists of immigrants on the steamer "Bosfor" in April 30, 1894. The article highlights the conditions in which the emigrants started their activities in Argentina in 1888, establishment of the first Jewish colony of Moisesville, the difficulties in economic arrangement and social adaptation, and the process of settlement development from the first unsuccessful attempts to cultivate virgin lands to the numerous farms and ranches with effective economic activities. An interesting social phenomenon of interethnic diffusion of indigenous and jewish cultures and the formation of a unique "Gaucho Jews" group of population is covered. It is provided information on the current state of Jewish settlements in Argentina and fixing their history in literature, music, cinema, documentary. It is emphasized that using historical research and direct contacts with the descendants of emigrants to Argentina could be very useful and actual for increasing the efficiency and development of Ukrainian-Argentine economic and cultural ties
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Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n. 2 (30 giugno 2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
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This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
14
Campbell, Heather, e Ian Masser. "GIS in local government: some findings from Great Britain". International Journal of Geographical Information Systems 6, n. 6 (novembre 1992): 529–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02693799208901933.
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Podolsky, Vadim. "History of the social policy in the United Kingdom". Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, n. 5 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.
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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.
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Kopiika, Valerii. "The Diplomatic Pioneer: Provenance, Patrimony, Pertinence Marking the 75th Anniversary of the Institute of International Relations". Diplomatic Ukraine, n. XX (2019): 799–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-55.
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Universities have historically merited a special place in world history as the locus of science, upbringing, humanism, and freedom of expression. However, modernity is routinely putting their tenacity and toughness to test by challenges of social existence, where every individual, government and society alike are transforming faced with globalization, communicative technologies, climate change and the new type of the world economy. The Institute of International Relations is therefore seeking to reiterate the irreplaceable value, virtues and vistas of a classical university in the ever-changing world of today. Since its inception, the IIR has come a long way from a small department to the major educational and methodological centre of Ukraine for training experts in international relations and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the life in the precincts of the Institute is not confined to research in the silence of laboratories or libraries. Thus, under interuniversity agreements, the IIR cooperates with more than 60 higher educational establishments from Belgium, Canada, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Iran, Japan, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Spain, and the US. Within the framework of international cooperation attention is also attached to the matters of professional ethics: For four consecutive years, the IIR has taken part in the Strengthening Academic Integrity in Ukraine Project (SAIUP) under the aegis of the American Councils for International Education in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine backed by the US Embassy in Ukraine. In recent years, the Institute has set up an extensive network of international project activities, as amply demonstrated by the establishment of Ukraine’s sole Centre for Arabic Studies and the Youth Information Centre of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society. Capitalizing on the generated momentum, in 2019, the IIR won an overarching victory in the competition for the establishment of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence under the EU’s Erasmus + Programme to become the only such project in Ukraine. The Institute of International Relations is also mindful of employability and future careers of its graduates. Such initiatives as the Career Day, traditionally bringing together the world’s leading employers, the IIR Business School and the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Institute and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine are there to serve this purpose. Our Institute is an opportunity to open up to the world by virtue of new knowledge, academic exchange programs and internship in the best universities. This is the place not only to meet loyal friends and wise teachers, but also to unite the IIR traditions and achievements with the global perspective and break new ground of thinking. Keywords: the Institute of International Relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, joint degree, master classes of practitioners, case studies, language training, English-language master programmes.
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NAROVLIANSKIY, Oleksandr. "EDUCATIONAL TOURISM IN GREAT BRITAIN". Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Philosophy, Pedagogy, Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023) (29 dicembre 2023): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-7013-2023-2-17.
