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1
Wong, Cham-Li, e 黃湛利. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235396.
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2
Hamalai, Ladi. "Government-business relations and economic liberalisation in Nigeria". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332789.
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3
Wong, Cham-Li. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993 /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17312012.
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4
Leung, Lai-sheung. "Comparing government : big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18736646.
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5
Leung, Lai-sheung, e 梁麗嫦. "Comparing government: big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951417.
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6
McMenamin, Kevin Iain. "The 'soft state' : business-government relations in post-communist Poland". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3044/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
I define modes of business-government relations by the actor, which represents business. In the association state, business associations are dominant. In the company state, the firm directly represents itself. In the party state, access to the political system is mediated by parties, with which businesses must identify themselves. In the soft state, the personal connections of businesspeople are the dominant channel of influence. The existing literature on business-government very rarely acknowledges that each mode forms part of the environment of business- government relations for the other modes. Of the four modes, by far the least attention has been given to personalism. I find the association state to be weak because large numbers of small firms, weak trade unions and the sectoral configuration of Polish business present few incentives for the formation of business associations. The company state is usually associated with foreign and state enterprises. Foreign direct investment has been relatively modest in Poland. When state enterprises directly engage with the state, they tend to do so, not as businesses, but in alliance with trade unions. The party state is undermined by the high governmental turnover in Poland. It makes no sense for business to commit itself to parties, which are only temporary rulers. The soft state is found to be the dominant form of business-government relations. The sources of personalism are partially hidden behind complex personal histories. However, involvement in youth organisations is a powerful predictor of the level of personal connections to politicians amongst the business elite. Fundamental, and unlikely, changes to political competition and economic structure are necessary for Poland to become an association or a party state. In contrast, foreign ownership is increasing and state ownership is decreasing and transforming itself. Some of the conditions for personalism are also being undermined. In the future, instead of being a soft state, permeated by personal interests, Polish business government relations may move towards the company state.
7
Opoku, Darko Kwabena. "The politics of government-business relations in Ghana, 1982-2000". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416780.
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8
Sailuenam, Kasem. "Business-government relations and income distribution in Chile post-military rule". Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446018.
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9
Thamsirisup, Somchai. "Government and business relations in Thailand an empirical study of ideology and interaction /". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32940256.html.
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10
Moran, Jonathan. "Government-business relations in Korean political development 1910-1997 : a study of the limits to business power". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273691.
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11
Narayan, Rajiv C. "Government-business relations in two emerging economies in Asia : South Korea and India". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392414.
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12
Lee, Heung-yeung. "Environmental politics in Hong Kong dynamic of government-business relations in air quality management /". Hong Kong : Dept. of Management and Marketing, the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54948720.html.
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13
Xia, Chenxiao. "Comparative Study on Electrification in Germany and Japan: Technological Style and Business-Government Relations". Kyoto University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/227574.
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14
Herry-Priyonu, Bernadinus. "The predicament of a rent-seeking society : a sociology of business-government relations in Indonesia". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408467.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Corruption within business-government relations is one of the pressing issues in contemporary political economy in Indonesia. The problem has been understood mainly in terms of the idea dominant in the existing literature on corruption, i. e., as it product of the overbearing intrusion of the state on business through the capricious and arbitrary actions of state bureaucrats. The view has been reinforced by the legacy of long-standing authoritarianism, in which state dominance under the Soeharto regime (1966-1998) has been perceived as one of the most significant determinants of the phenomenon. Based on the interviews with 86 respondents from business, government and other sectors, this study shows that the phenomenon of corruption within business government relations in Indonesia cannot be satisfactorily explained by the "grabbinghand" image of state bureaucrats. It is shown that businesses actively pursue the practices of purchase and capture of the existing rules of the game in the form of various rent-seeking activities. Instead of being treated as a dependent variable, these practices Should be conceived as an explanatory factor of the phenomenon. The capacity to conduct these practices is integral to the exercise of business power vis-a-vis other groups in society. The consequential exercise of business power involved in the practices suggests that the theoretical status of business power cannot be ruled out from the analysis of corruption within business-government relations. A more robust explanation of the phenomenon requires fundamental reassessments of the existing liberal and neo-liberal conceptions of the problem. In this respect, the public character of business and the poverty of the state-centred conception of power are highlighted. The theoretical thrust of the study is relevant for understanding similar problems in other areas.
15
Raha, Shomikho. "Changing 'reason of state' in India? : the Ganga waters dispute, nuclear policy and government-business relations". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614089.
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16
Zhou, Wengang, e 周文港. "Entrepreneurial families and government-business relations : a comparative study on mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/208419.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research aims to examine the interactions, transformation and implications of
the government-business relations of entrepreneurial families in Mainland China,
Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The similarities and differences of their operational
patterns, strategies and impacts are also investigated. Establishing the political
dimension as the foundation for this study enables this research to enrich the
understanding of Chinese entrepreneurial families and address the gaps of
conventional theories.
Three influential entrepreneurial families in the cross strait tri-region—the Rong
family in Wuxi, the Koo family in Taiwan and the Fok family in Hong Kong—are
examined, with the application of clientelism and corporatism as the theoretical
framework for analysis. Traditional Chinese values on business and businessmen
are integrated into the theoretical discussion that serves as the basis of critical
review of conventional theories and formulation of a new government-business
relations theory relevant to the context of Chinese societies. All assumptions
leading to such a theory are substantiated through conducting historical reviews
and empirical analysis. This research primarily adopts a qualitative approach,
using multiple case studies, historical and literature review, document analysis
(including opened secret archives), in-depth interviews and field research.
