Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Front national progressiste (Iraq)"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Front national progressiste (Iraq)"
1
Cassino, Dan, e Cengiz Erisen. "Priming Bush and Iraq in 2008: A Survey Experiment". American Politics Research 38, n. 2 (marzo 2010): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09346799.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using a question-order experiment, half the respondents in a national RDD (random digit dial) likely voter survey taken just prior to the 2008 Presidential Primary election were primed to think about President Bush and the war in Iraq before making their candidate choice. Results show that the priming had a significant effect on their candidate choice, and that priming individuals to think about the war significantly aided the candidacy of eventual Democratic nominee Barack Obama, more than doubling his support, and hurt then Republican front-runner Rudy Giuliani, cutting his support almost in half.
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Abdo, Ahmed Mohamed, e Najimaldeen Mohieddin Al-Rikani. "Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards neighboring countries for 2003-2015 (Iraq model)". Tikrit Journal For Political Science, n. 14 (2 marzo 2019): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i14.118.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper deals with the nature and causes of change in Turkish foreign policy towards its neighbors, specifically Iraq. This change, which was the main reason, the new obstacles faced by the external movement and result, directly or indirectly, of the variables that have emerged in neighboring countries during the past decade, including Iraq, of course. Where the relationship between Turkey and Iraq is one of the most sensitive relations in the Middle East, and the Kurdistan region of Iraq has formed one of the important factors that contributed to the nature of that relationship between them. Therefore, the research attempts to detect the paths of change in the Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government for the period 2003-2015. Many researchers and academics have pointed to the changing and contradictory nature of Turkish foreign policy toward Iraq in the post-2003 era. The main question in this paper is: Why was there no consistent position in Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Baghdad and Kurdistan Regional Government in Arbil between In 2003-2015? The hypothesis of the research is that countries adopt change in their foreign policies in order to achieve their national interests and interests with the lowest costs and more benefits. Turkey has adopted a change in its foreign policy toward its neighbors as well, specifically Iraq, and this research will try to test this hypothesis on the Turkish policy towards Iraq. The duration of the search, if it is or not. The research in the final analysis shows that one of the most important results of improving relations between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government will be in favor of the Turkish quest to strengthen its influence in front of Iranian influence in Iraq and the region as a whole.
3
Foutz, Brittany. "From Religion and Resources to Conflict: the Yazidis and ISIS". Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 29, n. 2 (2019): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice201929216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Yazidis, surely one of the most unknown communities in the Middle East, made it to the front page of international media in 2014 when the Dáesh added them to their long list of victims. However, it was not the first time in history that this community suffered direct attacks and discrimination for their religion. On October 5, Iraq celebrated the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to one of its citizens, Nadia Murad, awarded for her fight against the use of sexual violence as a weapon in armed conflict. With this, Murad placed her people, the Yazidis, a religious minority in northern Iraq, in the center of hundreds of articles in the international press. Murad was also the first Kurd to win the award, which made her, as stated by the leader of the Kurdistan National Party, a symbol of firmness for Kurdish women and youth.
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Wei, Zhuoyan. "The Effects of Female Participation in Ideological Rebel Groups on the Patterns of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 6, n. 1 (17 maggio 2023): 920–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/6/20220887.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay analyzes how female participation may affect the perpetration of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) by rebel groups. I look at leftist, Islamist, Christian, and Buddhist rebel groups, examining how these ideologies interact with the factor of female participation. I hypothesize that while female participation in leftist and Buddhist rebel groups may reduce CRSV, it may have relatively little impact in Islamist and Christian rebel groups. I test these theories individually through the case studies of the Farabundo Mart National Liberation Front (FMLN), the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), and the United People's Democratic Front (UPDF). Due to the lack of data on Christian and Buddhist rebel groups, I only statistically corroborate my hypotheses on leftist and Islamist rebel groups.