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The article is devoted to the organisation of educational excursions in the UK and their role in the educational process of secondary schools. The purpose is to analyze the existing experience of organising school trips and to identify opportunities for using this experience in modern education in Ukraine. The historical origins of educational excursions are identified. The results of surveys and other studies conducted in the UK to determine the attitude of teachers to excursions as an element of the educational process, as well as the problems that arise in their organisation, are highlighted. Current experience of conducting excursions in various subjects - history, geography, natural sciences, mathematics, social sciences, computer technology. The article identifies the most popular educational tourism sites in the UK and highlights the methods used to organise school tours (specially designed tours related to the school curriculum, master classes, workshops, etc.) It is noted that special educational and training centers have been set up at certain facilities to conduct training sessions. It is noted that in Britain, excursions to government facilities such as the Parliament, the Royal Palace, the residence of the head of government, and the court have become widespread. It is determined that most museums and other visitor attractions establish preferential conditions for receiving groups of schoolchildren or provide opportunities for free visits. The problems that hinder the development of educational tourism at the present stage of development, in particular, lack of funding, are identified. The role of charitable foundations in the development and support of school excursions and the directions of their activities are highlighted. The experience of involving business structures, in particular Hyundai, in supporting educational tourism is analyzed. The unique experience of parliamentary support for educational tourism through the development of special bills on outdoor education, which are at different stages of consideration by the parliaments of Great Britain, Scotland and Wales, is indicated. The elements of experience that can be used in domestic education are identified.
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WEINSTEIN, BENJAMIN. "LIBERALISM, LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM, AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRITISH INDIA, 1880–1886". Historical Journal 61, n. 1 (9 aprile 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1600056x.
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AbstractThis article attempts to shed new light on the character of late Victorian Liberalism by investigating its political priorities in British India. It takes as its particular focus the debates which raged between 1881 and 1883 over the Government of India Resolution on Local Self-Government. Along with the Ilbert Bill, the Resolution comprised the centrepiece of the marquis of Ripon's self-consciously Liberal programme for dismantling Lytton's Raj. When analysed in conjunction with contemporaneous Liberal discourse on English local government reform, the debates surrounding the Resolution help to clarify many of the central principles of late Victorian Liberalism. In particular, these debates emphasize the profound importance of local government reform to what one might call the Liberal project. Beyond its utility in effecting retrenchment, efficiency, and ‘sound finance’, local government reform was valued by Liberals as the best and safest means of effecting ‘political education’ among populations, in both Britain and India, with increasingly strong claims to inclusion within the body politic.
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Salisbury, Richard V. "Great Britain, The United States, and the 1909–1910 Nicaraguan Crisis". Americas 53, n. 3 (gennaio 1997): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008030.
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Victory over Spain in 1898 provided the United States with the opportunity to pursue the various options that imperial status now offered. Indeed, under the influence of the strategic precepts of an Alfred Thayer Mahan, the messianic expansionism of a Josiah Strong, the extended frontier concept of a Frederick Jackson Turner, and the now seemingly obtainable economic aspirations of a James G. Blaine, North Americans looked to their newly established imperial arena with anticipation and confidence. It would be the adjacent circum-Caribbean region, for the most part, where the United States government would attempt to create the appropriate climate for the attainment of its strategic, economic, and altruistic goals. Acquisition of the Canal Zone in 1903 served in particular to focus U.S. attention on the isthmus. Accordingly, whenever revolutionary violence erupted in Central America, the United States government more often than not took vigorous action to ensure the survival or emergence of governments and factions which were supportive of North American interests.
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MADEIRA, VICTOR. "MOSCOW'S INTERWAR INFILTRATION OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, 1919–1929". Historical Journal 46, n. 4 (dicembre 2003): 915–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003352.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.
21
THORSHEIM, PETER. "Salvage and Destruction: The Recycling of Books and Manuscripts in Great Britain during the Second World War". Contemporary European History 22, n. 3 (1 luglio 2013): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000222.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractAn analysis of Great Britain's campaigns to recycle books and paper reveals the paradoxes of wartime waste policies: destroying history and culture for the sake of reusing materials, and the impact of recycling on the war machinery's own wastefulness. Conscious of systematic recycling in Nazi Germany and its own dependence on imports, the British government established a salvage department only weeks after the outbreak of war. Beginning in 1940, this department required all large towns to collect recyclable materials. Salvage, beyond lessening shortages, served ideological and psychological aims, because reused materials were turned into weapons. This led to a critical redefinition of recycling as the war progressed. People who previously characterised the Third Reich's recycling programmes as typical fascist control now considered compulsory recycling in Great Britain wholly positive. However, protesters claimed the government was causing irreparable harm by salvaging items whose value far exceeded their worth as scrap. The harvesting of books, periodicals and manuscripts as ‘waste’ paper proved particularly contentious, with some arguing that their own government was adding to the destruction that bombs were causing to Great Britain's cultural inheritance.