The research argues that such relations are rooted in the traditional Chinese
cultural values and ideologies. With the support of party-state apparatus, or state
apparatus, as well as operational mechanisms at both an individual and
organizational level, the party-state-led or government-led government-business
relations are established and sustained through various pathways. They also come
as an embodiment of political alliance as the individual and organizational
frameworks of corporatism interact and modify each other. It is asserted that an
underlying mechanism is in constant operation to sustain the relational dynamics,
but that such a mechanism cannot be explained in terms of legal considerations.
The government-business relations of Chinese entrepreneurial families present
cooperation but not opposition, and emphasize mutual dependence, trust and
loyalty, which cannot be satisfactorily interpreted with clientelism. Public interests,
or at least the coexistence of public and private interests, characterize the
collaboration between the two parties in question. This research further reveals
that entrepreneurial families undertake more political costs and risks than general
family enterprises. This in turn provides proof of both the positive and the
negative sides of political capital, which can potentially evoke extreme effects and
constitute unstable factors for the development of entrepreneurial families. This
understanding deviates from the past discourse which upholds the view that
participation in government-business relations brings reasonable expectations
about acquiring more interests on the part of entrepreneurial families. A
comprehensive analysis of the involved interests and costs, opportunities and
crises, as well as contributions and disadvantages confronting entrepreneurial
families as a consequence of engaging in such government-business relations?as
well as the manifestation of the distinctive operational models underlying such
relations?are the important contributions made by this research.published_or_final_version
Humanities and Social Sciences
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
17
Rampjapedi, Mahlatse Christina. "The role of public relations practitioners in state owned entities". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5432.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose of Paper: the role of public relations practitioners in state owned entities is under-researched in South Africa. This limits the practitioners in the industry to address relevant issues and opportunities about their discipline; specifically in the public sector which are widely perceived in a negative light. The aim of this paper was to explore the role of public relations practitioners in state owned entities in South Africa. Methodology: The study was qualitative in nature. It was constructed to answer the research questions using an interview schedule as a research instrument. The population comprised of the PR and communication practitioners that work in the State Owned Entities of South Africa. Findings: It was found that PR practitioners are the agents of relationship building between the SOEs and their stakeholders. It was also proved that PR practitioners have excellent skills and expertise however those are limited by the unsatisfying devaluation of communications by management and political interference in SOEs. Furthermore, negative reputation of SOEs was not mere shortfalls of PR practitioner but senior management instability. Research limitations: Due to lack of availability and co-operation of practitioners, time constrains and lack of finances, study was not able to attain the desired number of respondents (12 respondents instead of 15). Responses were not always substantial, however, the researcher attempted to achieve the most accurate results possible. Value or significance of paper: the study aimed to provide academic framework on the roles of PR practitioners in South Africa’s public sector and enhance existing knowledge on the challenges that practitioners face in different organisations.
18
Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
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19
von, Staden Peter. "Government-business relations in Japan : the deliberative councils (Shingikai) and the iron and steel industry, 1916-1934". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1749/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Government-business relations in postwar Japan have received a considerable amount of attention, as also the often associated scandals and back room dealing in Japan have been a recurrent and topical issue in academic circles and the popular press. Yet, despite this attention, scholarly and otherwise, much less research has been undertaken on these issues in Japan before the Pacific War. Employing the detailed records of the shingikai or, Councils of Deliberation, discussions between business and government are traced to determine, in the first instance, the success of business in realizing its aims. These findings are located within the larger conceptual framework of the overt and covert interaction between government and business in policy formulation. An important historical perspective is therefore offered by the thesis in examining this case study, providing analysis of the historical continuum frequently left out in assessments by commentators on today's situation. The findings are that the shingikai forum was perceived by business as a place its views could be expressed and an opportunity to influence policy outcomes. The factors which determined the extent to which business could realize its goals were, among others, the political and economic circumstances in which the actors found themselves. Evidence indicates that business viewed itself as an independent actor in its negotiations with government. As both government and business were important stakeholders in the iron and steel industry, their interests did not always coincide which was observed, at least in one instance, to have led to heated debates and the amendment of the bill at hand. This finding challenges the prevailing view in the literature that the shingikai was co-opted by government to achieve its own policy ends.
20
Molnar, Krisztina. "Government Export Support in a Global Era". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2695.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Globalisation in general and trade liberalisation in particular have impacted on many areas of industrialised governments’ foreign economic policy. Export support is an area which is inevitably affected by trade liberalisation, as governments are expected to decrease their intervention into exports in the name of barrier-free(er) trade. However, if one considers that the 1990s and 2000s have seen governments expanding their trade promotion agencies, increasing funding for export support provision and developing a range of new export support programmes, it is easy to recognise that government export support seems to have grown, rather than diminished over the past decade. This thesis investigates the complex influences of the world trade regime, to create a nuanced picture within globalisation theories - which ultimately explains the paradox of growing government support in the era of deepening trade liberalisation.