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الأعسم, خليل إبراهيم. "The right of expression between international guarantees and the control of national law, Iraq as a model". Kufa Journal of Arts 1, n. 31 (10 aprile 2017): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i31.6163.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The right to express between the international safeguards and oversight of Iraqi domestic law modelA search on the front of the problem and the hypothesis and researcher reviewed the scientific method used then touched on the review of international guarantees of freedom of expression in the declarations and international conventions and regulate the right of expression in the framework of the Arab League and the control of the Iraqi legal system under the legislation, the Constitution of 1925 and use the table of the stalled newspapers explained in lost this Constitution then accept censorship under the Constitution of 1958 and censorship under the Constitution of1964, 1968 and 1970 He then reviewed by the General Assembly resolutions of the United Nations for the suppression of the right of expression in Iraq and then search for the right of freedom of expression in the Constitution of 2005 and the Iraqi judiciary specialist publishing issues and then come to a set of conclusions and recommendations, and hired a researcher newspaper official Iraqi facts discussed in the constitutions of 1925 and 1958, 1963, 1964, 1968 and 1970 and 2005 also used a variety of sources of international Kalmwathiq global announcements
6
الأعسم, خليل إبراهيم. "The right of expression between international guarantees and the control of national law, Iraq as a model". Kufa Journal of Arts 1, n. 31 (10 aprile 2017): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i31.6163.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The right to express between the international safeguards and oversight of Iraqi domestic law modelA search on the front of the problem and the hypothesis and researcher reviewed the scientific method used then touched on the review of international guarantees of freedom of expression in the declarations and international conventions and regulate the right of expression in the framework of the Arab League and the control of the Iraqi legal system under the legislation, the Constitution of 1925 and use the table of the stalled newspapers explained in lost this Constitution then accept censorship under the Constitution of 1958 and censorship under the Constitution of1964, 1968 and 1970 He then reviewed by the General Assembly resolutions of the United Nations for the suppression of the right of expression in Iraq and then search for the right of freedom of expression in the Constitution of 2005 and the Iraqi judiciary specialist publishing issues and then come to a set of conclusions and recommendations, and hired a researcher newspaper official Iraqi facts discussed in the constitutions of 1925 and 1958, 1963, 1964, 1968 and 1970 and 2005 also used a variety of sources of international Kalmwathiq global announcements
7
Ahmed, Vian Hussain. "Attitudes of Press and Political Parties from the Accomplishing the Treaty of 1930". Journal of the College of Education for Women 32, n. 1 (28 marzo 2021): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36231/coedw.v32i1.1471.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This present work adopts the analytic and descriptive methodology to recognize and analyze the major challenges faced by the Iraqi government. The study focuses on the press and national partiers’ cabipility of changing and unifying the opinions of the public in a way that serves the Iraqi interest, taking into account the fact that the press is the fourth authority after the three major authorities, (Executive, Legislation and Judicial). The researcher has concluded that the Iraqi press and parties initiated a national front with the Iraqi people against the government’s signature of the treaty of (1930). The national front illustrated that signing the treaty strengthens the authority of the British occupation upon the national properties, and its internal and external decisions within the political and economic fields. Additionally, an obvious difference related to what has been written in the Iraqi press has been noticed, where the press represents the mirror of the policy and direction of the political parties. However, at the end, their opinions have been formulated in accordance with the benefits of the country. The treaty has given the Iraqi government a namely dependence after years of the British mandate.The major conclusion of this paper shows the effect of 10 newspapers on the public opinions. These include the following: Al-Iraq Press, Al-Nahdha Iraqi Press, Sada Al-Watan Press, and Sada Al-Istaqlal Press. Each press wrote more than 8 articles, tackling the negative side of the treaty. Further, they helped in educating the Iraqi people about the risks, and the negative impact of the treaty in limiting the freedom of the Iraqi people.
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Nima, Manaf Marza. "Impact of Indicators of Good Governance in the Fight Against Administrative and Financial Corruption Iraq". Iraqi Administrative Sciences Journal 1, n. 2 (30 giugno 2017): 380–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33013/iqasj.v1n2y2017.pp380-396.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The phenomenon of administrative and financial corruption of dangerous phenomena facing countries, particularly developing countries, causing it to fall into recession in the construction and economic development, and the destruction of the economy, financial and administrative capacity of the State and the institution alike, and in front of the gravity of this phenomenon and the failure of traditional methods to prevent the causes leading to it in light of the lack of security and political stability and focused on stakeholders and several international organizations and researchers studying the phenomenon of administrative and financial corruption at the national and international levels and in-depth studies to determine the main reasons that contribute to the increase as well as the establishment of appropriate mechanisms to minimize the gravity and is of good governance and one administration of the most important cornerstones contribute significantly to address the phenomenon of financial and administrative corruption, and through a variety of mechanisms, most notably transparency and disclosure as well as the promotion of good governance and the resulting developments related to the Iraqi economy as a result of political change after the general indicators (2003) and what happened from a serious development in the apparent increase financial and administrative corruption which calls for promotion of good governance indicators as one of the important pillars in reducing the size of the financial and administrative corruption and then eliminate it.
