Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Gardenia (Paris, France)"

The paper is an analysis of the garden at the National Library in Paris. The garden (Jardin-foret) is desribed as uncanny for it belongs to a long tradition of gardening but at the same time it turns out to be its opposite. The uncanny effect seems to stem from the tension between artificiality and naturalness which is at least partly responsable for the lack of enthusiasm towards the garden as it is proved by a quotation from W.G. Sebald's novel 'Austerlitz'.

AbstractAroma-Home, an artist-initiated community garden in Villetaneuse, just outside Paris, France, originated as a way to poeticize damaged urban locations by creating small communally-created pockets of unexpected natural beauty. In 2013, Sarah Harper of Friches Théâtre Urbain joined forces with local inhabitants to reclaim public spaces marred by construction and neglect. Together, they began to alter the urban landscape with whimsical plant-based interventions that sprouted up behind construction fences. This guerrilla gardening soon led to the sowing of a community garden that wove together food-growing, story-telling and place-making and fashioned its particular identity through cultural practices around growing, preparing and sharing food of the multi-ethnic participants. The horticultural-culinary conversations became inextricably connected to gardening activities: edible stories involving food memories and horticultural skills that nourished those who prepared and consumed them. This ‘From the Field’ paper looks at how the community garden/art-making processes of Aroma-Home transformed a bleak construction site into a mini-urban agricultural ‘commons’ where imagining, planting and harvesting the garden and its edible stories were all shared.

SUMMARY The recent extensive literature on exploration and the resulting scientific advances has failed to highlight the contribution of Austrian enterprise to the study of natural history. The leading role of Joseph II among the neutral powers which assumed the carrying trade of the belligerents during the American War of Independence, furthered the development of collections for the Schönbrunn Park and Gardens which had been set up on scientific principles by his parents. On the conclusion of peace, Joseph entrusted to Professor Maerter a world-encompassing mission in the course of which the Chief Gardener Franz Boos and his assistant Georg Scholl travelled to South Africa to collect plants and animals. Boos pursued the mission to Isle de France and Bourbon (Mauritius and Reunion), conveyed by the then unknown Nicolas Baudin. He worked at the Jardin du Roi, Pamplemousses, with Nicolas Cere, or at Palma with Joseph Francois Charpentier de Cossigny. The linkage of Austrian and French horticultural expertise created a situation fraught with opportunities which were to lead Baudin to the forefront of exploration and scientific research as the century closed in the upheaval of the Revolutionary Wars.