21
Molnar, Krisztina. "Government Export Support in a Global Era". University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2695.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)Globalisation in general and trade liberalisation in particular have impacted on many areas of industrialised governments’ foreign economic policy. Export support is an area which is inevitably affected by trade liberalisation, as governments are expected to decrease their intervention into exports in the name of barrier-free(er) trade. However, if one considers that the 1990s and 2000s have seen governments expanding their trade promotion agencies, increasing funding for export support provision and developing a range of new export support programmes, it is easy to recognise that government export support seems to have grown, rather than diminished over the past decade. This thesis investigates the complex influences of the world trade regime, to create a nuanced picture within globalisation theories - which ultimately explains the paradox of growing government support in the era of deepening trade liberalisation.
22
Detomasi, David Antony. "Alliance capitalism, political economy, and the multinational corporation, a theoretical and empirical investigation of government-business relations in Canada, 1971-1999". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/NQ42941.pdf.
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23
Rodmann, Nina [Verfasser], Alexander [Gutachter] Ebner e Lothar [Gutachter] Brock. "Industrial policies and government–business relations in Southeast Asia : the case of the Philippines / Nina Rodmann ; Gutachter: Alexander Ebner, Lothar Brock". Frankfurt am Main : Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1237105633/34.
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24
Kim, Young-Chan. "Japanese inward investment in UK car manufacturing : a case study in international business; national government relations within the context of the European Union". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310678.
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25
Trejbal, Václav. "Význam ekonomické dimenze ve vztazích ČR a Ruska". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76514.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the thesis is to examine the nature of Czech-Russian business relations and their influence on the political dimension of the bilateral ties between the two countries and the perceived standing of the Czech state in Europe.
26
Chen, Shu Ying. "Chinese multinational corporations' impact on Chinese foreign affairs". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554616.
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27
Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
28
Li, Po-man Nicole, e 李寶雯. "The relationship between public awareness and participation in tripartite partnership in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46758410.
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29
Wagner, Sigrun M. "The corporate political activities of multinational enterprises : the automotive industry and environmental regulations in the European Union". Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Society's concern over the negative impact of business activities on the natural environment has significantly increased and, as a result, environmental regulations have grown considerably both in number and scope. As these policies affect businesses and their competitive environment, firms are interested in shaping the nature of such legislation through corporate political activities (CPAs). This thesis investigates the CPAs of MNEs in the automotive industry that are directed towards environmental regulations in the EU. Using the resource-based view as its theoretical framework, it investigates six research questions that address the characteristics, determinants and consequences of these CPAs in relation to three regulatory areas (pollutant emissions, CO2 emissions and end-of-life vehicles). Case study analysis is based on 71 interviews with stakeholders from the automotive industry (the entire population of 11 MNEs from the Triad regions that are politically active in Brussels) and related industries, EU institutions and civil society organisations, representing the societal triangle (market, state, civil society). The thesis finds that the 11 automotive firms engage in CPAs to inform policymakers, and because of the impact that regulations have on their businesses. Whilst the firms attempt a cooperative approach, in reality this is not always the case: whereas individual company and association activities should lead to a united voice, this does not occur when it comes to important company-specific technologies and particular environmental policies. These regulations are viewed by companies as both a costly burden and as opportunities, though non-corporate respondents perceive that MNEs see them only as costs. The main (political) resources and competences used in CPAs are found to be human resources (including the related resources of expertise, contacts, trust and reputation, i.e. social capital), and technological resources. Regulations and the technological resources influencing CPAs are directly and uniquely linked to the product portfolios of MNEs. These differences in technological resources and product ranges account for most of the variance in MNEs‟ CPAs rather than the respective countries of origin within the Triad.
30
Corbett, Johannes Kruger. "The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.
31
Lambrechts, Leon. "An evaluation of the impact of quotas imposed on clothing and textiles imported from China on the clothing and textile manufacturing industry in South Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1023.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report is an evaluation of the impact of the quotas imposed on clothing and textiles imported from China on the clothing and textile manufacturing industry in South Africa. On 28 August 2006 the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the People’s Republic of China concluded a memorandum in terms of which the export of certain tariff lines of the Chinese textile products to South Africa would be administered in accordance with the volumes specified in the memorandum for a period of two years. The fundamental objective of these import quotas was to provide South African clothing and textile firms the space in which to operate, with the aim of improving competitiveness in domestic and export markets in the long run. The Chinese market-share of South African global clothing imports has risen steadily to the mid-2006 level of just under 75 percent. It was claimed that because of the significant growth in imports from China between 63 000 to 67 000 jobs were lost in the domestic clothing and textile industry from March 2003 to September 2006. The effect of the imposition of the quotas is evaluated by comparing the state of the clothing and textile industry in South Africa prior to 2006, that is pre-quota imposition to the state of the industry up to two years after imposition of the quotas. Reference is made to employment in the clothing and textile industry in South Africa, the size of the industry in South Africa, the position of clothing retailers, labour costs and productivity, as well as the competitiveness of the local clothing and textile industry. The comparison shows that the import quotas did not solve the industry’s woes and that the trends prior to the imposition of the quotas continued. It further shows that the imposition of quotas had a detrimental effect on the welfare of consumers in the country. A change of tack for the industry’s policy makers and businesses is proposed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verslag is ‘n evaluering van die impak van kwotas ingestel op die invoer van klerasie en tekstiele vanuit China op die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf. Op 28 Augustus 2006 het