22
Abdukadyrov, Doniyor. "REVIEW OF ORGANIZATIONAL, INFORMATIONAL AND MATERIAL AND TECHNICAL SUPPORT FOR THE ACTIVITIES OF PARLIAMENTSUK AND CANADA". Review of Law Sciences 5, n. 3 (24 novembre 2021): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.51788/tsul.rols.2021.5.3./wpkc8489.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In countries around the world, legislative power is exercised in various forms. In particular, in democratic countries with a republican form of government, legislative power is exercised by parliament. The article provides a scientific analysis of important issues related to the organizational, informational and logistical support of the parliaments of developed countries, in particular Great Britain and Canada. In addition, the article provides scientifically substantiated information about the structure of the parliaments of Great Britain and Canada, the procedure for their activities.
23
Hubený, David. "Spolek československých advokátů v zahraničí během druhé světové války". PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 53, n. 1 (25 luglio 2023): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2023.5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article deals with the Association of Czechoslovak Advocates Abroad in Exile in Great Britain during the Second World War, its rights and aspects of life in exile. Attention is paid to the tasks arising from cooperation with the Czechoslovak government in exile.
24
Maartens, Brendan. "From Propaganda to ‘Information’: Reforming Government Communications in Britain". Contemporary British History 30, n. 4 (30 marzo 2016): 542–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2016.1162157.
Testo completo
25
SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. "FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS: BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914". Historical Journal 55, n. 1 (10 febbraio 2012): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
26
Redvaldsen, David. "The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History: A Longitudinal Study". Britain and the World 9, n. 1 (marzo 2016): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
27
Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n. 4(37) (28 agosto 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.
28
Puacz-Olszewska, Jolanta. "Financial security of enterprises from Poland, Germany, and Great Britain". VUZF Review 6, n. 4 (27 dicembre 2021): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.21.4.12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Pandemics are caused by the negative impact of global threats, we put you at risk in one global world. An effective and efficient mortality tool, bringing also economic and economic successes. The world is currently struggling with the coronavirus (COVID-19) caused by SARS-CoV-2, which unfortunately already has pandemic status. Blow it off on yourself, concerned about how it will affect the global recession
The aim of the article is to present and compare how governments of countries such as Poland, Germany, and the United Kingdom provide entrepreneurs with financial security in connection with the negative effects caused by COVID-19. At the beginning of the article, it is briefly presented what financial security is, and several measures are distinguished to measure the financial security of enterprises. Then, the financial assistance for entrepreneurs selected to the countries is described. Countries such as Poland, Germany, and Great Britain were selected for the analysis. The most attention was devoted to describing the aid for Polish entrepreneurs. The information used in the article was obtained from the Polish and British GOV portal and from the German ministry responsible for economic policy (BMWi). In the end, support from the government in the analysed countries was compared, and the country is indicated, where entrepreneurs would cope best in the current situation and have the best chance for development. It is also indicated what impact the financial aid of the government has on the development of enterprises.
29
RENTON, JAMES. "CHANGING LANGUAGES OF EMPIRE AND THE ORIENT: BRITAIN AND THE INVENTION OF THE MIDDLE EAST, 1917–1918". Historical Journal 50, n. 3 (28 agosto 2007): 645–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006292.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTDuring the last two years of the Great War the British government undertook a global propaganda campaign to generate support for the military advance into the Near East, British post-war domination of the region, and the war effort in general. The objective was to transform how the West and the peoples of the Ottoman empire perceived the Orient, its future, and the British empire. To fit with the international demand that the war should be fought for the cause of national self-determination, the Orient was re-defined as the Middle East: a region of oppressed nations that required liberation and tutelage by Britain and the entente. Great Britain was portrayed as the pre-eminent champion of the principle of nationality, which was behind its move into the Middle East. It is argued in this article that these narratives constituted a significant change in Western representations of the Orient and the British empire.