IntroductionThe European will to modify the natural world emerged through English landscape design during the eighteenth century. Released from the neo-classical aesthetic dichotomy of the beautiful and the ugly, new categories of the picturesque and the sublime gestured towards an affective relationship to nature. Europeans began to see the world as a picture, the elements of which were composed as though part of a theatrical scene. Quite literally, as I shall discuss below, gardens were “composed with ‘pantomimic’ elements – ruins of castles and towers, rough hewn bridges, Chinese pagodas and their like” (McGillivray 134–35) transforming natural vistas into theatrical scenes. Such a transformation was made possible by a habit of spectating that was informed by the theatrical metaphor or theatrum mundi, one version of which emphasised the relationship between spectator and the thing seen. The idea of the natural world as an aesthetic object first developed in poetry and painting and then through English landscape garden style was wrought in three dimensions on the land itself. From representations of place a theatrical transformation occurred so that gardens became a places of representation.“The Genius of the Place in All”The eighteenth century inherited theatrum mundi from the Renaissance, although the genealogy of its key features date back to ancient times. Broadly speaking, theatrum mundi was a metaphorical expression of the world and humanity in two ways: dramaturgically and formally. During the Renaissance the dramaturgical metaphor was a moral emblem concerned with the contingency of human life; as Shakespeare famously wrote, “men and women [were] merely players” whose lives consisted of “seven ages” or “acts” (2.7.139–65). In contrast to the dramaturgical metaphor with its emphasis on role-playing humanity, the formalist version highlighted a relationship between spectator, theatre-space and spectacle. Rooted in Renaissance neo-Platonism, the formalist metaphor configured the world as a spectacle and “Man” its spectator. If the dramaturgical metaphor was inflected with medieval moral pessimism, the formalist metaphor was more optimistic.The neo-Platonist spectator searched in the world for a divine plan or grand design and spectatorship became an epistemological challenge. As a seer and a knower on the world stage, the human being became the one who thought about the world not just as a theatre but also through theatre. This is apparent in the etymology of “theatre” from the Greek theatron, or “seeing place,” but the word also shares a stem with “theory”: theaomai or “to look at.” In a graceful compression of both roots, Martin Heidegger suggests a “theatre” might be any “seeing place” in which any thing being beheld offers itself to careful scrutiny by the beholder (163–65). By the eighteenth century, the ancient idea of a seeing-knowing place coalesced with the new empirical method and aesthetic sensibility: the world was out there, so to speak, to provide pleasure and instruction.Joseph Addison, among others, in the first half of the century reconsidered the utilitarian appeal of the natural world and proposed it as the model for artistic inspiration and appreciation. In “Pleasures of the Imagination,” a series of essays in The Spectator published in 1712, Addison claimed that “there is something more bold and masterly in the rough careless strokes of nature, than in the nice touches and embellishments of art,” and compared to the beauty of an ordered garden, “the sight wanders up and down without confinement” the “wide fields of nature” and is “fed with an infinite variety of images, without any certain stint or number” (67).Yet art still had a role because, Addison argues, although “wild scenes [. . .] are more delightful than any artificial shows” the pleasure of nature increases the more it begins to resemble art; the mind experiences the “double” pleasure of comparing nature’s original beauty with its copy (68). This is why “we take delight in a prospect which is well laid out, and diversified, with fields and meadows, woods and rivers” (68); a carefully designed estate can be both profitable and beautiful and “a man might make a pretty landskip of his own possessions” (69). Although nature should always be one’s guide, nonetheless, with some small “improvements” it was possible to transform an estate into a landscape picture. Nearly twenty years later in response to the neo-Palladian architectural ambitions of Richard Boyle, the third Earl of Burlington, and with a similarly pictorial eye to nature, Alexander Pope advised:To build, to plant, whatever you intend,To rear the Column, or the Arch to bend,To swell the Terras, or to sink the Grot;In all, let Nature never be forgot.But treat the Goddess like a modest fair,Nor over-dress, nor leave her wholly bare;Let not each beauty ev’ry where be spy’d,Where half the skill is decently to hide.He gains all points, who pleasingly confounds,Surprizes, varies, and conceals the Bounds.Consult the Genius of the Place in all;That tells the Waters or to rise, or fall,Or helps th’ ambitious Hill the heav’ns to scale,Or scoops in circling theatres the Vale,Calls in the Country, catches opening glades, Joins willing woods, and varies shades from shades,Now breaks or now directs, th’ intending Lines;Paints as you plant, and, as you work, designs. (Epistle IV, ll 47–64) Whereas Addison still gestured towards estate management, Pope explicitly advocated a painterly approach to garden design. His epistle articulated some key principles that he enacted in his own garden at Twickenham and which would inform later garden design. No matter what one added to a landscape, one needed to be guided by nature; one should be moderate in one’s designs and neither plant too much nor too little; one must be aware of the spectator’s journey through the garden and take care to provide variety by creating “surprises” that would be revealed at different points. Finally, one had to find the “spirit” of the place that gave it its distinct character and use this to create the cohesion in diversity that was aspired to in a garden. Nature’s aestheticisation had begun with poetry, developed into painting, and was now enacted on actual natural environments with the emergence of English landscape style. This painterly approach to gardening demanded an imaginative, emotional, and intellectual engagement with place and it stylistically rejected the neo-classical geometry and regularity of the baroque garden (exemplified by Le Nôtre’s gardens at Versailles). Experiencing landscape now took on a third dimension as wealthy landowners and their friends put themselves within the picture frame and into the scene. Although landscape style changed during the century, a number of principles remained more or less consistent: the garden should be modelled on nature but “improved,” any improvements should not be obvious, pictorial composition should be observed, the garden should be concerned with the spectator’s experience and should aim to provoke an imaginative or emotional engagement with it. During the seventeenth century, developments in theatrical technology, particularly the emergence of the proscenium arch theatre with moveable scenery, showed that poetry and painting could be spectacularly combined on the stage. Later in the eighteenth century the artist and stage designer Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg combined picturesque painting aesthetics with theatrical design in works such as The Wonders of Derbyshire in 1779 (McGillivray 136). It was a short step to shift the onstage scene outside. Theatricality was invoked when pictorial principles were applied three dimensionally; gardens became sites for pastoral genre scenes that ambiguously positioned their visitors both as spectators and actors. Theatrical SceneryGardens and theatres were explicitly connected. Like “theatre,” the word “garden” was sometimes used to describe a collection, in book form, which promised “a whole world of items” which was not always “redeemable” in “straightforward ways” (Hunt, Gardens 54–55). Theatrum mundi could be emblematically expressed in a garden through statues and architectural fabriques which drew spectators into complex chains of associations involving literature, art, and society, as they progressed through it.In the previous century, writes John Dixon Hunt, “the expectation of a fine garden [. . .] was that it work upon its visitor, involving him [sic] often insidiously as a participant in its dramas, which were presented to him as he explored its spaces by a variety of statues, inscriptions and [. . .] hydraulically controlled automata” (Gardens 54). Such devices, which featured heavily in the Italian baroque garden, were by the mid eighteenth century seen by English and French garden theorists to be overly contrived. Nonetheless, as David Marshall argues, “eighteenth-century garden design is famous for its excesses [. . .] the picturesque garden may have aimed to be less theatrical, but it aimed no less to be theater” (38). Such gardens still required their visitors’ participation and were designed to deliver an experience that stimulated the spectators’ imaginations and emotions as they moved through them. Theatrum mundi is implicit in eighteenth-century gardens through a common idea of the world reimagined into four geographical quadrants emblematically represented by fabriques in the garden. The model here is Alexander Pope’s influential poem, “The Temple of Fame” (1715), which depicted the eponymous temple with four different geographic faces: its western face was represented by western classical architecture, its east face by Chinese, Persian, and Assyrian, its north was Gothic and Celtic, and its south, Egyptian. These tropes make their appearance in eighteenth-century landscape gardens. In Désert de Retz, a garden created between 1774 and 1789 by François Racine de Monville, about twenty kilometres west of Paris, one can still see amongst its remaining fabriques: a ruined “gothic” church, a “Tartar” tent (it used to have a Chinese maison, now lost), a pyramid, and the classically inspired Temple of Pan. Similar principles underpin the design of Jardin (now Parc) Monceau that I discuss below. Retz: Figure 1. Tartar tent.Figure 2. Temple of PanStowe Gardens in Buckinghamshire has a similar array of structures (although the classical predominates) including its original Chinese pavillion. It, too, once featured a pyramid designed by the architect and playwright John Vanbrugh, and erected as a memorial to him after his death in 1726. On it was carved a quote from Horace that explicitly referenced the dramaturgical version of theatrum mundi: You have played, eaten enough and drunk enough,Now is time to leave the stage for younger men. (Garnett 19) Stowe’s Elysian Fields, designed by William Kent in the 1730s according to picturesque principles, offered its visitor two narrative choices, to take the Path of Virtue or the Path of Vice, just like a re-imagined morality play. As visitors progressed along their chosen paths they would encounter various fabriques and statues, some carved with inscriptions in either Latin or English, like the Vanbrugh pyramid, that would encourage associations between the ancient world and the contemporary world of the garden’s owner Richard Temple, Lord Cobham, and his circle. Stowe: Figure 3. Chinese Pavillion.Figure 4. Temple of VirtueKent’s background was as a painter and scene designer and he brought a theatrical sensibility to his designs; as Hunt writes, Kent particularly enjoyed designing “recessions into woodland space where ‘wings’ [were] created” (Picturesque 29). Importantly, Kent’s garden drawings reveal his awareness of gardens as “theatrical scenes for human action and interaction, where the premium is upon more personal experiences” and it this spatial dimension that was opened up at Stowe (Picturesque 30).Picturesque garden design emphasised pictorial composition that was similar to stage design and because a garden, like a stage, was a three-dimensional place for human action, it could also function as a set for that action. Unlike a painting, a garden was experiential and time-based and a visitor to it had an experience not unlike, to cautiously use an anachronism, a contemporary promenade performance. The habit of imaginatively wandering through a theatre in book-form, moving associatively from one item to the next, trying to discern the author’s pattern or structure, was one educated Europeans were used to, and a garden provided an embodied dimension to this activity. We can see how this might have been by visiting Parc Monceau in Paris which still contains remnants of the garden designed by Louis Carrogis (known as Carmontelle) for the Duc de Chartres in the 1770s. Carmontelle, like Kent, had a theatrical background and his primary role was as head of entertainments for the Orléans family; as such he was responsible for designing and writing plays for the family’s private theatricals (Hays 449). According to Hunt, Carmontelle intended visitors to Jardin de Monceau to take a specific itinerary through its “quantity of curious things”:Visitors entered by a Chinese gateway, next door to a gothic building that served as a chemical laboratory, and passed through greenhouses and coloured pavilions. Upon pressing a button, a mirrored wall opened into a winter garden painted with trompe-l’œil trees, floored with red sand, filled with exotic plants, and containing at its far end a grotto in which supper parties were held while music was played in the chamber above. Outside was a farm. Then there followed a series of exotic “locations”: a Temple of Mars, a winding river with an island of rocks and a Dutch mill, a dairy, two flower gardens, a Turkish tent poised, minaret-like, above an icehouse, a grove of tombs [. . .], and an Italian vineyard with a classical Bacchus at its center, regularly laid out to contrast with an irregular wood that succeeded it. The final stretches of the itinerary included a Naumachia or Roman water-theatre [. . .], more Turkish and Chinese effects, a ruined castle, yet another water-mill, and an island on which sheep grazed. (Picturesque 121) Monceau: Figure 5. Naumachia.Figure 6. PyramidIn its presentation of a multitude of different times and different places one can trace a line of descent from Jardin de Monceau to the great nineteenth-century World Expos and on to Disneyland. This lineage is not as trite as it seems once we realise that Carmontelle himself intended the garden to represent “all times and all places” and Pope’s four quadrants of the world were represented by fabriques at Monceau (Picturesque 121). As Jardin de Monceau reveals, gardens were also sites for smaller performative interventions such as the popular fêtes champêtres, garden parties in which the participants ate, drank, danced, played music, and acted in comedies. Role playing and masquerade were an important part of the fêtes as we see, for example, in Jean-Antoine Watteau’s Fêtes Vénitiennes (1718–19) where a “Moorishly” attired man addresses (or is dancing with) a young woman before an audience of young men and women, lolling around a fabrique (Watteau). Scenic design in the theatre inspired garden designs and gardens “featured prominently as dramatic locations in intermezzi, operas, and plays”, an exchange that encouraged visitors to gardens to see themselves as performers as much as spectators (Hunt, Gardens 64). A garden, particularly within the liminal aegis of a fête was a site for deceptions, tricks, ruses and revelations, assignations and seductions, all activities which were inherently theatrical; in such a garden visitors could find themselves acting in or watching a comedy or drama of their own devising. Marie-Antoinette built English gardens and a rural “hamlet” at Versailles. She and her intimate circle would retire to rustic cottages, which belied the opulence of their interiors, and dressed in white muslin dresses and straw hats, would play at being dairy maids, milking cows (pre-cleaned by the servants) into fine porcelain buckets (Martin 3). Just as the queen acted in pastoral operas in her theatre in the grounds of the Petit Trianon, her hamlet provided an opportunity for her to “live” a pastoral fantasy. Similarly, François Racine de Monville, who commissioned Désert de Retz, was a talented harpist and flautist and his Temple of Pan was, appropriately, a music room.Versailles: Figure 7. Hamlet ConclusionRichard Steele, Addison’s friend and co-founder of The Spectator, casually invoked theatrum mundi when he wrote in 1720: “the World and the Stage [. . .] have been ten thousand times observed to be the Pictures of one another” (51). Steele’s reiteration of a Renaissance commonplace revealed a different emphasis, an emphasis on the metaphor’s spatial and spectacular elements. Although Steele reasserts the idea that the world and stage resemble each other, he does so through a third level of abstraction: it is as pictures that they have an affinity. World and stage are both positioned for the observer within complementary picture frames and it is as pictures that he or she is invited to make sense of them. The formalist version of theatrum mundi invokes a spectator beholding the world for his (usually!) pleasure and in the process nature itself is transformed. No longer were natural landscapes wildernesses to be tamed and economically exploited, but could become gardens rendered into scenes for their aristocratic owners’ pleasure. Désert de Retz, as its name suggests, was an artfully composed wilderness, a version of the natural world sculpted into scenery. Theatrum mundi, through the aesthetic category of the picturesque, emerged in English landscape style and effected a theatricalised transformation of nature that was enacted in the aristocratic gardens of Europe.ReferencesAddison, Joseph. The Spectator. No. 414 (25 June 1712): 67–70. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.Garnett, Oliver. Stowe. Buckinghamshire. The National Trust, 2011.Hays, David. “Carmontelle's Design for the Jardin de Monceau: A Freemasonic Garden in Late-Eighteenth-Century France.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 32.4 (1999): 447–62.Heidegger, Martin. The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays. Trans. William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977.Hunt, John Dixon. Gardens and the Picturesque: Studies in the History of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1992.———. The Picturesque Garden in Europe. London: Thames and Hudson, 2002.Marshall, David. The Frame of Art. Fictions of Aesthetic Experience, 1750–1815. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2005.Martin, Meredith S. Dairy Queens: The Politics of Pastoral Architecture from Catherine de' Medici to Marie-Antoinette. Harvard: Harvard UP, 2011.McGillivray, Glen. "The Picturesque World Stage." Performance Research 13.4 (2008): 127–39.Pope, Alexander. “Epistle IV. To Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington.” Epistles to Several Persons. London, 1744. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.———. The Temple of Fame: A Vision. By Mr. Pope. 2nd ed. London, 1715. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Shakespeare, William. As You Like It. Ed. Agnes Latham. London: Routledge, 1991.Steele, Richard. The Theatre. No. 7 (23 January 1720).