die regerings van Suid-Afrika en China ‘n memorandum onderteken ingevolge waarvan die uitvoer van sekere Chinese tekstiel-tarieflyne na Suid-Afrika vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar beperk sou word tot volumes gespesifiseer in die memorandum. Die doel van hierdie kwotas was om aan Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-ondernemings die ruimte te skep om handel te dryf en sodoende hul mededingendheid in beide die plaaslike- en uitvoermarkte te verbeter. Die Chinese markaandeel van Suid-Afrikaanse klere-invoere het geleidelik gestyg tot net onder 75 persent in die middel van 2006. Arbeids-organisasies het aangevoer dat die aansienlike toename in invoere van China daartoe gelei het dat tussen 63 000 en 67 000 werksgeleenthede verlore gegaan het in die plaaslike klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf vanaf Maart 2003 tot September 2006. Die effek van die kwota-instelling word geëvalueer deur die stand van die Suid-Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf voor 2006 - dit wil sê voor die instelling van die kwotas - te vergelyk met die stand van die bedryf vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar ná die instelling van die kwotas. Verwysings word gemaak na die vlak van indiensneming in die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf, die grootte van die plaaslike bedryf, die posisie van klere-kleinhandelaars, arbeidskoste en produktiwiteit, asook die mededingendheid van die plaaslike bedryf. Die vergelyking toon dat die invoer-kwotas nie die bedryf verbeter het nie en dat tendense aanwesig voor die instelling van die kwotas steeds voortduur. Bowendien toon dit dat die instelling van die kwotas ‘n nadelige invloed gehad het op die welvaart van Suid-Afrikaanse verbuikers. ‘n Koersverandering vir die bedryf se beleidmakers en besighede word voorgestel.
32
Atan, Serap. "Turkish peak business organizations and the europeanization of domestic structures in Turkey: meeting the European Union membership conditions". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210468.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.
We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.
We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
33
Mkalipi, Nosivatho Getrude. "Exploring the management-union relationship in an Eastern Cape public sector department". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18365.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study explored the relationship between management and the union in an Eastern Cape Public Sector Department. The study employed both qualitative and quantitative research tools to collect information from the respondents, who gave a view on their experiences of what the relationship is, and how it could be improved. The sample consisted of members of management and union executives, across employment levels. Both statistical and thematic analysis were used to analyse data from questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. The literature review defined the concept of trade unionism, management and trade union relationship in the workplace, and different frames of reference of the labour relations system. From the literature review it is noted that management and union relationships are more of a formal arrangement in the workplace; as such government, has developed tools to assist in this regard. Although that is not the case in the Department it is noted that the informal arrangement in the relationship between management and union is ‘working’ to some extent. Quality and sustainability of that, however, is questionable. The findings indicate that most members of management acknowledge the existence of the relationship between management and the union, but they are dissatisfied, as most members are not part of the engagements with the union. They are also of the view that it is in favour of the union. Unions on the other hand, view the existing relationship as working in favour of one union instead of the union collective. The union which finds favour is satisfied, and the other is not. It is recommended that the management and union engagement be formalized in order for the Department to work with unions in a more structured, professional manner, which would be inclusive of other members of management who feel left out. Not only that, but management would also be able to engage with the union as a collective, and not as an individual union.
34
Nordman, Kristoffer. "A Rhetorical Criticism of Google´s European Identification Strategies". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-226865.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines Google’s Executive Chairman Eric E. Schmidt’s speech at the European Innovation Convention 2011 from the perspectives of Kenneth Burke’s dramatism and identification theories. In the wider context it aims to contribute to the analyses of human progress traced through the history of our technologies and inventions. These breakthroughs do not happen or spread without beneficial influences from societal institutions in spheres like culture, philosophy, politics and law. Language is the creator and carrier of these institutions. A complicated “ecosystem” of culture, science, financing, laws and regulations, affects the possibilities for economic growth through innovation. Perhaps due to the contested legitimacy of corporations in the democratic process, the study of the messages of corporate entities in the political arena seems to be a fairly unexplored dimension of traditional rhetorical analysis of politics. Through rhetorical criticism the author seeks to better understand Google’s communication in this area, and to gain further insights into the communication strategies that companies may use to influence such complex fields of politics as Innovation Policy.
35
Loncharich, P. V. "New technology, industrial relations and white collar trade unions : the case of the National and Local Government Officers Association". Thesis, Aston University, 1989. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10916/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The decade since 1979 has seen the most rapid introduction of microelectronic technology in the workplace. In particular, the scope offered for the application of this new technology to the area of white collar work has meant that it is a sector where trade unions have been confronted with major challenges. However the application of this technology has also provided trade unions with opportunities for exerting influence to reshape traditional attitudes to both industrial relations and the nature of work. Recent academic research on the trade union response to the introduction of new technology at the workplace suggests that, despite the resources and apparent sophistication of modern trade unions, they have not in general been able to take advantage of the opportunities offered during this period of radical technological change,the argument being that this is due both to structural weaknesses and the inappropriateness of the system of collective bargaining where new technology issues are concerned. Despite the significance of the Public Sector in employment terms, research into the response of public sector white collar trade unions to technological change has been fairly limited. This thesis sets out the approach of the National and Local Government Officers Association (NALGO), the largest solely white collar union in the world with over three quarters of a million members employed in a wide range of public service industries. The thesis examines NALGO's response at national level and, through detailed case studies, at local level in respect of Local Government and Water Industry NALGO members. The response is then evaluated and conclusions drawn in terms of a framework based upon an assessment of the key factors relevant in judging the ability of NALGO to respond effectively to the challenges brought about by the technological revolution of the last ten years.