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Manduchi, Patrizia. "Arab Nationalism(s): Rise and Decline of an Ideology". Oriente Moderno 97, n. 1 (30 marzo 2017): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340137.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When speaking about Arab nationalism, at least three phenomena, only partially distinct from one another, must be identified: Arabism, Pan-Arabism and Nationalisms on a local basis.The first is Arabism (ʿurūbah, being Arab) in the sense of belonging to the same world, in a single context from Morocco to Iraq, that emerged in Egypt and Near East in the last decades of thexixcentury. From this cultural awareness of an Arab identity, the Pan-Arabism (qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah) developed in the interwars period, but especially after the Second World War. Finally, with the acquired national Arab independences, Nationalism emerged on a local basis, and took the name ofwaṭaniyyah.The debate has never closed and all the major questions are still open: if an Arab nation (and therefore an Arab nationalism) has ever existed; if we can talk about a Pan-Arab nationalism once local based nationalisms emerged; which are the ideological principles of Arab Nationalism that are not uncritically assimilated from outside; finally, how and why the nationalistic ideologies have suffered an heavy crisis in front of the impressive rise of contemporary radical Islamism after the Seventies.Finally, if the figure of the global jihadist, not tied to this or that national cause but fighting anywhere you have to fight aǧihādin the way of God, is the antithesis of the militant of nationalistic movements, for his absolute disregard for any cause that can be defined national. The goal is the creation of an Islamic State, no matter how utopian this project is, not based on the concept of nation but on that ofummah. It’s the phase of the “après panarabisme”: the myth of cohesion from the Gulf to the Atlantic no longer enchants Arab people and Arab States, and the era of Nasser and the Ba‘athist dream has finally ended.
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Abdullah, Harith Qahtan, e Abbas Fadel Atwan. "Expansion of borders in the Kurdistan region and local and regional positions". Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, n. 11 (1 marzo 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i11.98.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The borders of Kurdistan represent an important point in Kurdish thought. They represent the hope of establishing their national state. The circumstances of the war on terrorism in Iraq and Syria have led to the emergence of what is known as a "propaganda" and the formation of a global front in its struggle. And with the signs of the collapse of the Syrian state and the weakness of the Iraqi state in the face of the "dashing" in the beginning. These circumstances led to the emergence of the role of the Kurdistan region in the confrontation "ISIS" and maintain the administrative border in the three provinces of Kurdistan in addition to the province of Kirkuk. That the circumstances of the war on terrorism created new international conditions on the Middle East arena, which will generate many problems between the Kurdistan region and the central government of Baghdad, as well as other problems between the region, Syria, Turkey and Iran. The war on terrorism has made countries free to fight the opposition groups under the name Terrorism by their classification. The Turkish side is fighting the PKK within the borders of the Kurdistan region, and this war can develop in a post-"warlike" phase. The war in Syria is also contradictory to vision and not resolved to a specific side and Iran's position on developments is encouraging.