Introduction: From Trifle to Tiramisu Tiramisu is an Italian dessert cake, usually comprising sponge finger biscuits soaked in coffee and liquor, layered with a mixture of egg yolk, mascarpone and cream, and topped with sifted cocoa. Once a gourmet dish, tiramisu, which means “pick me up” in Italian (Volpi), is today very popular in Australia where it is available for purchase not only in restaurants and cafés, but also from fast food chains and supermarkets. Recipes abound in cookery books and magazines and online. It is certainly more widely available and written about in Australia than the once ubiquitous English trifle which, comprising variations on the theme of sherry soaked sponge cake, custard and cream, it closely resembles. It could be asserted that its strong coffee taste has enabled the tiramisu to triumph over the trifle in contemporary Australia, yet coffee is also a recurrent ingredient in cakes and icings in nineteenth and early twentieth century Australian cookbooks. Acknowledging that coffee consumption in Australia doubled during the years of the Second World War and maintained high rates of growth afterwards (Khamis; Adams), this article draws on examples of culinary writing during this period of increasing popularity to investigate the use of coffee in cookery as well as a beverage in these mid-twentieth century decades. In doing so, it engages with a lively scholarly discussion on what has driven this change—whether the American glamour and sophistication associated with coffee, post-war immigration from the Mediterranean and other parts of Europe, or the influence of the media and developments in technology (see, for discussion, Adams; Collins et al.; Khamis; Symons). Coffee in Australian Mid-century Epicurean Writing In Australian epicurean writing in the 1950s and 1960s, freshly brewed coffee is clearly identified as the beverage of choice for those with gourmet tastes. In 1952, The West Australian reported that Johnnie Walker, then president of the Sydney Gourmet Society had “sweated over an ordinary kitchen stove to give 12 Melbourne women a perfect meal” (“A Gourmet” 8). Walker prepared a menu comprising: savoury biscuits; pumpkin soup made with a beef, ham, and veal stock; duck braised with “26 ounces of dry red wine, a bottle and a half of curacao and orange juice;” Spanish fried rice; a “French lettuce salad with the Italian influence of garlic;” and, strawberries with strawberry brandy and whipped cream. He served sherry with the biscuits, red wine with the duck, champagne with the sweet, and coffee to finish. It is, however, the adjectives that matter here—that the sherry and wine were dry, not sweet, and the coffee was percolated and black, not instant and milky. Other examples of epicurean writing suggested that fresh coffee should also be unadulterated. In 1951, American food writer William Wallace Irwin who travelled to, and published in, Australia as “The Garrulous Gourmet,” wrote scathingly of the practice of adding chicory to coffee in France and elsewhere (104). This castigation of the French for their coffee was unusual, with most articles at this time praising Gallic gastronomy. Indicative of this is Nancy Cashmore’s travel article for Adelaide’s Advertiser in 1954. Titled “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise,” Cashmore details the purchasing, preparation, presentation, and, of course, consumption of excellent food and wine. Good coffee is an integral part of every meal and every day: “from these parts come exquisite pate de fois, truffles, delicious little cakes, conserved meats, wild mushrooms, walnuts and plums. … The day begins with new bread and coffee … nothing is imported, nothing is stale” (6). Memorable luncheons of “hors-d’oeuvre … a meat course, followed by a salad, cheese and possibly a sweet” (6) always ended with black coffee and sometimes a sugar lump soaked in liqueur. In Australian Wines and Food (AW&F), a quarterly epicurean magazine that was published from 1956 to 1960, coffee was regularly featured as a gourmet kitchen staple alongside wine and cheese. Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, and brewing of coffee during these years were accompanied with full-page advertisements for Bushell’s vacuum packed pure “roaster fresh” coffee, Robert Timms’s “Royal Special” blend for “coffee connoisseurs,” and the Masterfoods range of “superior” imported and locally produced foodstuffs, which included vacuum packed coffee alongside such items as paprika, bay leaves and canned asparagus. AW&F believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption the result of increased participation in quality dining experiences whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39) or at home. With regard to domestic coffee drinking, AW&F reported a revived interest in “the long neglected art of brewing good coffee in the home” (“Coffee” 39). Instructions given range from boiling in a pot to percolating and “expresso” (Bancroft 10; “Coffee” 37-9). Coffee was also mentioned in every issue as the only fitting ending to a fine meal, when port, other fortified wines or liqueurs usually accompanied a small demi-tasse of (strong) black coffee. Coffee was also identified as one of the locally produced speciality foods that were flown into the USA for a consulate dinner: “more than a ton of carefully selected foodstuffs was flown to New York by Qantas in three separate airlifts … beef fillet steaks, kangaroo tails, Sydney rock oysters, King prawns, crayfish tails, tropical fruits and passion fruit, New Guinea coffee, chocolates, muscatels and almonds” (“Australian” 16). It is noteworthy that tea is not profiled in the entire run of the magazine. A decade later, in the second half of the 1960s, the new Australian gourmet magazine Epicurean included a number of similar articles on coffee. In 1966 and 1969, celebrity chef and regular Epicurean columnist Graham Kerr also included an illustrated guide to making coffee in two of the books produced alongside his television series, The Graham Kerr Cookbook (125) and The Graham Kerr Cookbook by the Galloping Gourmet (266-67). These included advice to buy freshly roasted beans at least once a week and to invest in an electric coffee grinder. Kerr uses a glass percolator in each and makes an iced (milk) coffee based on double strength cooled brewed coffee. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton (1971) is the first Margaret Fulton cookery book to include detailed information on making coffee from ground beans at home. In this volume, which was clearly aimed at the gourmet-inclined end of the domestic market, Fulton, then cookery editor for popular magazine Woman’s Day, provides a morning coffee menu and proclaims that “Good hot coffee will never taste so good as it does at this time of the day” (90). With the stress on the “good,” Fulton, like Kerr, advises that beans be purchased and ground as they are needed or that only a small amounts of freshly ground coffee be obtained at one time. For Fulton, quality is clearly linked to price—“buy the best you can afford” (90)—but while advising that “Mocha coffee, which comes from Aden and Mocha, is generally considered the best” (90), she also concedes that consumers will “find by experience” (90) which blends they prefer. She includes detailed information on storage and preparation, noting that there are also “dozens of pieces of coffee making equipment to choose from” (90). Fulton includes instructions on how to make coffee for guests at a wedding breakfast or other large event, gently heating home sewn muslin bags filled with finely ground coffee in urns of barely boiling water (64). Alongside these instructions, Fulton also provides recipes for a sophisticated selection of coffee-flavoured desserts such as an iced coffee soufflé and coffee biscuits and meringues that would be perfect accompaniments to her brewed coffees. Cooking with Coffee A prominent and popular advocate of Continental and Asian cookery in Melbourne in the 1950s, Maria Kozslik Donovan wrote and illustrated five cookery books and had a successful international career as a food writer in the 1960s and 1970s. Maria Kozslik was Hungarian by birth and education and was also educated in the USA before marrying Patrick Donovan, an Australian, and migrating to Sydney with him in 1950. After a brief stay there and in Adelaide, they relocated to Melbourne in 1953 where she ran a cookery school and wrote for prominent daily newspaper The Age, penning hundreds of her weekly “Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik” column from 1954 to 1961. Her groundbreaking Continental Cookery in Australia (1955) collects some 140 recipes, many of which would appear in her column—predominantly featuring French, Italian, Viennese, and Hungarian dishes, as well as some from the Middle East and the Balkans—each with an informative paragraph or two regarding European cooking and dining practices that set the recipes in context. Continental Cookery in Australia includes one recipe for Mocha Torte (162), which she translates as Coffee Cream Cake and identifies as “the favourite of the gay and party-loving Viennese … [in] the many cafés and sweet shops of Salzburg and Vienna” (162). In this recipe, a plain sponge is cut into four thin layers and filled and covered with a rich mocha cream custard made from egg yolks, sugar and a good measure of coffee, which, when cooled, is beaten into creamed butter. In her recipe for Mocha Cream, Donovan identifies the type of coffee to be used and its strength, specifying that “strong Mocha” be used, and pleading, “please, no essence!” She also suggests that the cake’s top can be decorated with shavings of the then quite exotic “coffee bean chocolate,” which she notes can be found at “most continental confectioners” (162), but which would have been difficult to obtain outside the main urban centres. Coffee also appears in her Café Frappe, where cooled strong black coffee is poured into iced-filled glasses, and dressed with a touch of sugar and whipped cream (165). For this recipe the only other direction that Donovan gives regarding coffee is to “prepare and cool” strong black coffee (165) but it is obvious—from her eschewing of other convenience foods throughout the volume—that she means freshly brewed ground coffee. In contrast, less adventurous cookery books paint a different picture of coffee use in the home at this time. Thus, the more concise Selected Continental Recipes for the Australian Home (1955) by the Australian-born Zelmear M. Deutsch—who, stating that upon marrying a Viennese husband, she became aware of “the fascinating ways of Continental Cuisine” (back cover)—includes three recipes that include coffee. Deutsch’s Mocha Creams (chocolate truffles with a hint of coffee) (76-77), almond meringues filled with coffee whipped cream (89-90), and Mocha Cream Filling comprising butter beaten with chocolate, vanilla, sugar, and coffee (95), all use “powdered” instant coffee, which is, moreover, used extremely sparingly. Her Almond Coffee Torte, for example, requires only half a teaspoon of powdered coffee to a quarter of a pint (300 mls) of cream, which is also sweetened with vanilla sugar (89-90). In contrast to the examples from Fulton and Donovan above (but in common with many cookbooks before and after) Deutsch uses the term “mocha” to describe a mix of coffee and chocolate, rather than to refer to a fine-quality coffee. The term itself is also used to describe a soft, rich brown color and, therefore, at times, the resulting hue of these dishes. The word itself is of late eighteenth century origin, and comes from the eponymous name of a Red Sea port from where coffee was shipped. While Selected Continental Recipes appears to be Deutsch’s first and only book, Anne Mason was a prolific food, wine and travel writer. Before migrating to England in 1958, she was well known in Australia as the presenter of a live weekly television program, Anne Mason’s Home-Tested Recipes, which aired from 1957. She also wrote a number of popular cookery books and had a long-standing weekly column in The Age. Her ‘Home-Tested Recipes’ feature published recipes contributed by readers, which she selected and tested. A number of these were collected in her Treasury of Australian Cookery, published in London in 1962, and included those influenced by “the country cooking of England […] Continental influence […] and oriental ideas” (11). Mason includes numerous recipes featuring coffee, but (as in Deutsch above) almost all are described as mocha-flavoured and listed as such in the detailed index. In Mason’s book, this mocha taste is, in fact, featured more frequently in sweet dishes than any of the other popular flavours (vanilla, honey, lemon, apple, banana, coconut, or passionfruit) except for chocolate. These mocha recipes include cakes: Chocolate-Mocha Refrigerator cake—plain sponge layered with a coffee-chocolate mousse (134), Mocha Gateau Ring—plain sponge and choux pastry puffs filled with cream or ice cream and thickly iced with mocha icing (136) and Mocha Nut Cake—a coffee and cocoa butter cake filled and iced with mocha icing and almonds (166). There are also recipes for Mocha Meringues—small coffee/cocoa-flavoured meringue rosettes joined together in pairs with whipped cream (168), a dessert Mocha Omelette featuring the addition of instant coffee and sugar to the eggs and which is filled with grated chocolate (181) and Mocha-Crunch Ice Cream—a coffee essence-scented ice cream with chocolate biscuit crumbs (144) that was also featured in an ice cream bombe layered with chocolate-rum and vanilla ice creams (152). Mason’s coffee recipes are also given prominence in the accompanying illustrations. Although the book contains only nine pages in full colour, the Mocha Gateau Ring is featured on both the cover and opposite the title page of the book and the Mocha Nut Cake is given an entire coloured page. The coffee component of Mason’s recipes is almost always sourced from either instant coffee (granules or powdered) or liquid coffee essence, however, while the cake for the Mocha Nut Cake uses instant coffee, its mocha icing and filling calls for “3 dessertspoons [of] hot black coffee” (167). The recipe does not, however, describe if this is made from instant, essence, or ground beans. The two other mocha icings both use instant coffee mixed with cocoa, icing sugar and hot water, while one also includes margarine for softness. The recipe for Mocha Cup (202) in the chapter for Children’s Party Fare (198-203), listed alongside clown-shaped biscuits and directions to decorate cakes with sweets, plastic spaceships and dolls, surprisingly comprises a sophisticated mix of grated dark chocolate melted in a pint of “hot black coffee” lightened with milk, sugar and vanilla essence, and topped with cream. There are no instructions for brewing or otherwise making fresh coffee in the volume. The Australian culinary masterwork of the 1960s, The Margaret Fulton Cookbook, which was published in 1968 and sold out its first (record) print run of 100,000 copies in record time, is still in print, with a revised 2004 edition bringing the number of copies sold to over 1.5 million (Brien). The first edition’s cake section of the book includes a Coffee Sponge sandwich using coffee essence in both the cake and its creamy filling and topping (166) and Iced Coffee Cakes that also use coffee essence in the cupcakes and instant coffee powder in the glacé icing (166). A Hazelnut Swiss Roll is filled with a coffee butter cream called Coffee Creme au Beurre, with instant coffee flavouring an egg custard which is beaten into creamed butter (167)—similar to Koszlik’s Mocha Cream but a little lighter, using milk instead of cream and fewer eggs. Fulton also includes an Austrian Chocolate Cake in her Continental Cakes section that uses “black coffee” in a mocha ganache that is used as a frosting (175), and her sweet hot coffee soufflé calls for “1/2 cup strong coffee” (36). Fulton also features a recipe for Irish Coffee—sweetened hot black coffee with (Irish) whiskey added, and cream floated on top (205). Nowhere is fresh or brewed coffee specified, and on the page dedicated to weights, measures, and oven temperatures, instant coffee powder appears on the list of commonly used ingredients alongside flour, sugar, icing sugar, golden syrup, and butter (242). American Influence While the influence of American habits such as supermarket shopping and fast food on Australian foodways is reported in many venues, recognition of its influence on Australian coffee culture is more muted (see, for exceptions, Khamis; Adams). Yet American modes of making and utilising coffee also influenced the Australian use of coffee, whether drunk as beverage or employed as a flavouring agent. In 1956, the Australian Women’s Weekly published a full colour Wade’s Cornflour advertorial of biscuit recipes under the banner, “Dione Lucas’s Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here” (56). The use of the American “cookie” instead of the Australian “biscuit” is telling here, the popularity of all things American sure to ensure, the advert suggested, that the Mochas (coffee biscuits topped with chocolate icing) would be so popular as to be “More than a recipe—a craze” (56). This American influence can also been seen in cakes and other baked goods made specifically to serve with coffee, but not necessarily containing it. The recipe for Zulu Boys published in The Argus in 1945, a small chocolate and cinnamon cake with peanuts and cornflakes added, is a good example. Reported to “keep moist for some time,” these were “not too sweet, and are especially useful to serve with a glass of wine or a cup of black coffee” (Vesta Junior 9), the recipe a precursor to many in the 1950s and 1960s. Margaret Fulton includes a Spicy Coffee Cake in The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. This is similar to her Cinnamon Tea Cake in being an easy to mix cake topped with cinnamon sugar, but is more robust in flavour and texture with the addition of whole bran cereal, raisins and spices (163). Her “Morning Coffee” section in Entertaining with Margaret Fulton similarly includes a selection of quite strongly flavoured and substantially textured cakes and biscuits (90-92), while her recipes for Afternoon Tea are lighter and more delicate in taste and appearance (85-89). Concluding Remarks: Integration and Evolution, Not Revolution Trusted Tasmanian writer on all matters domestic, Marjorie Bligh, published six books on cookery, craft, home economics, and gardening, and produced four editions of her much-loved household manual under all three of her married names: Blackwell, Cooper and Bligh (Wood). The second edition of At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual (published c.1965-71) provides more evidence of how, rather than jettisoning one form in favour of another, Australian housewives were adept at integrating both ground and other more instant forms of coffee into their culinary repertoires. She thus includes instructions on both how to efficiently clean a coffee percolator (percolating with a detergent and borax solution) (312) as well as how to make coffee essence at home by simmering one cup of ground coffee with three cups of water and one cup of sugar for one hour, straining and bottling (281). She also includes recipes for cakes, icings, and drinks that use both brewed and instant coffee as well as coffee essence. In Entertaining with Margaret Fulton, Fulton similarly allows consumer choice, urging that “If you like your coffee with a strong flavour, choose one to which a little chicory has been added” (90). Bligh’s volume similarly reveals how the path from trifle to tiramisu was meandering and one which added recipes to Australian foodways, rather than deleted them. Her recipe for Coffee Trifle has strong similarities to tiramisu, with sponge cake soaked in strong milk coffee and sherry layered with a rich custard made from butter, sugar, egg yolks, and black coffee, and then decorated with whipped cream, glace cherries, and walnuts (169). This recipe precedes published references to tiramisu as, although the origins of tiramisu are debated (Black), references to the dessert only began to appear in the 1980s, and there is no mention of the dish in such authoritative sources as Elizabeth David’s 1954 Italian Food, which features a number of traditional Italian coffee-based desserts including granita, ice cream and those made with cream cheese and rice. By the 1990s, however, respected Australian chef and food researcher, the late Mietta O’Donnell, wrote that if pizza was “the most travelled of Italian dishes, then tiramisu is the country’s most famous dessert” and, today, Australian home cooks are using the dish as a basis for a series of variations that even include replacing the coffee with fruit juices and other flavouring agents. Long-lived Australian coffee recipes are similarly being re-made in line with current taste and habits, with celebrated chef Neil Perry’s recent Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake comprising a classic cream-filled vanilla sponge topped with an icing made with “strong espresso”. To “glam up” the cake, Perry suggests sprinkling the top with chocolate-covered roasted coffee beans—cycling back to Maria Koszlik’s “coffee bean chocolate” (162) and showing just how resilient good taste can be. Acknowledgements The research for this article was completed while I was the recipient of a Research Fellowship in the Special Collections at the William Angliss Institute (WAI) of TAFE in Melbourne, where I utilised their culinary collections. Thank you to the staff of the WAI Special Collections for their generous assistance, as well as to the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education at Central Queensland University for supporting this research. Thank you to Jill Adams for her assistance with this article and for sharing her “Manhattan Mocha” file with me, and also to the peer reviewers for their generous and helpful feedback. All errors are, of course, my own.References “A Gourmet Makes a Perfect Meal.” The West Australian 4 Jul. 1952: 8.Adams, Jill. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australasian Journal of Popular Culture (2012): forthcoming. “Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines and Food 1.5 (1958): 16. Bancroft, P. A. “Let’s Make Some Coffee.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 4.1 (1960): 10. Black, Jane. “The Trail of Tiramisu.” Washington Post 11 Jul. 2007. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/10/AR2007071000327.html›. Bligh, Marjorie. At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual. Devonport: M. Bligh, c.1965-71. 2nd ed. Brien, Donna Lee. “Australian Celebrity Chefs 1950-1980: A Preliminary Study.” Australian Folklore 21 (2006): 201-18. Cashmore, Nancy. “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise.” The Advertiser 23 Jan. (1954): 6. “Coffee Beginnings.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 1.4 (1957/1958): 37-39. Collins, Jock, Katherine Gibson, Caroline Alcorso, Stephen Castles, and David Tait. A Shop Full of Dreams: Ethnic Small Business in Australia. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1995. David, Elizabeth. Italian Food. New York: Penguin Books, 1999. 1st pub. UK: Macdonald, 1954, and New York: Knoft, 1954. Donovan, Maria Kozslik. Continental Cookery in Australia. Melbourne: William Heinemann, 1955. Reprint ed. 1956. -----.“Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik.” The Age 4 Jun. (1954): 7. Fulton, Margaret. The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1968. -----. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1971. Irwin, William Wallace. The Garrulous Gourmet. Sydney: The Shepherd P, 1951. Khamis, Susie. “It Only Takes a Jiffy to Make: Nestlé, Australia and the Convenience of Instant Coffee.” Food, Culture & Society 12.2 (2009): 217-33. Kerr, Graham. The Graham Kerr Cookbook. Wellington, Auckland, and Sydney: AH & AW Reed, 1966. -----. The Graham Kerr Cookbook by The Galloping Gourmet. New York: Doubleday, 1969. Mason, Anne. A Treasury of Australian Cookery. London: Andre Deutsch, 1962. Mason, Peter. “Anne Mason.” The Guardian 20 Octo.2006. 15 Feb. 2012 Masterfoods. “Masterfoods” [advertising insert]. Australian Wines and Food 2.10 (1959): btwn. 8 & 9.“Masters of Food.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 2.11 (1959/1960): 23. O’Donnell, Mietta. “Tiramisu.” Mietta’s Italian Family Recipe, 14 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.miettas.com/food_wine_recipes/recipes/italianrecipes/dessert/tiramisu.html›. Perry, Neil. “Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake.” The Age 12 Mar. 2012. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/lifestyle/cuisine/baking/recipe/simple-coffee-and-cream-sponge-cake-20120312-1utlm.html›. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia. Adelaide: Duck Press, 2007. 1st. Pub. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1982. ‘Vesta Junior’. “The Beautiful Fuss of Old Time Baking Days.” The Argus 20 Mar. 1945: 9. Volpi, Anna Maria. “All About Tiramisu.” Anna Maria’s Open Kitchen 20 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.annamariavolpi.com/tiramisu.html›. Wade’s Cornflour. “Dione Lucas’ Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 1 Aug. (1956): 56. Wood, Danielle. Housewife Superstar: The Very Best of Marjorie Bligh. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2011.