30
Fry, Michael. "Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916: Lloyd George Replaces Asquith: the Issues Underlying the Drama". Historical Journal 31, n. 3 (settembre 1988): 609–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00023517.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.
31
Madigan, Edward. "‘An Irish Louvain’: memories of 1914 and the moral climate in Britain during the Irish War of Independence". Irish Historical Studies 44, n. 165 (maggio 2020): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractWhen the British government declared war against Germany in August 1914, a great drive to gain popular support by presenting the conflict to the public as a morally righteous endeavour began in earnest. Stories of German violence against French and Belgian civilians, largely based in fact, were central to this process of ‘cultural mobilisation’. The German serviceman thus came to be widely regarded in Britain as inherently cruel and malevolent while his British counterpart was revered as the embodiment of honour, chivalry and courage. Yet by the autumn of 1920, less than two years after the Armistice, the conduct of members of the crown forces in Ireland was being publicly drawn into question by British commentators in a manner that would have been unthinkable during the war against Germany. Drawing on contemporary press reports, parliamentary debates and personal narrative sources, this article explores and analyses the moral climate in Britain in 1920 and 1921 and comments on the degree to which memories of atrocities committed by German servicemen during the Great War informed popular and official responses to events in Ireland.
32
Lorber, Pascale. "Implementing the Information and Consultation Directive in Great Britain: A New Voice at Work". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 22, Issue 2 (1 giugno 2006): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2006012.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: The Information and Consultation Directive and its transposition in Great Britain through the Information and Consultation of Employees Regulations 2004 will add a new facet to collective employment law in this country. This paper analyses the characteristics of the new voice given to employees and how it will fit with the existing legal framework. It aims to demonstrate that the government has adapted to the new Directive by undertaking a thorough process of preparation for the final regulatory norms. Nevertheless, the resulting ?voice? will not be revolutionary as it will not be based on a set of minimum requirements and will also lack strength to influence decision-making. The regulatory choices have given priority to flexibility at the expense of the universal right to information and consultation. This paper explores further the ideas expressed in an earlier article on the potential impact of the Information and Consultation Directive in the United Kingdom, published in this journal in 2003.
33
Jacobson, Charles D., e Joel A. Tarr. "Patterns and Policy Choices in Infrastructure History: The United States, France, and Great Britain". Public Works Management & Policy 1, n. 1 (luglio 1996): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x9600100107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The United States, England, and France have used a variety of forms to deliver urban services and infrastructures over time. Historically, government has been the dominant factor in the delivery of infrastructures for which no user fee is charged, whereas a variety of forms have been followed when there are user fees. This article examines changing forms of service delivery systems in the areas of water supply, mass transportation, and electrical supply in the three nations. Alterations in the form of delivery have been shaped by institutional and cultural factors and unique national styles. All three nations have moved in the direction of privatization of service delivery, but their experience shows that although privatization can reduce government's role in areas where it is poorly suited, proper oversight and maintenance of competition are vital functions.
34
Karužaitė, Daiva. "Higher Education Changes in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries". Pedagogika 117, n. 1 (5 marzo 2015): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2015.064.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article reveals development and essential changes of higher education in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries.
During last century Great Britain higher education system has changed dramatically – from elite higher education in the beginning of XX century, which was available for very small part of society, to mass higher education with variety of institutions and education programs. Nowadays there is almost half of Great Britain population (of certain age group) obtaining higher education certificate or diploma.
The junction of XX and XXI centuries was signed with significant shift in the gender structure of higher education students: more women obtained fist university degree than men. Ten years later the same was recorded in higher degrees.
The intense change of Great Britain higher education from elite to mass inevitably influenced the higher education finance sector. Great Britain used to cover all expenses of higher education from the budget. However, the financial crises occurred in the last decade of XX century, and the government was forced to seek for new financing models of higher education. First time in Great Britain higher education history the tuition fee was introduced. Striving to ensure the higher education accessibility for all social groups in Great Britain, the tuition fees were complemented with the grants and loans with special repayment (or without) conditions. Nevertheless, the financial reform, started in 1998, already was changed several times and has raised lots of critics.