36
胡漢揚. "The Impact of Business-Government Relations on Stock Prices". Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38120044781005159702.
Testo completo
37
MacIntyre, Andrew James. "Politics, policy and participation: business-government relations in Indonesia". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/119271.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Questions about state-society relations currently attract great interest in
political science. In the case of Indonesia, much emphasis has been given to the strength
of the state and its relative autonomy from societal forces in recent years. This study
deals with the nature of the links between business, as one segment of society, and the
state in contemporary Indonesia. It is an enquiry about the extent to which societal actors
are involved in the shaping of public policy.
Dissatisfaction with existing scholarly accounts of the nature of the
Indonesian polity was an important stimulus for this research. Insufficient attention has
hitherto been paid to questions about societal constraints upon state actors in the formation
of policy. What is the scope for various types of societal groups to influence policy
outcomes in areas of special concern to them? To the extent that it does take place, how is
communication between policy-makers and relevant sections of society organised?
Three case studies are used to pursue these themes. Their purpose is to
illuminate the processes by which policy is formed in situations where the interests of the
relevant sections of the state appaaratus diverge from those of industry groups. The
cases used are from the textile, pharmaceutical and insurance industries.
There are two main strands to the thesis; one empirical and the other
theoretical. The first strand involves an argument about political and economic change in
Indonesia, and the increasing complexity of the relations between state and society there.
The second is an argument that existing theoretical frameworks for the interpretation of
Indonesian politics are excessively state-centred. In this context Indonesian politics and
the attaching academic debates take on a wider significance; for one of the main currents
in political science today is the proposition that insufficient attention has been accorded to
the state. Far from scholarship on Indonesia being insufficiently attentive to the state,
precisely the opposite has been the case.
38
Moh, Hsiang Yun, e 莫祥雲. "The Study of Business-Government Relations: the Policy-Making Process Dimesion". Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95041834087119915894.
Testo completo
39
Ceva, Kristin Johnson. "Business-government relations and economic restructuring trade and financial liberalization in Mexico /". 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48051522.html.
Testo completo
40
Blank, Nathan Ryan. "The recruitment industry in the Philippines: government-business relations in the overseas employment program". Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/11551.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
No major country in the world is as reliant on migrant remittance flows as is the Philippines, with some 8-11 million workers overseas sending $17 billion back home each year. As important as these flows are to the Philippine economy, the export of labor has never been part of a coherent development strategy. At least 13 major government agencies are involved in matters pertaining to overseas Filipino workers, but the result is more of a patchwork of overlapping roles than a systematic regulatory regime. My thesis examines relations between these agencies and the approximately 1,500 recruitment agencies that are the key private-sector actors in facilitating overseas migration from the Philippines. Despite the importance of these agencies, no previous research has examined their role, their associational ties, or the nature of their relations with a range of government actors. Theoretically, my research contributes to debates within political economy on what roles the private sector and government have in pursuing and achieving national economic development objectives. Beyond this primary contribution, my research also provides insights into debates on alternative development strategies in developing states, the politics of international labor migration, and bilateral labor relations between states. The research for my thesis was gathered primarily across five months of fieldwork in the Philippines. While there, I was able to utilize multiple methods of investigation including interviews with politicians, bureaucrats, NGOs, business leaders, and international organizations as well as significant archival research. My thesis topic intersects with many research areas, including not only the politics of development and government-business relations but also state-society relations, structures of governance, foreign policy making, and international diplomacy.
41
Shiou, Tsai-shyu, e 蔡徐修. "The Government-Business Relations before and after the Termi- nation of Martial Law in Taiwan". Thesis, 1995. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/49672338267777951423.
Testo completo
42
Kawai, Tadahiko. "An analysis of business-government relations in Japan the case of the Federation of Economic Organizations /". 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/19977940.html.
Testo completo
43
Renwick, Neil. "Multinational corporations and Australia : the political economy of corporate-government bargaining relations". Phd thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study seeks to identify the nature of the bargaining relationship
between manufacturing multinational corporations and a host government, to
assess the distributive pattern of power and authority in such a relationship
and the independence of government policy-making, and to evaluate the viability
of the modern State in the contemporary international system.
These objectives are pursued through an examination of the Australian
Government's relationship with manufacturing multinationals. Particular
attention is given to the motor vehicles industry.
The study advances the propositions that (1) the balance of bargaining
power between manufacturing multinationals and host governments is to the
advantage of the governments in the initial stages and to the advantage of the
corporations in the mature stages of the relationship (2> the distribution of
power and authority at each stage of the relationship reflects the respective
power bases of the actors, the degree of mutual need and the international
context of the relationship and (3) the viability of the modern State is not
undermined by the operations of manufacturing multinationals.
The research suggests that <1) the manufacturing multinationals have an
initial bargaining advantage over host governments with the latter gaining the
advantage as the relationship matures (2) the weight of the respective power
bases, mutual need and international relations does support these dynamic
bargaining positions and <3) the viability of the modern State is not
compromised by the activities of manufacturing multinationals.