Aujourd'hui, l'environnement sonore n'est plus uniquement considéré comme une gène ou une nuisance par notre société, mais comme pouvant être porteur de qualités. La directive européenne 2002/45/CE,relative à la gestion du bruit dans l'environnement demande aux états d'identifier les «zones calmes» en vue de leur préservation et de leur valorisation en raison de la ressource qu'elles constituent. Elle présente les «zones calmes» comme des zones préservées du bruit. Dans ce contexte, les parcs et les jardins apparaissent dans de nombreuses études comme étant plébiscités par les usagers pour la qualité de leur environnement sonore sans que ces qualités ne soient bien identifiées. Si la directive européenne tend à considérer la qualité sonore en fonction d'un seuil de niveau sonore et des seules notions d'agrément ou de désagrément, les différents champs de recherche sur l'environnement sonore, de la psychoacoustique jusqu'aux ambiances,on montré qu'elle relève d'une expérience esthétique plus complexe. L'environnement sonore est chargé de valeurs affectives, sémantiques, fonctionnelles, esthétiques.Nous proposons ici une identification précise des qualités sonores qui semblent propres au parcs et aux jardins urbains en abordant la qualité sonore dans une perspective plus descriptive qu'hédoniste à travers l'étude de l'expérience vécue des usagers dans six parcs et jardins de la région parisienne. Dans un premier temps nous présentons une description des différentes facettes de l'environnement sonore du jardin établie à partir d'observations de terrains, de mesures acoustiques, et d'entretiens réalisés auprès des usagers. L'environnement sonore du jardin est présenté à partir de ses configurations sonores, d'effets perceptifs,des représentations qu'il suscite, ou encore des pratiques qu'il induit ou qui participent à son actualisation. Pour aller au delà des relations entre niveau sonore et agrément, nous proposons dans un second temps de révéler des ponts entre les aspects matériels et immatériels des ambiances sonores. Bien que les ambiances sonores relèvent d'une dimension immatérielle : le son et l'expérience esthétique des usagers, nous faisons l'hypothèse qu'elles peuvent être manipulables par les aménageurs ou faire l'objet de mesures de protection ou de valorisation si elles sont considérées comme des effets de dimensions physiques observables : structures paysagères ou indicateurs acoustiques. Nous abordons ainsi la qualité sonore à travers le prisme de la diversité architecturale et conceptuelle propre à l'art des jardins et nous proposons de comprendre les relations entre les différentes qualités sonore identifiées, les structures paysagères et l'acoustique des jardins
Nowadays, the sound environment is no longer only considered as potential annoyance, but it is sometimes recognize for the qualities it can bear. The European directive 2002/45/CE, relative to the management of environmental noise, requires the european states to identify «quiet areas» for their preservation and valorization due to the resource they represent. It defines the «quiet areas» as areas preserved from the noise. In this context, numerous studies have shown that in the urban environments the parks and gardens are acclaimed by users for the quality of their soundscape, but those qualities have never been accurately identified. If the European directive seems to consider the sound quality according to a noise level and the ideas of agreement or disagreement, different fields of study on the sound environment, from the psychoacoustic to the atmosphere studies, have shown that the esthetic experience is way more complex. The sound environment is full of emotional values, semantic, functional and aesthetic values.The aim of our work is to accurately identify the sound qualities that seem specific to urban parks and gardens. The sound qualities are understood more from a descriptive than an hedonist point of view, through the study of the experience of users in six differents parks and gardens of the Parisan area. First, it present a description of the different aspects of the sound environment of the garden established from various kind of datas : observations, acoustic measurements, and interviews with users. The sound environment of the garden is presented through sound configurations, perceptual effects, representations it evokes, or through practices. To overcome the relationship between noise level and agreement, this work propose in a second time to highlight links between tangibles and intangibles aspects of the soundscape. Although the soundscape seems to fall within an immaterial dimension : sound and aesthetic experience of the users, we assume that it can be mastered by the designers, the acousticians or the urban planners if it is considered as an effect of material dimensions : landscape structures or acoustic indicators. This work approach the sound quality through the architectural diversity of the garden design. It propose to understand the relationships between the different sound qualities identified, the landscape structures and the acoustic measurments