Along with the financial reform Great Britain deals with the higher education quality issues. There was no essential discussions about higher education quality in the beginning of the XX century as it was elite higher education. Moving to the mass higher education with variety of institutions and dramatically growing student number, the quality question becomes relevant. Despite the owning the largest number of worldwide level elite universities in Europe, Great Britain seeks to ensure the quality in all higher education institutions in the country. Therefore the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education was established. The Agency puts students and the public interest at the center of everything they do. Great Britain higher education quality policy is implemented basing on the Quality Code for Higher Education.
35
Power, Gerald. "Education, Culture and the British Position in the Arabian Gulf: Establishing the British Council in Kuwait, 1952–1955". Britain and the World 15, n. 1 (marzo 2022): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0381.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments.
36
Yakovleva, N. M. "Argentina vs Great Britain: the trajectory of one conflict". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, n. 3 (19 gennaio 2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
37
Punko, Victoria. "Historiography of the Privatization Processesin Great Britain During the Reign of M. Thatcher in 1979-1990". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n. 33-34 (25 agosto 2017): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.328-337.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article summarized and systematized documentary and historiographical sources of the privatization process in the UK government in times of conservative government under Margaret Thatcher. Used different genres historiographical sources of domestic and foreign origin, memoirs, collective and individual monographs, historical essays, political biographies, articles and specialized intelligence information pressed. Based on this study the concept of historiography problem causes "neoconservative revolution", its theoretical basis, the state of the British economy for dominance keysianskoyi economic model British model of privatization of periods, forms, tools pozytive and negative side, the possibility of borrowing the British privatization experience in Ukrainian realities.
Keywords: Historiography, neo-conservatism, monetarism, economicliberalism, Margaret Thatcher, privatisation, the «popular capitalism»
38
Kahr, Brett. "“How to Cure Family Disturbance”: Enid Balint and the Creation of Couple Psychoanalysis – Twenty-first Enid Balint Memorial Lecture 2016". Couple and Family Psychoanalysis 7, n. 1 (31 marzo 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/cfp.v7n1.2017.1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1946, Enid Eichholz (the future Enid Balint) established the very first psychotherapeutic service for the treatment of marital distress in Great Britain. Assisted by supportive colleagues from the Tavistock Clinic and the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations, Mrs Eichholz's Family Discussion Bureaux soon became incorporated into the Tavistock family, and ultimately developed into the organisation now known as Tavistock Relationships, part of the Tavistock Institute of Medical Psychology. In this essay, based extensively on unpublished archival sources, the author traces the history of the couple psychoanalytic movement in Great Britain, exploring the ways in which Enid Eichholz Balint forged important collaborative partnerships, set against the backdrop of a progressive post-World War social democratic government, in order to create a new paradigm in mental health provision.
39
Chaplow, J. S., N. A. Beresford e C. L. Barnett. "Post-Chernobyl surveys of radiocaesium in soil, vegetation, wildlife and fungi in Great Britain". Earth System Science Data 7, n. 2 (20 agosto 2015): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/essd-7-215-2015.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract. The data set "Post Chernobyl surveys of radiocaesium in soil, vegetation, wildlife and fungi in Great Britain" was developed to enable data collected by the Natural Environment Research Council after the Chernobyl accident to be made publicly available. Data for samples collected between May 1986 (immediately after Chernobyl) to spring 1997 are presented. Additional data to radiocaesium concentrations are presented where available. The data have value in trying to assess the contribution of new sources of radiocaesium in the environment, providing baseline data for future planned releases and to aid the development and testing of models. The data are freely available for non-commercial use under Open Government Licence terms and conditions. doi:10.5285/d0a6a8bf-68f0-4935-8b43-4e597c3bf251. Supporting information to assist with the reuse of this data is available from the Environmental Information Data Centre (EIDC) (http://eidc.ceh.ac.uk/).
