Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Gendered necropolitics"

Scholarly and testimonial evidence from Armenian, English, French, German, and Turkish sources document the gendered ways by which the Ottoman Empire utilized mandatory military service — conscription — as a tool to carry out genocide during the First World War. Recruitment and deployment policies empowered Ottoman conscripts to commit crimes while simultaneously authorizing the capture and destruction of Armenian men and boys. Given the obfuscations that arose amid the war’s normalized carnage, it is crucial to note that the intent to destroy and the method of capture that Ottoman perpetrators used existed prior to the demise of their targets. Due to the empire’s gendered necropolitical exploitation of Armenians, combined with the precedent of the draft as a way to raise armed forces, assemble forced labourers, and punish men deemed insubordinate to imperial leaders, the era’s mass loss of life continues to offer some observers a way to erroneously excuse and deny this case of genocide.

Resilient necrocapitalism and the zombie genre of representations of current dystopias are persistent in their political purpose in producing changes in the social order to benefit plutocracies around the world. It is through a thanatopolitical lens that we should view the successive losses of life, and this zombie genre has come to represent a dystopia that, for political purposes, is intended to produce changes in societies which have tolerated the violent deaths of women. This article focuses on contemporary Greece and proposes a theoretical framework where femicide is understood as a social phenomenon that reflects a global gendered necropolitical logic which equals genocide. Such theoretical assemblages have to be situated within intersectional imperatives and tacitly as the result of the capitalist terror state performed in an expansive and direct immediate death, exacerbated by the lingering slow social death of the welfare state. The article contends that the scripted hetero-patriarchal social order of the necrocapitalist state poses a unique political threat to societies. With the silence of the complicity of the state, what is necessary is the creation and spread of new political knowledge and new social movements as resilient political tactics of resistance. This article foregrounds an ecofeminist perspective on these issues and considers ways through which new pedagogies of hope can counter the gendered necropolitics of contemporary capitalism in Greece.

The struggles of China’s gay sex workers—men who sell sex to other men—illustrate how the multi-layered stigma that they experience acts as a form of necropolitical power and an instrument of the state’s discrimination against gay sex workers who are living with HIV. One unintended side effect of this state power is the subsequent reluctance by medical professionals to care for gay sex workers who are living with HIV, and discrimination from Chinese government officers. Data obtained from 28 gay sex workers who are living with HIV provide evidence that the necropower of stigma is routinely exercised upon the bodies of gay sex workers. This article examines how the necropolitics of social death and state-sanctioned stigma are manifested throughout China’s health system, discouraging gay sex workers from receiving health care. This process uses biopolitical surveillance measures as most of gay sex workers come from rural China and do not enjoy urban hukou, thus are excluded from the medical health care system in urban China. Public health priorities demand that the cultured scripts of gendered Chinese citizenship must reevaluate the marking of the body of gay sex workers as a non-entity, a non-human and socially “dead body.”

This article concentrates on the analysis of the space of the refugee camp in Emer Martin’s third novel Baby Zero (2007), critically appraising this space as a fundamental site of transnational im/mobility simultaneously “homing” those who have been violently expulsed from their home, as well as retaining them as a measure of containment of migratory flows. As such, the camp will be posed here as a relevant example of the necropolitics (Mbembe) that extremely precarise the lives of displaced populations thrusting them into bare lives (Agamben), while concurrently pushing forward a much needed insight into its gendered inflections. This examination will evidence not only that “placement in displacement matters” (Hyndman 25), but also that placement in displacement is profoundly gendered and brings with it distinct forms of violence that feed on the extreme social vulnerability of women and girls in conflict zones and also in refugee settlements.

AbstractThis essay outlines Sojourner Truth’s and Harriet Tubman’s articulations of an intersectional black feminist agenda for old-age justice. The two most famous formerly enslaved women in the nineteenth-century United States, Truth and Tubman in their speeches, activism, and published Narratives revealed the mechanisms of domination through which enslavers and employers of domestic servants extracted productive and reproductive labor from black women, who in turn faced premature debility and immiseration at the end of life. Truth and Tubman linked what is now called necropolitics—“subjugation of life to the power of death,” in Achille Mbembe’s phrase—to the coercive organization of care work, what Evelyn Nakano Glenn refers to as being “forced to care.” They point to the importance of gendered and racialized labor to the history of old age in America.

Brazil has made international headlines for the government’s inept and irresponsible response to the COVID-19 pandemic. In this context, sex worker activists have once again taken on an essential role in responding to the pandemic amidst State absences and abuses. Drawing on the theoretical framework of necropolitics, we trace the gendered, sexualized, and racialized dimensions of how prostitution and work have been (un)governed in Brazil and how this has framed sex worker activists’ responses to COVID-19. As a group of scholars and sex worker activists based in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, we specifically explore the idea of sex workers as “essential workers”, but also of sex work as, essentially, work, demonstrating complicities, differences, and congruencies in how sex workers see what they do and who their allies in the context of the 21st century’s greatest health crisis to date.