Les jardins de Paris au XVIIIe siècle constituent un laboratoire inédit des transformations de la ville des Lumières. Il s’agit dans ce travail de s’intéresser à la construction conflictuelle de la nature en ville en réinscrivant les jardins dans leur contexte urbain et en s’intéressant aux pratiques concrètes de conservation des plantes, à l’approvisionnement en végétaux ainsi qu’aux relations entre les animaux, les hommes et les végétaux. Ces pratiques dessinent alors une nature urbaine composée de négociations, de tensions et d’asymétries. Elles constituent un terrain d’étude d’autant plus intéressant que les autorités royales et princières ne parviennent à imposer leur marque sur les jardins sans provoquer des résistances et des contestations. Dans ce terreau germe alors une politique des jardins où les usagers et riverains des jardins participent pleinement à la définition et à l’aménagement de ces espaces publics. Ce travail entreprend par ailleurs de mieux cerner l’articulation entre les jardins et la ville, dans un contexte où les frontières paraissent de plus en plus évanescentes, et de repenser la culture urbaine à partir de ses espaces végétalisés
The public gardens of Paris from the eighteenth century provide study material through which various developments and the urban culture of the Enlightenment City can be understood. This study examines the apparent contradiction of creating natural spaces in the middle of a city, by studying their urban contexts, historic plant conservation practices, plant supplies, as well as the relationships between animal, people and plants. These various influences resulted in the creation of a special urban form of nature, full of negotiations, tensions and asymmetries. They are a field of study that is all the more interesting as the royal and princely authorities of the time were unable to impose their mark on these gardens without provoking resistance and protest. Against that background, a public garden policy was developed, which, for the first time, allowed the users and residents to fully participate in the creation of urban, green spaces. This study also aims to improve our understanding of the relationship between gardens and the cities that surround them, in a context where borders seem increasingly fluid, and to rethink urban culture, based on the nature of its green spaces

Centrée sur l’étude de plusieurs jardins partagés parisiens et de proche banlieue, cette thèse se propose de questionner les discours – institutionnels, associatifs, et des jardinier.e.s eux.elles-mêmes – présentant ces jardins comme des lieux de création de lien social. L’enquête de terrain, mêlant observation participante, questionnaires et entretiens semi-directifs, révèle que ces jardins constituent des espaces d’entre-soi, fréquentés par des acteur.rice.s proches, en particulier en termes de positions sociales, de niveaux de diplômes et de pratiques culturelles et de loisirs. Si des liens peuvent émerger dans et par ces jardins, leur portée reste ainsi limitée par le fait qu’ils se créent presque exclusivement entre les membres des collectifs, sélectionné.e.s socialement. L’enjeu de cette thèse est donc de mettre à l’épreuve du terrain l’inadéquation entre les éléments de discours recueillis et les pratiques effectives des acteur.rice.s. Ce travail se situe dans une réflexion plus large à propos du lien social contemporain caractérisé par sa nature élective. Il soulève aussi la participation des collectifs associatifs aux stratégies d’appropriation de l’espace et aux processus ségrégatifs en jeu dans les territoires urbains, en particulier la gentrification en cours à Paris et dans les communes de proche banlieue
The aim of this thesis is to question the statement - given by Institutions, associations and gardeners themselves - of shared gardens being a source of social ties building. Built upon a field study of both parisian and suburbian shared gardens, this thesis intends to underline the contradiction that exists between what is claimed by gardeners and what the observation of their actual practices tends to reveal. Mixing participant observations, questionnairs and semi-structured interviews, this social survey reveals shared gardens to be in fact ingroup spaces visited by people rather close in terms of social status, education level and cultural practices. If social ties undeniably find their origin from these gardens, they extend only to socially selected members within local associations. From a more global perspective, this work aims to caracterise contemporary social ties as elective in their nature. It also stresses the role of local associations in both public space appropriation and segregation processes within urban territories – the growing gentrification of Paris and its suburbian area being a significant outcome of it

Marie de' Medici began the 'jardin du Luxembourg' during her Regency for Louis XIII. As Henry IV's queen, she had clung tenaciously to her Italian family heritage and as her upbringing had close associations with the spectacular 'giardino di Boboli', she was thus inspired to utilize it as the prototype for her Parisian garden. The validation of Marie de' Medici's success lies in the investigation of both gardens to determine the recurring features and to ascertain their precise chronology. Evidence suggests that some replicated features were well known to Marie, the 'Grotta Grande', the original layout and the amphitheatre's general form; while other features, the 'Isolotto' and the amphitheatre's stone seating, were not. These were realized either concurrently or even later than similar features at Luxembourg: a factor overlooked by historians who habitually cite the formative role of Boboli at Luxembourg.