40
Perskaya, Victoriya, Lyubov Khomyakova, Dmitry Morkovkin, Tural Mamedov, Aleksandra Zvereva e Alexander Chupin. "Prospects for the implementation of antimonopoly compliance in the EAEU law". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, n. 9-1 (1 settembre 2023): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202309statyi02.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the legislation of France, Great Britain, Germany and the USA in terms of the presence or absence of normative regulation of the institution of antitrust compliance for government agencies and business entities. The article also assesses the positive and negative effects of antimonopoly compliance in the EAEU member states. The authors formulated proposals for the introduction of antimonopoly compliance in the EAEU member states and at the interstate level, taking into account international experience.
41
Devlin, Carol A. "The Eucharistic Procession of 1908: The Dilemma of the Liberal Government". Church History 63, n. 3 (settembre 1994): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.
42
Jupp, Peter J. "The Landed Elite and Political Authority in Britain, ca. 1760–1850". Journal of British Studies 29, n. 1 (gennaio 1990): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385949.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Significant change in the relationships between rulers, elites, and political authority is a common feature of the major European states in the last half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. In Russia, under Peter III and Catherine II, the nobility was released from the obligation to serve the state as established by Peter the Great and allowed to own property, engage in trade and manufacturing, and participate in local assemblies. In the course of the nineteenth century the hereditary landowning nobility, particularly the wealthiest elements of it, became firmly entrenched in the upper reaches of the bureaucracy without ever being able to dominate it. In Prussia, under Frederick the Great and Frederick William III, noble and gentry landowners were allowed to filter into the ranks, especially the higher ranks, of the bureaucracy; this reversed the embourgeoisement that had occurred under Frederick William I, but not so far as to threaten seriously the bureaucracy's loyalty to the Hohenzollerns or to weaken its reputation for efficiency. Thus the great reforms that followed the defeat by France in 1807 and were designed in part to lay the basis for recovery were executed by a combination of noble and non noble officials, and the latter were especially encouraged in order to ensure that merit rather than birth prevailed as the qualification for state service. In both cases, it could be argued, rulers found it necessary to recruit officials as well as an officer corps from the landed classes when war and territorial aggrandizement expanded the scope of government; they were loath to encourage the idea that landed wealth could automatically bestow political authority.
43
Shvetsov, A. N. "To the comparative analysis of the digitalization process of state administration in Russia and other countries". Russian Economic Journal, n. 5 (novembre 2020): 75–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2020-5-75-117.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article compares the processes of dissemination of modern information and communication technologies in government bodies in Russia and abroad. It is stated that Russia began the transition to «electronic government» later than the developed countries, in which this process was launched within the framework of large-scale and comprehensive programs for reforming public administration in the 1980s and 1990s. However, to date, there is an alignment in the pace and content of digitalization tasks. At a new stage in this process, the concept of «electronic government» under the influence of such newest phenomena of the emerging information society as methods of analysis of «big data», «artificial intelligence», «Internet of things», «blockchain» is being transformed into the category of «digital government». Achievements and prospects of public administration digitalization are considered on the example of countries with the highest ratings — Denmark, Australia, Republic of Korea, Great Britain, USA and Russia.
44
deGategno, Paul J. "Replying to a Crisis: James Macpherson's The Rights of Great Britain Asserted against the Claims of America". Britain and the World 11, n. 2 (settembre 2018): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0299.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The chaotic period of the American Revolution engaged many writers on both sides of the Atlantic arguing for and against the claims of the American colonists. One of the most popular and effective statements of the British position regarding the rebellion emerged from James Macpherson, poet of Ossian, historian, and government writer. As an accomplished literary talent in the service of politics, Macpherson wrote the pamphlet, The Rights of Great Britain Asserted against the Claims of America (1775), designing a persuasive appeal to the British public for preserving order and supporting the Monarchy. Macpherson displays a controlled, often dispassionate voice in dealing with the American rebellion, while seeking humane solutions with creativity, conviction, and agility in an environment of popular discontent and political instability. Finally, as a poet, he insisted on balancing the historian's empirical demand for facts with sensitivity and a liberal spirit of dialogue often in opposition to the dominant opinion of his King and ministers.