44
Yeh, Chia-Hao, e 葉家豪. "The Role of Government-Business Relations on Strategic Development over Time: An Empirical Study in Family Business Groups in Taiwan’s Textile Industry". Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/02318988706584881986.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
碩士義守大學
管理研究所碩士班
96
The development of government-business relations is critical in business strategic decision. The study tries to investigate the role of government-business relations on strategic development over time of family business groups in Taiwan’s textile industry from the social capital theory viewpoint. The results reveal that when considering family control independently, the family control has significantly negative influence on level of diversification in family business groups. In addition, the higher the government-business relations in this family business group, the more likely there exists inverse relationship between family control and diversification. The utilization of government-business relations is not always beneficial on scope of product domain. This study provides referable values in discussing the possible role of government-business relations on strategic decision.
45
Du, Toit Francois. "Social capital in multinational enterprise : host government relations a South African perspective". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4098.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In South Africa Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) have to contend with the typical adversarial relations with a host government. In addition, MNEs operate in an environment regulated by a government policy of Redress, aimed at changing the wealth profile of the country to reflect the ethnic demographics. Policies such as Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment, Affirmative Action and Preferential Procurement are interventionist and place additional burden on the MNEs. Implementations of these regulations are often the source of conflict between MNEs and the local government. Ethno-cultural distance aggravates the strained relations between the MNE and host government.
The policy of Redress effectively legislates the incorporation of local third parties that are ethno-culturally related to government into the competitive strategies of MNEs. Joint ventures with locals are an acknowledged strategy to enter foreign markets, providing for legitimisation and access to networks.
The choice in strategy when dealing with the home government of either a relational or transactional approach is transferable to the MNE host government environment. Political levels have proven to be inaccessible but successful business transactions with government are abundant. The transactional approach dominates as a result of the failure to establish any relations with the host government, negating the pursuit of the relational approach. Third parties play an enabling role in successful transactions, ranging from providing access to government employees up to securing the deal and transacting with the MNE at arms-length.
The absence of any social capital in successful transactions requires re-evaluation of the role of social capital in bridging barriers in business relations. Possible explanations are in the linking that the social capital of the third party with the government and MNE employees respectively has, an extremely low threshold for social capital in successful transactions, the force exerted by the need for the products or services, or, most probable, the profit motive.
The distance between the government and MNE is extreme as a result of the historical strife between the ethnic groups in the country and the policy of Redress. The connotation with the social environment deters the active pursuit of social capital to gain competitive advantage.D.B.L.
46
"囯有企业劳动雇傭制度改革与工人的理性选择". 丘海雄], 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888705.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
丘海雄.論文(哲學博士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院社會學學部, 1996.
參考文献 : leaves 175-182.
Qiu Haixiong.
Chapter 第一篇 --- 理论和方法 --- p.1
导言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- 相关的理论 --- p.2
Chapter 第一节 --- 理性选择理论 --- p.2
Chapter 第二节 --- 劳动力市场及雇佣关系的理论 --- p.9
Chapter 第三节 --- 中国劳动力市场及雇佣制度的研究 --- p.16
Chapter 第二章 --- 本文的理论和方法 --- p.22
Chapter 第一节 --- 理论架构 --- p.23
Chapter 第二节 --- 研究方法 --- p.25
第一篇 注释 --- p.27
Chapter 第二篇 --- 制度 --- p.33
导言 --- p.33
Chapter 第三章 --- 劳动用工 --- p.35
Chapter 第一节 --- 招收工人 --- p.35
Chapter 第二节 --- 用工形式 --- p.39
Chapter 第三节 --- 劳动管理 --- p.45
Chapter 第四节 --- 工人流动 --- p.50
小結 --- p.56
Chapter 第四章 --- 工资分配 --- p.58
Chapter 第一节 --- 工资分配制度改革综述 --- p.58
Chapter 第二节 --- 企业之间的分化 --- p.61
Chapter 第三节 --- 内部工资制度 --- p.65
Chapter 第四节 --- 工资改革的效果 --- p.74
小結 --- p.78
Chapter 第五章 --- 福利保险 --- p.81
Chapter 第一节 --- 住房分配 --- p.81
Chapter 第二节 --- 医疗照顾 --- p.87
Chapter 第三节 --- 劳动保险 --- p.95
小結 --- p.108
第二篇 注释 --- p.110
Chapter 第三篇 --- 行动 --- p.124
导言 --- p.124
Chapter 第六章 --- 工作价值和态度 --- p.124
Chapter 第一节 --- 工作价值和满足感 --- p.124
Chapter 第二节 --- 对有关改革的评价 --- p.129
Chapter 第三节 --- 转工和第二职业的意愿和取向 --- p.131
Chapter 第四节 --- 对工人、工会和企业地位的评价 --- p.133
Chapter 第五节 --- 对解决问题的途径的评价 --- p.137
小結 --- p.138
Chapter 第七章 --- 工人的行动选择 --- p.139
Chapter 第一节 --- 一家两制 --- p.139
Chapter 第二节 --- 一人两制 --- p.146
小結 --- p.160
讨论和总结 --- p.175
第三篇 注释 --- p.175
参考文献 --- p.175
英文参考书目 --- p.175
中文参考书目 --- p.180
47
Mdliva, Mzwandile Eric. "Co-operative governance and intergovernmental relations in South Africa : a case study of the Eastern Cape". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10735.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The ending of apartheid and the transformation process in South Africa, the transition to
democracy brought with them fundamental changes to the form and function of the State.