Through a discussion of drone warfare, and in particular the massacre of 23 people in the Uruzgan province in Afghanistan in 2010, I argue that drone warfare is both embodied and embodying. Drawing from posthuman feminist theorists such as Donna Haraway and N Katherine Hayles, I understand the turn toward data and machine intelligence not as an other-than-human process of decisionmaking that deprives humans of sovereignty, but as a form of embodiment that reworks and undermines essentialist notions of culture and nature, biology and technology. Through the intermediation of algorithmic, visual, and affective modes of embodiment, drone warfare reproduces gendered and racialized bodies that enable a necropolitics of massacre. Finally, the category of gender demonstrates a flaw in the supposed perfectibility of the algorithm in removing issues of identity or prejudice from security practices, as well as the perceptions of drone assemblages as comprising sublime technologies of perfect analysis and vision. Gender as both a mode of embodiment and a category of analysis is not removed by algorithmic war, but rather is put into the service of the violence it enables.

La présente thèse étudie les représentations narratives et formelles des personnages féminins dans le narco-cinéma videohome mexicain et mexicano-états-unien, un cinéma à petit budget qui dépeint les activités violentes des cartels de drogue au Mexique. Basée sur l'analyse d'un corpus de 175 films produits entre 2007 et 2024, l'étude s'intéresse aux interactions complexes entre personnages féminins, violence, consommation ostentatoire et sexualité hétéronormative. Son approche interdisciplinaire permet d'envisager les représentations féminines dans le contexte plus large de la narco-culture hétéropatriarcale et du néolibéralisme dans lequel ces films s'inscrivent.La thèse comporte trois parties. La première présente le contexte sociohistorique du narcotrafic et de la narco-violence au Mexique. Elle montre leur profond enracinement dans certaines régions du Mexique et le rôle qu'a joué la guerre contre le narcotrafic, lancée en 2006 par Felipe Calderón, dans l'exacerbation de la violence dans le pays. Cette guerre a entraîné une intensification et une diversification de la participation des femmes aux activités criminelles liées à la drogue, qui ont coïncidé avec une augmentation du nombre de féminicides. La deuxième partie caractérise la narco-culture, son système de valeurs et ses principales productions culturelles, ainsi que le narco-cinéma videohome. Elle met en lumière la contribution de cette industrie cinématographique encore peu étudiée à la construction, au sein de la culture populaire, d'une mémoire collective du narcotrafic, laquelle obéit à la logique du capitalisme gore. La troisième partie examine les femmes et leurs représentations dans le narco-cinéma. Elle fait état du nombre encore limité de rôles créatifs occupés par des femmes dans cette industrie et souligne l'effet considérable que cela engendre sur les représentations de genre à l'écran. Il y est question de deux grandes catégories de personnages féminins. D'une part, les personnages subordonnés à la narco-masculinité hégémonique renforcent les stéréotypes traditionnels et les chorégraphies sociales du genre propres à la narco-culture. D'autre part, les personnages empouvoirés offrent une alternative, bien qu'imparfaite, aux modèles féminins conventionnels.L'analyse révèle les principaux personnages féminins de chacune de ces deux catégories. Parmi les personnages subordonnés aux trafiquants masculins, on trouve les victimes de la narco-violence masculine, qui subissent les conséquences des nécropolitiques de genre, et les femmes-trophées, qui sont sexuellement objectivées et utilisées par les narcotrafiquants comme symboles de leur statut social. Chez les personnages empouvoirés, on voit surtout des dirigeantes de cartel, des tueuses à gages (ou « sicarias »), des vengeresses et des « buchonas ». Les trois premières recourent à la violence comme outil de nécro-empouvoirement, de mobilité socioéconomique ou de vengeance, tandis que les buchonas exploitent leur capital érotique pour accéder à l'abondance matérielle. Ces figures féminines actives déstabilisent effectivement les rôles de genre traditionnels. On constate cependant qu'elles exercent leur empouvoirement dans le cadre imposé par le système hétéropatriarcal et néolibéral.En définitive, cette thèse soutient que le narco-cinéma videohome, par sa représentation du dispositif de pouvoir sexo-genré de la narco-culture et de ses fractures, reflète les tensions entre genre, pouvoir et violence dans le Mexique contemporain, mais aussi les possibles transformations de cette dynamique complexe
This thesis examines the narrative and formal representations of female characters in Mexican and Mexican American videohome narcocinema, a low-budget cinema that depicts the violent activities of drug cartels in Mexico. Drawing from an analysis of a corpus of 175 films produced between 2007 and 2024, the research explores the intricate relationships between female characters, violence, conspicuous consumption, and heteronormative sexuality. Through an interdisciplinary approach, the female representations are critically analyzed within the broader context of heteropatriarchal narcoculture and neoliberalism in which these films are framed.The study is structured into three main sections. The first section addresses the socio-historical context of drug trafficking and narco-violence in Mexico. Drug trafficking has deeply entrenched roots in certain regions of Mexico, and President Felipe Calderón's attempts to diminish its influence by initiating a war on drugs in 2006 has only resulted in intensified violence across the country. This escalation has produced both an increase and diversification of female involvement in drug-related criminal activities as well as a rise in violence against women and “feminicide”. The second section of the study provides an in-depth characterization of narcoculture, examining its underlying value system and main cultural productions, alongside a detailed exploration of videohome narcocinema. I argue that this relatively overlooked film industry plays a crucial role in shaping a collective memory of drug trafficking through popular culture, operating within the framework of gore capitalism. In the third section, which focusses on women and their representations in narcocinema, we discuss the limited participation of women in creative roles within the narcocinema industry, a factor that significantly influences how gender is represented on screen. The study identifies two broad categories of female characters: first, those who are subordinated to hegemonic narco-masculinity, which reinforce traditional stereotypes and social choreographies of gender within narcoculture, and second, those whose partial empowerment―the limits of which we explain through a historical analysis―offers alternative models of femininity.The analysis highlights that the main female characters subordinated to male traffickers include victims of male narco-violence, who suffer the consequences of gendered necropolitics, as well as trophy women, who are sexually objectified and used by drug traffickers as symbols of status. The empowered characters, on the other hand, predominantly consist of female cartel bosses, hired assassins or sicarias, avengers, and buchonas. The former resort to violence as a means of necro-empowerment, socioeconomic mobility, or revenge, while the buchonas leverage their erotic capital to gain access to material wealth. Nevertheless, the study observes that while these active female figures destabilize traditional gender roles, their empowerment remains confined within the constraints of the heteropatriarchal and neoliberal system.The thesis posits that videohome narcocinema, by depicting the sex-gender power apparatus inherent in narcoculture and highlighting its ruptures, serves as a reflection of the tensions and potential shifts in the relationships between gender, power, and violence in contemporary Mexico