Tesi sul tema "Front national progressiste (Iraq)"
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Koprulu, Nur. "Consolidation Of Jordanian National Identity: Rethinking Internal Unrest And External Challenges In Shaping Jordanian Identity And Foreign Policy". Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608285/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the impact of two external challenges, the Palestinian dimension and the outbreak of al-Aqsa intifada, and the US war in Iraq in transforming the politics of identity in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The Kingdom of Jordan, created as a part of post-war settlement in 1921, considered as the most ‘
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among all the states in the Middle East that has been successfully consolidated. Since Jordan was not the ancestral land of Hashemite family, the establishment of the Kingdom of Jordan posited the country at the core of discussions on identity and nation-building. In addition, the identity formation in Jordan offers a case that can easily be found in most parts of the Middle East where multiple sub-state and supra-state identities demarcate and shape the formulation of popular loyalties. Given the historical and political linkage that has closely bound Jordanian and Palestinian entities, Jordanian political history as a separate entity has for the most part coincided with Palestinian national movement. The Palestinian issue has become central to Jordan&
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s politics of identity particularly with Jordan&
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s annexation of the West Bank in 1950 and the incorporation of the Palestinians into Jordanian society. The huge influx of Palestinian community led to the emergence of an &
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ethnic division&
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between the East Bankers (native Jordanians) and the West Bankers (Palestinian origin Jordanians). Since the annexation of the West Bank territories, the Kingdom opted to build a hybrid Jordanian identity to integrate Palestinian descents into Jordan. Jordan has lately caught between two external challenges across its western and eastern borders. The outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada in 2000 and the US war in Iraq in 2003 have devastatingly transformed Jordan&
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s identity formation. The &
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Jordan First, Arab Second&
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Campaign constitutes regime&
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s primary response to cope with these regional crises. The &
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Jordan First&
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initiative epitomizes a new era in the Kingdom, not only for re-building Jordanian norms and expectations, but also helps to notice the de-liberalizing efforts of the monarchy to contain and demolish any kind of opposition posed by domestic unrest. These two external disturbances will, therefore, help to illustrate that a causal relationship between identity and foreign policy can be drawn in the case of Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Libri sul tema "Front national progressiste (Iraq)"
1
Gold, Dore. Israel and the Gulf crisis: Changing security requirements on the Eastern front. Washington, D.C: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1990.
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2
Iraqi Chronicles: Emails From The Front - A National Guardsman's Perspective. Outskirts Press, 2006.
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3
From Vietnam to 9/11: On the Front Lines of National Security with a New Epilogue on the Iraq War. Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004.
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4
Gannon, James. Military Occupations in the Age of Self-Determination. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400685941.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book offers a perspective decidedly different from that of the Bush Administration and its neoconservative supporters. Since the United Nations embraced the right of national self-determination in 1945, the historical odds have been unfavorable to great powers that impose military occupations on smaller nations. This point is bolstered by the evidence from history, and is particularly pertinent to the American occupation of Iraq, where a robust insurgency has delayed projected successes by the administration and wartime planners. Drawing on historical antecedents to the occupation of Iraq, Gannon examines events such as the British Struggles in Palestine, French enterprises in Algeria, the Soviet debacle in Afghanistan, and other instances in which occupying powers to demonstrate the struggles and failures of occupying powers in the face of determined insurgencies. Since the United Nations adopted the principle of national self-determination in 1945, great powers like the United States that occupy smaller nations like Iraq lose more often than not when confronted with credible insurgencies. The evidence is taken from recent history: the Zionist victory over Britain in Palestine, and the defeats of France in Algeria, America in Vietnam, the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and Israel in Lebanon. On the surface these outcomes seem perverse-powerful modern armies brought down by rag-tag rebels. The explanation comes from the types of warfare fought. Great powers are equipped to fight other great powers in great battles over large territory. Rebels fight shadow wars, neutralizing the fire power and mobility of the occupying army. Insurgencies continue for years, allowing political considerations to come into play, including propaganda, international pressure, and the stream of dead and wounded returning from the war zone. The home front turns against the war, and new policymakers conclude that the nation's interests are best served by getting out. History is not an exact science, so the judgment here is expressed in probability, not certainty; witness the British defeat of insurgencies in Malaya and Kenya before giving up these colonies, and the four-decades-old Israeli occupation and partial colonization of the West Bank.