45
Ridings, Eugene. "Chambers of Commerce and Business Elites in Great Britain and Brazil in the Nineteenth Century: Some Comparisons". Business History Review 75, n. 4 (2001): 739–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116510.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Chambers of commerce were the main pressure groups serving as intermediaries between the business elite and the government in Great Britain and Brazil in the nineteenth century. The most important problem they faced in both nations was promoting a legal and institutional framework that would facilitate economic expansion. In both nations, the critical factors affecting this task were the need of the state for the expert advice that business pressure groups could offer, the traditional relationship between business and government, and especially the attitude of a historically dominant landed elite.
46
Gorfin, Vladislav L., e Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES". Historical Search 2, n. 2 (25 giugno 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
47
Kodaneva, Svetlana I. "The consequences of Brexit for the constitutional system of the Great Britain". Gosudarstvo i pravo, n. 1 (2023): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520024108-9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The vote in the 2016 referendum on exit from the EU was held under the slogan “take back con-trol”, which, in particular, meant the return of parliamentary sovereignty, lost as a result of the transfer of some powers to the supranational level and the impossibility for the UK Parliament to influence decisions taken in Brussels. However, in the process of withdrawal, the UK faced a number of constitutional problems that led to one of the most serious constitutional crises in the history of British parliamentarism, caused by the clash of parliamentary and popular sovereignty, on the one hand, and the lack of a written constitution clearly delineating the powers of the three branches of government, on the other hand. This article is devoted to the analysis of the conse-quences of this crisis for the stability of the traditional constitutional system of Great Britain.
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Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. "Definitions of Liberty on the Eve Of Civil War: Lord Saye and Sele, Lord Brooke, and the American Puritan Colonies". Historical Journal 32, n. 1 (marzo 1989): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015284.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Arthur Wilson, in his History of Great Britain, (1653) named William Fiennes, first Viscount Saye and Sele, as among the few ‘gallant Spirits’ who ‘aimed at the publick Liberty more than their own interest’. He went on to say that the men he singled out, including in addition to Saye the earls of Oxford, Southampton, Essex and Warwick, ‘supported the Old English Honour and would not let it fall to the ground’. In 1640 Warwick and Saye, this time in company with their associate Robert Greville, Lord Brooke, were praised by a commoner as ‘the best men of the kingdom’ according to the report of a government informer.
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Coleman, Marie. "The Irish Hospitals Sweepstake in the United States of America, 1930–39". Irish Historical Studies 35, n. 138 (novembre 2006): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004909.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
From its foundation in 1930 until the end of 1934 the Irish Hospitals Sweepstake sold the overwhelming majority of its tickets in Great Britain. Alarmed at the success of an enterprise that was illegal in its jurisdiction and that resulted in a considerable financial drain to the Irish Free State’s hospital service, the British government enacted a Betting and Lotteries Act in 1934 to curtail the sale of Irish sweepstake tickets there. The result was a substantial decline in British contributions to the sweepstake and in the overall income from ticket sales. The British action threatened the continued existence and success of the venture.
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MORAN, JOE. "CROSSING THE ROAD IN BRITAIN, 1931–1976". Historical Journal 49, n. 2 (giugno 2006): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005292.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article explores the history of crossing the road in Britain from the traffic acts of the early 1930s to the introduction of the Green Cross Code in the early 1970s. It reconstructs this history through the examination of government documents, press releases, newspaper articles, newsreels, public information films, and other road safety materials. Since the interwar period, British governments have become progressively more involved in policing the activity of crossing the road, and there have been two main planks of policy. The first has been to design progressively more sophisticated crossings; the second has been road safety education, including advice about how to use the crossings, disseminated through school crossing patrols, children's clubs, and public information films. Governments have generally relied on appeals to good sense and civic duty rather than legally enforceable rules about crossing the road, and have sought to follow as well as lead public opinion in determining how much to coerce both pedestrians and motorists. The formulation of policy in relation to public attitudes and media responses means that crossing the road during this period has interesting implications for both political and cultural history.