Our western society and lifestyle is to a considerable extent depended on the way we perceive and treat our co-existing non-human species. Industrial farming, vivisection, sports, circuses etcetera are just a few examples of how human use and exploit animal bodies for own gain. A phenomenon that in many ways, is perceived, as natural and normal, and therefore seldom discussed. The thesis purpose is to problematize this phenomenon by examine, what I call “The Speciesism Gaze”, through analysis of posters that promote animal rights, selected online, through the search domain Google. The theoretical framework used, are theories focusing on intersectionality, derived within postcolonial-, eco-critical and new materialist feminism. A brief introduction of animal right movements, its linking to feminism activism and theories derived within affect theory is presented as background for the analysis. As method, I use critical discourse analysis, focusing on intertextuality of the posters context. Asking what discourses emerge, challenging the anthropocentric and androcentric western dualistic hierarchy, whilst displaying mutually reinforced structures of sexism, racism and speciesism? I discuss the western historical and cultural human idea that the human species is separated from nature and animal, and where the “right” human subject standard is perceived as male, white, heterosexual and western in the Anthropocene age. I found that, this standard is displayed, played on, and questioned in the posters selected, in relation to animal materiality, grievability, killability, species necropolitics, sexism and racism. I discuss in my conclusion that oppression based on speciesism is not a power relation discussed in society today to the same extent as expressions of sexism and racism are. It is however an oppression that we all take part in every day and that affect all of us, despite species belonging. In that context, I hope the theorization and meaning of the speciesism gaze will have significance within the field of feminist theorizations and practices.

Turkey’s democratic regime and its vicissitudes are dependent on a necropolitical undercurrent. This book presents a bold collection of essays that evaluate Turkey’s recent history from the perspective of the necropolitical underpinnings of its precarious democracy. Combining cutting edge research and a diverse range of approaches from multiple disciplines, including political theory, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, history, international relations, and gender and sexuality studies, the book examines the multiple ways in which lives are brought into the fold of power and analyses how they are subjected to mechanisms of death and destruction, as well as modalities of infrastructural violence, strategic neglect and exposure. Focusing on themes such as martyrdom, counterinsurgency warfare, enforced disappearances and conscientious objection; sites such as emergency zones, cemeteries, monuments and borderlands; and institutions such as prisons, courts and the army, the collection offers a sobering and original analysis of contemporary Turkey and, thus indirectly, of the changing political dynamics of the Middle East. It points to the emergence of new forms of impoverishment, inequality and disposability. It provides a new and rich lexicon that makes a sophisticated contribution to the growing research program on violence in the critical humanities.