La recherche a pour point de départ les problèmes environnementaux que rencontrent actuellement les architectes. Les changements de priorités au profit de l'environnement peut être bien observé dans l'architecture récente de Paris, arène où se rencontrent les tendances les plus novatrices et les plus caractéristiques de leur temps. Le travail se propose de suivre cette évolution en prenant pour objet d'analyse deux jardins apparus récemment à Paris : le parc de La Villette de Bernard Tschumi et le Jardin en mouvement du parc André-Citroën conçu par Gilles Clément. Ces deux réalisations avec le même programme (parc urbain) ont l'avantage de résulter des approches diamétralement opposées et d'être en même temps très représentatives de l'architecture de leur décennie. Les enjeux de la recherche sont les suivants :– Montrer qu'un changement considérable s'est produit dans l'architecture européenne des années 90, à savoir le changement des priorités au profit de l'environnement. Il s'agit de montrer que l'architecture contemporaine est entrée dans une nouvelle phase de son évolution, tout en insistant sur l'importance du « tournant écologique ». Le mouvement écologique en architecture n'est pas une mode passagère, introduite par quelques personnalités influentes. Ce n'est pas non plus un « style » parmi d'autres ni un « courant » au sein de l'architecture contemporaine. Au fond, il s'agit d'un mouvement qui apparaît en réponse aux besoins réels de la société occidentale. L'un des objectifs de la recherche est de montrer la nouveauté de l'architecture écologique non seulement par rapport à l'architecture de la période précédente mais aussi par rapport à l'architecture traditionnelle.– Dégager les moteurs de cette évolution de l'architecture. Les changements dont il s'agit sont dus à plusieurs facteurs : économiques (énergétiques), environnementaux, politiques. Le travail de thèse a pour but de montrer comment ces facteurs ont contribué, directement ou indirectement, au passage vers l'architecture écologique. Il ne s'agit pas d'établir un simple rapport de dépendance mais d'analyser les processus dans toute leur complexité. Les processus dont il s'agit ne sont pas toujours linéaires, et l'apparition de cette nouvelle architecture résulte de la superposition de plusieurs tendances.– Analyser le contexte esthétique de l'apparition de l'architecture écologique. La recherche situe les objets d'analyse dans leur contexte culturel français et international, en montrant que l'apparition de l'architecture écologique va de pair avec une certaine crise du paradigme moderniste, qui a épuisé son potentiel théorique. La recherche se propose d'établir des parallèles entre l'architecture contemporaine et des phénomènes appartenant à la littérature, à la philosophie, à l'art contemporain.– Analyser le tournant environnemental (qui n'est pas encore achevé) dans une perspective « futurologique », c'est-à-dire évaluer ses conséquences à long terme
The point of departure of this thesis research is the environment worries which are currently faced by the architects. The shift in priorities to the environment may be followed in the modern architecture of Paris, in the city where there are the most innovative, the most typical tendencies of the current time. The task of the research is to follow this evolution and two parks recently appeared in Paris: Park de la Villette by Bernard Tschumi and the park of André Citroën created by Gilles Clément are taken as the object of this analysis. The choice of the object is explained as follows: these two objects are derived from the diametrically opposed architectural approaches and at the same time they are very revealing for the architecture of its decade. Being focused on the architecture, the research has also interdisciplinary element. This work puts the objects of the analysis in their French and international cultural context. The research sets up parallels between the modern architecture and phenomenon from literature (fragmentary method of writing), philosophy (theory of fragments) and modern art

L’objectif de cette thèse est de repenser la relation entre l’évolution du tissu urbain parisien et une forme d’architecture domestique mal connue : la maison urbaine. Il ne s’agit pas de revenir sur la genèse de cet habitat, mais de questionner sont état à un moment précis : 1780-1810. Cette étude contribue à faire connaître des praticiens oubliés, à faire émerger les pratiques constructives les plus répandues, ou encore à démêler le lien entre l’image des maisons publiées et leur réalité bâtie. Les lotissements engagés à la fin de l’Ancien Régime sont davantage considérés pour leur remplissage à travers le procédé du sous-lotissement et les petites transactions qui s’en suivirent. Les architectes déjà célèbres en leur temps sont étudiés au regard du pendant le moins visible de leur production. Celle de leurs confrères est observée sur un pied d’égalité, en partant du principe qu’un Michel Duval ou qu’un Guireaud de Talairac produisait des ensembles aussi intéressants que la triade Bélanger, Brongniart et Ledoux. Les caractéristiques de ces maisons urbaines protéiformes émergent de l’analyse du corpus réuni – à l’image des terrasses aménagées en jardin – et illustrent les capacités d’adaptations des maîtres d’œuvre. La prolifération d’images et de commentaires dont elles sont l’objet permettent de saisir la place qu’occupaient ces demeures non plus dans la ville, mais dans l’espace public. Ce travail favorise la réévaluation de cas d’études tantôt inconnus, tantôt lacunaires, à l’aune d’une mise en contexte nouvelle
This thesis rethinks the relationship between the Parisian urban fabric and a lesser known form of architecture – the urban housing - that evolved between 1780 and 1810. This work sheds new light on forgotten practitioners, distinguishes the most widespread building practices and untangles the ties between the published images of houses and the realized buildings. The study observes the filling and densifying of the district divisions (lotissement) through subdivision (souslotissement) and their respective small real-estate transactions, that started at the end of the Ancien Régime. Renowned architects of those times were studied through the less visible part of their production, and their not so well known colleagues were treated as their equals, assuming that Michel Duval or Guireaud de Talairac produced buildings as appealing as the triad of Bélanger, Brongniart and Ledoux. The corpus study highlights the characteristics of these protean urban houses – such as terraces laid out as gardens and illustrate the adaptability of the architects. The abundance of pictures and commentaries on these buildings allows us to grasp the importance of these residences not only in the city but in the public space. This work fosters the re-evaluation of the unknown, understudied urban spaces, viewing them in a new perspective

Les parcs et jardins, à contrario des bâtiments et des constructions pérennes des villes, sont vivants. Au fil des saisons et des années ils changent, les arbres grandissent, les feuilles tombent, les fleurs éclosent et se fanent. De la même manière que les hommes entretiennent leur corps, il faut prendre soin de ces espaces verts. Dans cette perspective, les espaces verts sont à la fois acteurs sociaux et espaces sociaux, et ils peuvent être appréhendés comme producteurs de territorialités, en élaborant des règles d’appropriation particulières, des histoires, des mythes et le sens qu’ils recèlent. Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier comment ces territoires peuvent être producteurs d’action publique et de sens, à la fois pour les décideurs publics, les professionnels des espaces verts et les usagers. A travers trois angles d’approche distincts, nous abordons les parcs publics de Grenoble et de Sofia par l’histoire, les représentations et les usages, et enfin par une dimension esthétique qui leur est propre, et qui permet de mettre en évidence des processus communs à tous les milieux urbains, tels que les conflits d’acteurs, la gentrification ou encore la patrimonialisation.Si de nombreuses études traitent des espaces verts, non seulement en sociologie, mais aussi en urbanisme, géographie, sciences politiques, le travail que nous proposons ici est original et se propose d’aborder cette thématique du parc sous un angle inédit. En effet, cette étude met en avant une dimension comparative forte avec un terrain qui a pris place dans des villes très différentes, éloignées géographiquement et culturellement. Par ailleurs, l’étude ne se centre pas sur un espace en particulier, mais sur une myriade de parcs et jardins urbains dispersés dans les deux villes. Ce sont donc davantage des phénomènes globaux et structurels qui sont apparus et sur lesquels nous avons mis l’accent. Enfin, cette étude est également originale dans le sens où nous proposons de mobiliser une sociologie urbaine plus qu’une sociologie de l’environnement pour traiter de ces espaces. Nous proposons ainsi une critique de la sociologie de l’environnement et nous montrons qu’elle n’est pas nécessairement la plus pertinente pour comprendre le fonctionnement des parcs urbains
The parks and gardens, in contrast to the buildings and the perennial buildings of the cities, are alive. Through the seasons and years they change, the trees grow, the leaves fall, the flowers hatch and fade. In the same way that men maintain their bodies, care must be taken of these green spaces. In this perspective, green spaces are both social actors and social spaces, and they can be considered as producers of territorialities, elaborating rules of appropriation, stories, myths and the meaning they hold. This thesis aims to study how these territories can be producers of public action and meaning, both for public decision-makers, professionals of green spaces and users. Through three different angles of approach, we approach the public parks of Grenoble and Sofia by history, representations and uses, and finally by an aesthetic dimension that is specific to them, and which allows to highlight processes Common to all urban environments, such as stakeholder conflicts, gentrification or patrimonialization.Although many studies deal with green spaces, not only in sociology, but also in urban planning, geography, political science, the work we propose here is original and proposes to approach this theme of the park from an unprecedented angle. Indeed, this study highlights a strong comparative dimension with a terrain that has taken place in very different cities, distant geographically and culturally. In addition, the study does not center on a particular space, but on a myriad of parks and urban gardens scattered in both cities. So it is more global and structural phenomena that have emerged and emphasized. Finally, this study is also original in the sense that we propose to mobilize an urban sociology rather than a sociology of the environment to deal with these spaces. We propose a critique of the sociology of the environment and show that it is not necessarily the most relevant to understand the functioning of urban parks

Cette thèse interroge la place des habitants et de leur jardin dans la gestion de la biodiversité ordinaire, à partir de trois communes situées au cœur de l'agglomération parisienne. Cette question nous conduit à nous intéresser à la sensibilité des habitants-jardiniers au monde vivant, à évaluer le lien entre cette sensibilité et les modes de jardiner et, plus fondamentalement, à envisager le rapport entre cette sensibilité au vivant, ces modes de jardinage et la biodiversité dans les jardins privés. Cette recherche s'appuie sur une base de données constituée d'une enquête par questionnaires (585), enrichie d'un matériau iconographique (110 photos prises par les enquêtés) et de 59 relevés botaniques effectués par des écologues. Nous montrons ainsi que les habitants développent une relation multidimensionnelle avec leur jardin dans laquelle la nature, l'ordre et l'esthétique occupent des places centrales. Au sein de ces rapports pluriels, on identifie comme biophiles des répondants qui justifient leur intérêt pour le jardin par une sensibilité à l'égard du vivant. Les jardins sont ainsi le support d'une relation particulière à la biodiversité caractérisée par des modes de jardinage plus respectueux du vivant. L'indicateur mis en place pour mesurer l'état de la Biodiversité Potentielle dans les Jardins (IBPJ) indique que les jardins forment aussi des espaces de biodiversité, surtout lorsque leurs gestionnaires sont considérés comme biophiles. Dans l'objectif d'améliorer la biodiversité dans les espaces verts privés, nous proposons de dépasser la connexion à la nature souvent préconisée, et d'encourager une connexion au vivant ainsi qu'une nouvelle esthétique du jardin
This thesis investigates the role of inhabitants and their garden in the management of ordinary biodiversity, based on three towns located within the Greater Paris. This core issue leads us to explore the inhabitants-gardeners' sensitivity towards the living world, to assess the connection between this sensitivity and gardening techniques and, more fundamentally, to consider the link between this sensitivity towards the living, gardening practices and the biodiversity that exists in domestic gardens. This study is based on a database mainly composed of a questionnaire survey (585), enriched by iconographic material (110 pictures taken by the respondents) and by 59 botanical surveys conducted by ecologists. Thus, we demonstrate that inhabitants develop a multidimensional connection with their garden in which nature, order and aesthetics play a central role. Within these plural connections, we identify as biophilic the respondents who justify their interest for the garden by a specific care for the living. Domestic gardens are thus the support to a particular connection to biodiversity distinguished by gardening techniques more considerate of the living. We implement an Index to gauge the state of the Potential Biodiversity in Gardens (IPBG). This index reveals that gardens, areas undertaken by inhabitants-gardeners, are also areas of biodiversity, furthermore when their owners are considered as biophilic. With the aim of improving biodiversity in private green areas, we propose to overstep the connection to nature advocated in several scientific work and by governmental policies, and to encourage a connection to the living and a new aesthetic of the garden