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Sankey, Margaret D. Women and War in the 21st Century. ABC-CLIO, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216036890.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"Twenty-three countries currently allow women to serve in front-line combat positions and others with a high likelihood of direct enemy contact. This book examines how these decisions did or did not evolve in 47 countries. This timely and fascinating book explores how different countries have determined to allow women in the military to take on combat roles–whether out of a need for personnel, a desire for the military to reflect the values of the society, or the opinion that women improve military effectiveness–or, in contrast, have disallowed such a move on behalf of the state. In addition, many countries have insurgent or dissident factions, in that have led armed resistance to state authority in which women have been present, requiring national militaries and peacekeepers to engage them, incorporate them, or disarm and deradicalize them. This country-by country analysis of the role of women in conflicts includes insightful essays on such countries as Afghanistan, China, Germany, Iraq, Israel, Russia, and the United States. Each essay provides important background information to help readers to understand the cultural and political contexts in which women have been integrated into their countries' militaries, have engaged in combat during the course of conflict, and have come to positions of political power that affect military decisions."
Capitoli di libri sul tema "Front national progressiste (Iraq)"
1
"Front matter". In Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq, a cura di James P. Pfiffner e Mark Phythian. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526130969.00001.
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Jones, Kevin M. "Poetry of Public Spaces". In The Dangers of Poetry, 130–58. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613393.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter describes the era of the poetry of public spaces, when dissident leftist poets participated in massive popular protests and galvanized their audiences with defiant acts of public dissidence. The chapter also documents the rise of free verse poetry and analyzes the relationship between modernist aesthetics and the politics of commitment in Iraq. It shows how a young generation of modernist poets joined the Iraqi Communist Party and embraced the socialist internationalism promoted by communist poets in Europe, Asia, and Latin America. The chapter also addresses how a new generation of nationalist poets increasingly gravitated toward socialist ideals, embracing the Sartrean ethos of commitment and joining their communist comrades and rivals in articulating the new cultural politics of the national front.
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Keleş, Zülal. "Cafer Tayyar Paşa (1877-1958)". In Millî Mücadelenin Yerel Tarihi 1918-1923 (Cilt 10): Edirne - Kırklareli - Tekirdağ, 513–37. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-72-6.ch13.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"Cafer Tayyar (Eğilmez) Pasha graduated from the War Academy on January 4, 1904 with the rank of Staff Captain. He spent his internship in the units of the III Army, headquartered in Thessaloniki. He served on various fronts during the Balkan War and World War I. In World War I, he participated in the Çanakkale Battles as the commander of the 1st Division of the 1st Corps. He stood out with the importance he attached to fortification at the front. Afterwards, he served on the Caucasus Front as the commander of the 1st Division of the 2nd Army and then on the Iraq Front, where he was appointed as the commander of the 18th Corps, until mid-1918. At the end of the war, he was appointed as the Commander of the 1st Corps. While trying to organize the National Struggle in Thrace as the Commander of the 1st Corps, Cafer Tayyar Bey was dismissed by the Istanbul Government and given the titles of Commander of Rumelia General by the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) and National Commander of Thrace by the Thrace-Paşaeli Association for Defence of National Rights, but he preferred to use the latter title. In July 1920, Cafer Tayyar Bey was captured during the occupation of Eastern Thrace by the Greek Army and returned to Türkiye on April 1, 1923. Cafer Tayyar Bey was appointed as the Commander of the 7th Corps in Diyarbakır on August 12, 1923. He successfully suppressed the Nestorian rebellion that took place in the region of the corps. During this period when the Mosul issue was on the agenda, he always kept the 7th Corps ready for war. Cafer Tayyar Bey, who was also interested in politics since his youth, took part in the organization process as an active member of the Skopje branch of the Committee of Union and Progress. He served as a deputy of Edirne in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye in the first and second terms."
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Levinson, Daryl J. "State Building and Unbuilding". In Law for Leviathan, 83–110. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780190061593.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This chapter starts with the rewards and risks of building state power through law, and the corresponding trade-off between projects of state-building and state-unbuilding. From the post–World War II Marshall Plan to the post-9/11 state-building efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Hobbesian project of building stronger states and fixing failed ones has been perceived as a foreign policy imperative. As history has painfully demonstrated, however, building stronger states comes with risks of its own, both domestically and internationally. A similar ambivalence about the extent of state power has been a pervasive feature of American constitutionalism, giving rise to persistent debates over national government capacity, presidential powers, the administrative state, and constitutional federalism. On the home front, Americans have resolutely resisted Hobbes’s advice, intentionally designing for ourselves a state built, if not to fail, at least not to fully succeed.