In particular, they bring a restructuring of co-operative governance and intergovernmental
relations. The responsibilities, functions and powers of the three spheres of government
(national, provincial and local) were changed and streamlined as stated in the Constitution
of the Republic of South Africa Act, 108 of 1996. The system of intergovernmental relations
delineated in the Constitution differs significantly from that of the previous dispensation,
particularly in its ambitions to advance democracy and to improve service delivery to all
South Africans. Of particular significance is the respect in the fact that instead of the
inherently conflicting intergovernmental relations that characterises most modern states,
the Constitution actively promotes co-operation between different levels of government.
The Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act, 13 of 2005 was promulgated on 15 August
2005. The Act provides for an institutional framework for the three spheres of government
to facilitate coherent government, effective provision of services, monitoring the
implementation of policy and legislation, and realisation of developmental goals of
government as a whole. All spheres of government must provide effective, efficient,
transparent, accountable and coherent government in order to ensure the progressive
realisation of constitutional rights. One of the most pervasive challenges facing the country
as a developmental state is the need for government to redress poverty,
underdevelopment, marginalisation of people and communities and other legacies of
apartheid and discrimination. This challenge can only be addressed through a concerted
effort by government in all spheres to work together and integrate as far as possible their
actions in the provision of service, alleviation of poverty and development of the
communities. Co-operation and integration of actions in government depends on a stable
and effective system of intergovernmental relations, one in which each of the spheres
respect the relative autonomy of the other whilst appreciating the interrelatedness and
interdependence of the three spheres. The study elaborated on the research as well as the
research problem. In so doing, it further looked at the historical overview of the transition
to a democratic South Africa which brought a significant change in the reconfiguration of
the state. The studies further deals with a critique of co-operative governance and
intergovernmental relations in the Eastern Cape and discuss the perspective on service
delivery. In order to critically evaluate the notion of co-operative governance and
intergovernmental relations in South Africa with specific reference to Eastern Cape, the
study recommended that intergovernmental planning and budgeting, management of
change, support and capacity building, communication and stakeholder engagement and
institutional arrangement interventions be embarked upon.Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.
48
Pramusinto, Agus. "The dynamics of change in decentralisation : implications for local government-business relations : a case study of decentralisation in Sidoarjo, East Java, Indonesia". Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110378.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study is about the impact of decentralisation on the business sector in the
district of Sidoarjo, East Java, Indonesia. It presents three themes in exploring
changes related to business people during the early implementation of the
policy: (1) services and local regulations related to the business sector and the
business people's responses; (2) corruption at the local level and its effect on
business people; and (3) emerging patterns of local government-business
relations.
In theory, decentralisation can bring the government closer to the people. It will
make better information available on the people's preferences for services
provided by the government. It will also enhance accountability and reduce
corruption in the government since people can more easily control local
governments' actions than those of the central government's. Devolving
power to the local government will change the relationship structure between
government and business. However, in practice, the study found that
decentralisation does not necessarily lead to positive impacts on the business
sector.
Ethnographic approaches were applied to gather and analyse data during the fieldwork. They included documentation investigation, surveys and in-depth
interviews. Fieldwork in Sidoarjo was conducted from November 2001 to July
2002. Current issues related to the Sidoarjo government have been explored
through Indonesian newspapers up to January 2005.
The research found that, in terms of services provided by the local government,
the results are mixed. The local government has espoused two contradictory
policies. Business-related services have been restructured to encourage the
existing business people and to invite new investors. Local taxes and levies
have also been reformed to increase local government revenue, but they have at
the same time hampered business activities. A certain group of business people can enjoy the facilitation of services, but others do not. Most medium-large
businesses suffer a lot from the new local regulations associated with the
increases in local taxes and levies, whereas small businesses have not been
affected.
Business people see corruption as a common phenomenon and regard it as
having mushroomed during the early implementation of decentralisation.
Actors involved are not only people in the bureaucracy but also those in the
local assembly, in NGOs, and journalists. However, corruption is not always
seen as a bad thing. The perception of business people towards corruption
depends on whether it directly affects their business activities or not.
Regarding the local government-business relations patterns, evidence in this
study shows that they do not form a simple picture. It depends on what type of
business is involved.
For local contractors, their relations with the local government have changed.
They are not subordinates of the local government any more and they can
influence the local government policy openly and collectively through their
business representation. Medium-large businesses hold a different model of
relations with the local government. They are represented formally in the
determination of the minimum standard of wages. Interestingly, the way the.
business people respond to the decisions is not collectively through their
business representation. Rather, they use individual connections and covert
relations with local government officials. In contrast, small businesses are not
greatly affected by the policy of decentralisation. The local government has
paid little attention to them, and they also do not rely on the local government.
In short, whether the decentralisation policy exists or not, their business
activities go on as usual.
In general, decentralisation has had different impacts on local government
regulations related to business activities. However, positive changes in
business-related services have been nullified by the increases in local taxes and levies. Corruption has not decreased, but tends to involve more actors at the
local level. From the business people's perspective, both changes in local
regulations and policies as well as in the extent of corruption have been
perceived differently according to the different types of business.