Latin American Culture and the Limits of the Human curates an important series of case studies of the posthuman imaginaries and nonhuman tropes employed in a broad range of Latin American cultural texts, from the narratives of Las Casas to new media and installation art in contemporary Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina. The book’s introduction highlights the ways the figure of the “limit” has functioned as an important site of aesthetic, ontological, and political experimentation and reworking in Latin American cultural production, and underlines the potentialities and possible risks associated with the use of posthuman frameworks in the region. The different chapters examine the ways human borders and boundaries have been tested, undermined, and reformulated in relation to issues including dictatorial violence and drug war necropolitics, ecological storytelling, indigenous thought systems, gender, race, history, and new materialism. The book as a whole marshals a wide range of theoretical frameworks and points to the complex ways Latin American culture intersects with and departs from global formulations of humanism and the posthuman.

This volume brings together academics, activists, and artists to explore how LGBTQ migrants and their allies, friends, families, and communities (including citizens and noncitizens) experience and resist dynamics of illegalization, detention, and deportation at local, national, and transnational scales. No book-length study of illegalization, detention, and deportation has centered LGBTQ migrants or addressed how centering sexuality and nonnormative gender contributes important knowledge. Some one million LGBTQ-identified migrants live in the United States, and more than one quarter of them are undocumented. Young people at the forefront of advocating for legalization have borrowed the LGBT movement’s tactic of “coming out of the closet” to proclaim themselves “undocumented and unafraid.” Julio Salgado’s artwork sparked a nationwide mobilization of UndocuQueer as an identity, and queer migrant networks have emerged around the nation, working both independently and in coalition with diverse migrant communities. Our collection fills a gap in queer and trans migration scholarship about illegalization, detention, and deportation while deepening the critical dialogue between this scholarship and allied fields including: immigration and racial justice scholarship about legalization, detention, and deportation; anthropological and sociological studies of families divided across borders by immigration law; scholarship linking prison and border abolition; and debates on queer necropolitics. It intentionally engages the fault lines between epistemology and power as a means to reframe understandings of queer and trans migrant illegalization, detention, and deportation.

Is virginity the glorified signifier of proper and disciplined female subjectivity or is it the site of resistance and sabotage of the hegemonic gender norms? Focusing on hymen reconstruction operations (hymenoplasty) in Turkey and conceptualising them as medico-political assemblages, this chapter explores how virginity is understood and constructed in Turkey and the kinds of female subjectivity configured through these operations. Framing hymen reconstruction cases and virginity within the problematic of necropolitics helps us understand how the enemies to be expunged from the unfolding gendered regime and ideology in Turkey are defined and how the boundaries of a realm where an authorized female subject – the virgin – can dwell are reconstructed. The chapter focuses on the metaphorical death of the (female) subject as a result of the appropriation of its most defining features, such as autonomy on her own body, which renders her a threatening subject when she is not ‘the virgin.’ Thinking about hymen reconstruction as an example of necropolitical performance, this chapter analyses the possible meanings of the death of virginity within the medico-political assemblages of Turkey.

This chapter explores the ways in which racialized bodies are re-presented [[AU: Do you mean “re-presented” or “represented” here]] through a phenomenological analysis of Tsitsi Dangarembga's Nervous Conditions. In order to situate the body within gendered and racialized narratives, the authors consider three key assertions. First, gender is itself a colonial construct, and postcolonial accounts of Blackness have often been elided in feminist narratives. Second, drawing on Mbembe's concept of “necropolitics” and Fanon's thesis on the impossibility of Black becoming, it can be said that the “body” itself becomes a key site for analyzing racialized bodies, highlighting the uneasy hierarchies of race and gender in this regard. And third, in order to move beyond exceptionalist framings of Blackness–whiteness as binaries, keen attention must be paid to the literary offerings of women of color. Nervous Conditions provides a powerful foil to explore these assumptions through the narratives of two young African girls and their ambivalent relationship with Blackness and modernity. The body serves as the final frontier on which the necropolitics of the post-colony are played out in struggle. The intermingling of race, gender, memory, and presence bring together a fresh gaze by which the phenomenological understanding of the racialized body can be uncovered.

This chapter examines the depiction of masculinity in two early twenty-first-century representations of Appalachia: the short-lived reality show Buckwild and Rebecca Scott’s Removing Mountains: Extracting Nature and Identity in the Appalachian Coalfields. Both texts offer portraits of men contending with their vanishing ways of life. The author analyzes these representations as depictions that shape ideas of manhood and proposes necropolitics as a framework for theorizing coal war fields of a globalized economy. The chapter thereby takes “place” as a matrix of meanings that includes racialized, classed, and gendered politics of space, and the social identities emerging from those configured areas.