Suivant les récents développements historiographiques dans le champ de l’histoire des animaux, cette thèse aborde l’histoire des jardins zoologiques du côté des bêtes elles-mêmes. Elle examine donc non seulement les politiques humaines de gestion des animaux de zoo, mais aussi leurs influences sur les corps et les comportements des animaux, et leurs évolutions mutuelles. L’examen débute à la fondation du jardin zoologique, c’est-à-dire au moment de la création de la ménagerie parisienne du Jardin des Plantes en 1793, et se centre, outre sur cette institution originelle, sur le jardin zoologique de Londres, créé en 1828, et celui d’Anvers, fondé en 1843. Pour écrire l’histoire des animaux de zoo, la thèse mobilise une méthodologie qui mêle des indicateurs descriptifs – témoignages sur les corps et comportements animaux, sur les infrastructures de captivité, sur les soins et l’alimentation dont bénéficient les bêtes, .... – et quantitatifs – étude sérielle sur la longue durée des entrées et sorties d’animaux ainsi que des longévités des primates et des grands félins. L’évolution de ces différents indices est examinée au sein d’un cadre chronologique régi par les politiques des gestionnaires de zoos. Ainsi, après une première partie débutant à la fondation des institutions étudiées, une seconde s’ouvre au début du XXe siècle, alors que le marchand allemand Carl Hagenbeck ouvre en 1907 un zoo privé à Stellingen, près de Hambourg, qui popularise un nouveau type de présentation des bêtes, par lequel celles-ci sont exposées durant la journée en plein air et séparées du public par des fossés. Enfin, une troisième partie s’amorce à partir des années 1950, lorsque les zoos s’attellent à la mise en œuvre d’une nouvelle fonction, celle de protection des espèces ex situ, s’ajoutant aux trois autres traditionnellement endossées (récréative, éducative, scientifique).L’examen des vies des bêtes sous l’influence des politiques humaines aboutit à élaborer une nouvelle chronologie des zoos, qui distingue un long XIXe siècle, dévoreur de vies animales ; une seconde phase, hygiéniste, à partir de l’entre-deux-guerres, caractérisée par les volontés des gestionnaires de rationaliser les conditions de captivité, mais dont les incidences sur les vies animales sont toutefois réduites ; enfin une troisième, attentive aux animaux, du milieu des années 1970 à nos jours, qui permet la naissance d’une nouvelle économie animale des zoos, qui voit l’atténuation des ponctions en milieu naturel pour la plupart des taxons (spécifiquement les mammifères et les oiseaux).Ce faisant, l’étude met aussi en évidence, à rebours des discours finalistes de l’historiographie officielle, des permanences, immanentes à la captivité des animaux dans le contexte des zoos. Il s’agit d’une part de l’expression par les bêtes de comportements anormaux dans des proportions qui dépassent le niveau anecdotique ; il s’agit d’autre part de l’approvisionnement en milieu naturel, qui, bien qu’en déclin dans le contexte du bouleversement de l’économie animale, persiste jusqu’à nos jours en nombre important pour les taxons moins considérés, soit les poissons et les invertébrés, et se réincarne en de nouveaux avatars pour les autres (ponctions dans le cadre des programmes de protection, captures scientifiques, ...)
Following in the footsteps of recent developments in the French historiography, this dissertation aims at balancing the attention given to humans and animals. The research therefore focuses on human policies concerning the management of animals kept in zoological gardens, as well as on their consequences on the bodies and behaviors of animals, and on mutual influences between humans and animals.The study begins with the birth of the zoological garden, i.e. the creation of the Jardin des Plantes Menagerie in 1793, and focuses on this institution as well as on the London Zoo, created in 1828, and the Antwerp Zoo (1843). In order to write the history of zoo animals, the method uses both descriptive indicators – testimonies on animals bodies and behaviors, on captive environments, on animal cares, handling and food, ... – and quantitative indicators – long-term study of the arrivals and departures, births and deaths of animals and of the longevity of Primates and Pantherinae in captivity. The evolution of these indicators takes place in a chronological framework based on the policies designed to manage zoo animals. The first part begins with the foundation of the zoological gardens. The second one starts at the beginning of the 20th century, when German dealer Carl Hagenbeck opened a zoo in Stellingen, near Hamburg (1907) which popularized a new way to display the animals, in open-air enclosures separated from the public by ditches. The third part starts in the 1950’s, when zoos implemented a new function, one of ex situ conservation, in addition to their other traditional recreative, educative and scientific missions.This study of animal lives under human influence results in a new chronology of zoological gardens, discerning a long 19th century, that consumed animal lives, a second phase, hygienist, from the interwar period, marked by the managers’ willingness to rationalize the conditions of captivity, without much influence on animals lives and longevity, and a third one, from the mid-1970’s to the present time, characterized by increased attention to zoo animals and their well-being, allowing the birth of a new animal economy of zoological gardens, by which in situ captures decline for most taxa (specifically mammals and birds).The dissertation also shows, in opposition with the finalist discourses of the official historiography, somes continuities, immanent to animal captivity in the context of zoological gardens. Abnormal behaviors in animals especially appear in proportions exceeding the anecdotal level. Another important phenomenon pointing to continuities is the collecting in the wild which, although it declined at the same rhythm that the new animal economy developed, has persisted to this day, profusely for the least considered taxa (fishes and invertebrates), and resurfacing in new iterations for mammals, birds, reptiles and amphibians (capture for purposes of conservation, for scientific collecting, ...)

En 1868, l’ouverture du pays avec la révolution de Meiji fut un moment de grand bouleversement dans l’histoire de l’urbanisme et de l’art des jardins au Japon. Sous les influences occidentales, la composition urbaine et le modèle du jardin japonais se diversifièrent et cette évolution fut renforcée et accélérée par une composante urbaine nouvelle, introduite de l’extérieur, le « parc public ».Deux écoles du paysage jouèrent un rôle pionnier dans ce courant : l’école de Honda Seiroku établie à l’université impériale de Tokyo, et celle de Fukuba Hayato basée dans un jardin impérial, Shinjuku Gyoen. Les deux fondateurs n’avaient pas exactement la même philosophie sur le paysage : celle du premier était fondée sur la sylviculture et l’aménagement du territoire inspirée des théories développées en Allemagne et celle du second s’appuyait sur l’horticulture et l’art des jardins inspirés de la France ; le traité d’Edouard André, Traité général de la composition des parcs et jardins, publié en 1879, en particulier, joua un rôle important.Dans cette thèse, nous nous sommes attachée à démontrer méthodiquement cette hypothèse d’apparition d’un nouveau type d’espace, le jardin public, à partir des réalisations principales de ces deux écoles, de l’ouverture du pays en 1868, jusqu’aux années 1930. En nous appuyant sur la méthode du « comparatisme », nous avons retracé les traditions de l’art des jardins au Japon et en France. Nous avons étudié les projets de parcs et jardins publics réalisés en France sous le Second Empire où s’épanouit l’école française du paysage (Parc des Buttes-Chaumont, Parc Montsouris, Square des Batignolles), et analysé les caractéristiques des parcs et jardins réalisés par les deux paysagistes pionniers et leurs disciples (Shinjuku Gyoen, Parc Hibiya, Parc Hamachô, Parc Narita-san). Nous nous sommes également penchée sur la formation des paysagistes et les supports de diffusion du savoir dans le monde horticole.Le travail que nous avons effectué a une dimension à la fois historique et pratique. Nous avons mis en œuvre les méthodes de l’historien pour le travail en archives et la recherche documentaire, du paysagiste pour les techniques de relevé ou la lecture de projet. En analysant ces parcs français et japonais, à travers plusieurs thèmes (allée, plantation, pièce d’eau, démarche de projet et composition spatiale), nous avons montré le rôle joué par l’école française de paysage sur le développement du parc public au Japon. Nous avons accordé à l’iconographie et aux analyses graphiques, souvent inédites, une place importante. Enfin, cette thèse apporte des éléments nouveaux sur les effets de l’ouverture du Japon, dans un domaine jusqu’alors peu exploré, l’art des jardins dans sa relation au parc public
Subsequent to the 1868 Meiji revolution, the opening of the country was a time of great change in urban planning and in the art of the garden in Japan. Under influences from the West, the layout of towns and the model of the Japanese garden were both diversified and this development was reinforced and accelerated by a new element in the urban space, introduced from abroad, the « public park ».Two schools of landscaping were pioneers in this trend: the Seiroku Honda school, established at the Imperial University in Tokyo, and the Hayato Fukuba school based in the Shinjuku Gyoen Imperial Garden. The two founders did not share the same philosophy of landscaping: the former was founded on forestry and on town and country planning, inspired by theories developed in Germany, and the latter was based on examples of horticulture and garden design from France: the treatise by Edouard André, “General Treatise on the Composition of Parks and Gardens” (Traité général de la composition des parcs et jardins), published in 1879, in particular, exerted a clear influence.In the present thesis, I will defend the hypothesis that a new type of space appeared: the public park, evolving from the principle achievements of the two schools during the opening up of the country in 1868 and until the 1930s. Using the “comparatist” method, I retrace the traditions of garden design in Japan and in France informed by the study of projects for public parks and gardens in France during the Second Empire, where the French school of landscaping flourished (Parc des Buttes-Chaumont, Parc Montsouris, Square des Batignolles), and I analyse the characteristics of the parks and gardens laid out by the two pioneer landscape gardeners and their followers (Shinjuku Gyoen, Hibiya Park, Hamachô Park, Narita-san Park). I also research the training for landscape gardening and the formats used for transfer of knowledge among horticulturalists.My research covers both historical and practical aspects. I use the methods of the historian for the consultation of archives and for documentary research; the methods of a landscape gardener for the techniques of surveying and the interpretation of projects. Analysing both French and Japanese parks from various thematic standpoints (paths, planting, water features, project management and layout), I demonstrate the influence of the French school of landscaping on the development of the public park in Japan. I reserve an important place to iconography and to graphics analysis, often hitherto unpublished. Finally, my thesis presents new elements concerning the effects in Japan, in this largely unexplored domain, of the art of gardening in its relation to the public park