Decentralisation has also brought about new emerging models of relations
between local government and the business sector.
The findings of this research are important for the existing debates on
decentralisation. Although decentralisation is believed to improve development
at the local level, this is not necessary true in relation to business activities.
Devolving power to local governments has produced distortive policies that
make it difficult for business people to run their business. The problems of
decentralisation come from an unbalanced structure, that is providing local
governments with more employees but lacking financial capacity. Local power
holders also tend to misuse their power.
49
"State-business relations in Hong Kong through Executive Council, 1982-2005: a network perspective". 2008. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896864.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Tsui, Sing Yan Eric.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations
Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations
Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations
Cipher State Models
Guardian State Models
Partisan State Models
Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation
Synarchy and Administrative Absorption
Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics
Overview
Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network
The Problem of Power
Dahl and his Critics
Power and Networks
"Power, Brokerage and Closure"
Centrality and Power
Lessons from Social Capital Studies
Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power
Conclusions
Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design
Concepts of the Study
Data Collection and Research Design
Executive Council as Decision Making Network
Measuring Social Linkages
"Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power"
Assessing the Business Community
Comparing State and Business Power
Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings
The Network of Executive Councilors
The Network of HSIC firms
HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council
Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business
Summary of Findings
Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations
Findings in the Period
Events in the Period
The Problem of Political Future
Beijing-Business Relations
Localization of the Business Community
Impacts of the Events
Impacts from the role of Sovereigns
Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector
Summary
Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations
Findings in the Period
Events in the Period
Changes in British Policy
The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance
Impacts of the Events
The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies
The Pulling and Fragmenting Effect by Beijing
Summary
Chapter Chapter 7. --- State Business Relations from 1997 to 2005: From Fragmentation to Disarticulation
Findings in the Period
Events in the Period
Business Invasion and the Decline of the State
Principal Official Accountability System: The Heffalump Trap
Analysis of Findings and Events
Business Sector: A Disunited and Incompetent Ally
Administrative Officers: The Ultimate Survivor
Summary
Chapter Chapter 8. --- Prospects: State-Business Relations in Post-Tung Hong Kong
Dominance of Administrative Officers
Transformations Expected in the Future
Weakening of Bureaucratic Networks
Increasing Public Demands
The Path Towards Democracy
Prepare for the Future
Expansion of Political Appointments
Business Sector and Electoral Politics
State-Business Relations after Political Reform
Chapter Chapter 9. --- Conclusions
Conclusion of the Findings
Significance of the Study
Limitations of the Study
Prospects of Political Network Studies
"Appendix 1. Sociograms of Executive Councilors,1982-2005"
"Appendix 2. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Power Index Score of Executive Councilors,1982-2005"
Appendix 3. Sociograms of Firms with their stocks listed as Hang Seng Index Component
"Appendix 4. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Prominence of HSIC firms"
Appendix 5. Representatives of HSIC firms in Executive Council
Appendix 6. Prominent HSIC firms and their Representatives in Executive Council
"Appendix 7. Social Linkages between Executive Councilors,1982-2005"
Appendix 8. List of directors in the boards of HSIC firms
50
Chetty, Sarasvathy. "Customer relationship management within the local government : a case study of eThekwini Municipality". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/9719.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Batho Pele principles (enshrined in our Constitution) redefined the relations between the users of
municipal goods and services and municipalities. It compels local municipalities to comply with
certain requirements such as providing tools and mechanisms to encourage citizens to participate in its
decision making processes as well as improving relations with its customers. eThekwini Municipality
created two business units namely the Community Participation Unit and the Regional Centres Unit.
The Community Participation Unit is responsible for mobilizing the local rural and urban communities
to participate in local government elections. The Regional Centres Unit is responsible for improving
relations between the users of municipal goods and services and the municipality by providing access
to local government services at the doorstep of citizens, improving customer relationships, identifying
and implementing initiatives to enable customers to interact with the municipality when they want to,
where they want to and how they want to.
Citizens and municipal customers are a captive market. Municipal goods and services in the main can
only be sourced from the municipality. The perceptions of municipal customers towards the
municipality were mostly negative. There were no precedents that could be learnt from and this was a
paradigm shift from government to governance. eThekwini Municipality looked to private sector
practices for models, philosophies and practices that could be useful for achieving change as well as
compliance with legislation. Companies in the private sector have to compete for customers and whilst
price may be a differentiating factor, it is not sustainable to compete on pricing alone. To remain
competitive and survive, companies are dependent on strategies that provide them with a competitive
edge such as CRM. CRM initially was used describe software that collected and analysed data on
customers assisting companies to become agile in responding to their clients, to enable them to reward
their loyal customers and to be able to predict and pre-empt changes in buying behavior and
preferences of their customers. It evolved into a philosophy on customer service focused on providing
customers with a satisfying experience in every interaction with the company. It is used to identify
improvements in the business operating model to improve delivery to the customer and to the market.
This study is based on a case study of the experiences of the eThekwini Municipality in implementing
CRM initiatives and the impact on relations with municipal customers. The study is based on test
sampling, review of documentation and interviews with senior management in eThekwini
Municipality. The results of the study are discussed with recommendations.Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.