This chapter focuses on exotica in Europe. Many of the botanical and zoological aspects of Versailles were supported by increasingly rigorous scientific studies being carried out in Paris. Since the early 1500s, France’s botanists had sought a permanent facility where living plant specimens could be studied. Indeed, the French were eager to establish a counterpart to the successful research gardens organized in Padua and Pisa. The Jardin du Roi in Paris was meant to make the capital, and by extension France, the world’s pre-eminent center for natural history. Elsewhere in Europe, it was the major banking houses and trading companies that brokered shipments of exotica along with spices, textiles, and other goods. In Italy, wealthy banker and merchant families vied to obtain the latest New World and tropical wonders for their private gardens. The Dutch went further, cannily marketing the entire globe as a rich, alluring repository of exotica, whose possession by nonroyal persons would confer pure delight, free of the burdens of statecraft. From transit pens at the ports of Antwerp and Amsterdam, exotica were sent on to both private and royal customers.

While form and design dominated the French Académie in the 19th century, the explosion of a chemical bouquet of new colors in the previous century began to dominate artists' consciousness. Since France, and in particular, Paris, was the locus for two revolutions, one political and the other chemical, it was almost natural for an artistic one to follow, bookended by the work of Manet and Cézanne. We call this revolution Impressionism.

Abstract FRANCE in the 1930s was geographically the most varied country in Western Europe, stretching from the wind-swept agricultural plains of the north to the sun-baked scrubland of the Mediterranean. Its lateral sweep was no less chequered, ranging from the vineyards and sandy forests of the Atlantic seaboard to Europe’s highest mountain range in the east. If its mineral deposits were poor, its diversity of crops was prodigious, extending from potatoes and beet in the north to rice and olives in the south. Its wild animals included the seals of the Somme Estuary and the bears of the Pyrenees; there were wild boar within thirty miles of Paris, and scorpions in the gardens of Nice. And all this within a country that lay between narrower latitudes than the British Isles. Its variety of life and spectacle was such that even half a century later the great majority of its people chose to spend their holidays in France.

Abstract ASIDE FROM HIS COUSIN Theodore, Franklin D. Roosevelt was the most cosmopolitan American to enter the White House since John Quincy Adams in 1825. The son of James and Sara Delano Roosevelt, Hudson River Valley aristocrats who habitually lived and traveled abroad, Franklin was introduced to Europe in 1885 at the age of three. His first memories, in fact, were of a lost jumping jack swept away by seawater that entered the family cabin on a return voyage from England in April of that year. Between the ages of seven and fifteen he spent a few months annually in Britain, France, and Germany, where his parents socialized with their European counterparts. During a typical stay abroad in 1889--<)o, the family first visited England, where “James had some good shooting with Sir Hugh” Cholmeley and “much riding and hunting” at “Belvoir, one of the most beautiful of the English castles, belonging to the Duke of Rutland.” After six weeks, they moved on to France, where Franklin played in the parks and gardens of Versailles and the Paris Tuileries, walked in the Champs-Elysees and the Bois, and accompanied his father to the “dizzying” top of the Eiffel Tower to marvel at “the great city, spread out like a map below.” The winter found them in Pan, a health spa in the south of France. There Franklin took bird-watching walks with Cecil Foljambe, an M.P., rode his pony for two hours every morning, listened to his father discuss naval affairs with Lord Clanwi1liam, Admiral of the Fleet, and attended a Christmas-day children’s party at “Lady Nugent’s.” In subsequent years, when James Roosevelt took his cures at Bad Nauhaim, Franklin bicycled through parts of Holland and Germany, attended the opera at Bayreuth, and climbed the Blauen in the Black Forest.

Abstract 1889, the Universal Exposition at Paris; amid the spectacles and wonders of the Pavillion of Electricity, the Gallery of the Machines, and the stupefying achievement of the Eiffel Tower, the casual visitor to the Exposition might be forgiven for not having spent much time at the Musee d’Ethnographie, with its superb collections of artifacts from Europe, the Pacific Islands, Asia, South America, and Africa. To establish his exhibition at the Galeries du Trocadero with its fabulous display halls, the director Dr. Ernest Ramy requested and received contributions from regional and private collections all over France. Oceania was admirably well represented, in particular the islands of New Caledonia.

Abstract Like London, Paris after 1700 saw a large increase in the recording of sodomy cases (or attempted ones), thanks to a change in policing practice. Agents provocateurs entrapped many men in the streets or public gardens. Most were released with a warning; some received punishment, though few were sent to the criminal courts. Police reports also described taverns where sodomites would gather for socializing and sex; there is some slight evidence of effeminate behaviour there, but not as the dominant style, and certainly not as a way of life. In the Netherlands a moral panic, triggered in 1730, led to many sodomy trials, revealing networks of sodomites in several towns. Some socializing in taverns or private houses, called lolhuizen, was also revealed, as well as much public ‘cruising’. The chapter concludes with a brief survey of changing attitudes to sodomy in 18th-century Northern Europe.

Abstract This chapter examines land use in Northern France during the long thirteenth century. This chapter lays a foundation for later chapters in which landscapes described in songs are compared to historical patterns of land use. It provides an overview of the climatic conditions and demographic changes. It compares the land use around urban areas to land use in rural estates. The chapter explores how land use was shaped by identity, with lifestyles conditioning the physical terrain. Cities were surrounded by the fields and vineyards that supplied urban dwellers with bread and wine. Rural estates included non-agricultural areas such as forests, deer parks, and gardens that were important to the self-image of aristocrats.

Rita Occhiuto Faculté d’Architecture. Université de Liège, ULG. 1, Rue Courtois 4000 Liège (BE) Tél. +3242217900 e-mail : r.occhiuto@ulg.ac.be Keywords: public space, park system, green and water infrastructure, morphological green writings, landscape memory The rapid transformation and the trivialization of landscapes in Wallonia (BE), require reformulating tools and objectives of morphological studies. Built fabrics and landscapes show the effects of abandoning or losing interest in the interrelations between natural and human actions. This contribution focuses on studies of cities and territories that have ceased to be the object of spatial policies attentive to the relationship between the need to live, maintain or care for green or natural spaces. After the systematic reduction of urban environments to simple green covers, morphological reading allows the recognition of traces of park systems or green infrastructures, whose communities often do not remember. The research's focus has shifted from the building to the green space structure. This displacement of interest makes it possible to find commons cultures that have acted on the territory of Liège (industrial city) on the one hand, through the building’s extension and on the other hand, through the project of forests, walks, squares, parks and public gardens. Now, these fragmented places become the main resource for reorganizing natural and human systems in order to offer new - social and spatial - coherence for tomorrow. Thus the historical green systems become a strong structuring link which serves to seek new dialectics of balance between existing fabrics and green systems. This system’s regeneration stands, on the one hand, to the hybridization of materials - water, green and buildings - and, on the other hand, to the physical and mental memory of the inhabited environments that populations keep. Green systems impose themselves as powerful vectors for the construction of new socio-spatial balances of cities and territories of globalization, as in the study case for the landscape systems in Liège and for the water and landscapes infrastructure in Chaudfontaine.References Foxley, A. (2010), Distance & engagement. Walking, thinking and making landscape. Vogt landscape architects, Lars Müller Publishers Cronon,W., Coll., Uncommon ground. Rethinking the Human Place in Nature. W.W.Norton & Company New York/London McHarg, I.(1969), Design with Nature, 1th, New York Spirn, A.W. (1994), The granite garden. Urban Nature and Human Design, ed. Basic Book Ravagnati, C. (2012), L’invenzione del Territorio. L’atlante inedito di Saverio Muratori, ed. Franco Angeli, Milano

Th ere are some symbols (images) of cities in which they come to the fore. Th ese symbols can be diverse such as city silhouettes, temples, holy places, museums, festivals, natural areas, food, drinks, and desserts. Urban symbols can be an important soft power and tourism intermediary for the promotion of both the city and the country. Many examples such as Japan’s kimono, Kyoto garden, and sushi; France’s Paris Eiff el Tower; Moldova’s wine cellars; Moscow’s Kremlin Palace in Russia; Istanbul’s Topkapi Palace in Türkiye, beaches, doner kebab and baklava; Tibet’s Buddhist temples can be cited. As can be understood from these examples, a city or a small settlement can sometimes come to the fore even more than the country itself due to its symbol. Countries that benefi t from this can provide a good promotion in terms of tourism. While there are professional works in creating an image of the city, sometimes bad examples can be seen. However, creating the image of the city, strange structures or sculptures can sometimes be used for the promotion of the city. In fact, it is an interesting method which causes a very bad appearance. Even this situation sometimes causes a funny and disgusting image. For example, ill-hewn statues of fruit-vegetable, food, animals, persons or heroes, etc. It is unnecessary but it also causes bad publicity. Instead, applied kitchens, food and beverage presentations, and museums are more remarkable. In this paper, the city image “met halva”, which has come to the fore in the fi eld of gastronomy, with the cultural animations made recently in Sivrihisar district of Eskișehir province of Türkiye will be introduced.