Articoli di riviste sul tema "France (1775)"

One of the Western travellers that went through the Romanian area during the second half of the 18th century was the French Jean-Louis Carra (1742-1793). Originary of Burgundy (France), he travelled in Europe on several occasions. He reached Moldavia as well in the year 1775, when he came to serve the Reigning Prince Grigore III Ghica (whom he had met in Russia), as a teacher of his sons and as a secretary for the French correspondence. He remained here for a year (1775-1776), and during this period he seems to have travelled to Wallachia as well. In the spring of the year 1776, Carra left Moldavia heading to Poland. A year later, in 1777, there appeared in Buillon, not in Iaşi, as it is written on the title page, Histoire de la Moldavie et la Valachie (History of Moldavia and Wallachia), a work that was to be published in the same year in Paris as well and then in its second edition in Neuchatel, in the year 1781. Our paper aims to bring into focus Carra’s works together with all the controversies it triggered in the course of time in the Romanian historiography.

Responses of fosterers to parasitism by the common cuckoo (Cuculus canorus), recorded experimentally by Antoine Joseph Lottinger in eastern France between 1772 and 1775, were published in a book in 1775. Typographical errors in the text indicate that all extant copies of the book constitute a single impression from standing type, yet three separate title-pages were printed and circulated. Successive title-pages provided slightly different information, providing clues about the book's circulation. Initially driven by curiosity, Lottinger's work was fuelled by a desire to dispel a culture of misconceptions held by many naturalists about the cuckoo's effects on its fosterers. He was among the first naturalists to conduct egg-exchange experiments in the field specifically to record what fosterers would accept or reject.

En 1775 Bernardin décide de quitter Paris pour faire une visite à pied en Normandie, pour retrouver sa sœur et ses cousins et cousines. Le manuscrit qui décrit ce voyage, inédit jusqu'ici, se trouve à la Bibliothèque nationale de France. Cet article propose une étude des principales idées exprimées par Bernardin au cours de son voyage de trois mois: nous avons les descriptions des lieux et des commentaires sur la manière de vivre des Normands; nous avons aussi des réflexions sur la vie d'une nature beaucoup plus générale, et les réflexions provoquées par une visite à la Trappe. Nous estimons que certaines des idées qui se trouvent ici sont reproduites plus tard dans les Études de la nature.

Robert Allen characterized the region of Strasbourg in France in the period before 1789 as exceptionally poor. New evidence suggests, however, that Allen underestimated wage levels because of a failure to include payments in-kind and to clarify the differences between skilled and unskilled workers. Moreover, his wages came from a region that is wider than Strasbourg per se. The use of wage data for the agricultural sector that were higher in nominal terms than Allen’s, with reference to regions like Paris and southern England, elevates the economic standing of Strasbourg and, by extension, that of France.

A new species Ypsolopha rhinolophi Corley is described from northern Portugal and south-east France. It resembles Y. alpella (Denis & Schiffermüller, 1775) and Y. lucella (Fabricius, 1775) but shows clear differences from both species in DNA barcode and in male and female genitalia. Male genitalia of Y. lucella are illustrated for the first time. The new species has been collected at light, reared from larvae on Quercus pyrenaica Willd. and recognised from DNA barcode fragments obtained from droppings of horseshoe bats.

In October 1775 two hoaxes, perpetrated for separate reasons by John Wilkes and his friend, the Chevalier d’Eon, briefly collided. Wilkes’s hoax, the ‘Sayre plot’, was probably intended to provoke a test of the constitutionality of the recent ‘King’s Proclamation’, which encroached upon the statutory definition of treason. The hoax involved creating the impression that a conspiracy existed to resolve the deepening American crisis by overthrowing George III. D’Eon’s hoax involved spreading the rumour that he himself was a woman in order to embarrass the French king into recalling him from exile on d’Eon’s terms, including a generous financial package. For Wilkes, although neither George III’s overthrow nor the modification of his colonial policy were likely expectations, either result would have been a bonus. And although d’Eon was unquestionably a man, he did actually (if inexplicably) desire to be perceived as a woman living the life of an heroic man. When d’Eon’s hoax suddenly progressed too far – trapping him into agreeing to dress as a woman, which, at first, he seemed unwilling to do – he delayed signing the deal for a month, until he saw that the ‘Sayre plot’ (whose success could have strengthened d’Eon’s negotiating position) had utterly failed.

New observations on the behaviour of some species of Palaearctic Spheciformes (Hymenoptera, Ampulicidae, Sphecidae, Crabronidae). Original observations were made on the behaviour of twelve species of Spheciformes belonging to six different genera: Dolichurus corniculus (Spinola, 1808), D. bicolor Lepeletier, 1845, D. haemorrhous A. Costa, 1886 (Ampulicidae); Sceliphron caementarium (Drury, 1773), Prionyx kirbii (Vander Linden, 1827), P. subfuscatus (Dahlbom, 1825) (Sphecidae); Liris atratus (Spinola, 1805), L. niger (Fabricius, 1775), L. festinans praetermissus (Richards, 1929), Tachytes freygessneri Kohl, 1881, Tachysphex incertus (Radoszkowski, 1877), T. panzeri (Vander Linden, 1829), T. pompiliformis (Panzer, 1805) (Crabronidae). A list of preys is given for each species mentioned. The observations were made in the field between 1967 and 2019 in France, Spain, Portugal and Tunisia.

The Miocene Odonata are rather well documented in France, thanks to many discoveries in the ‘Massif Central’ outcrops of Sainte Reine (latest Miocene, Cantal) and Montagne d’Andance (late Miocene, Ardèche) (Nel et al., 1994, 1996, 1997a,b; Riou & Nel, 1995). Among these, the family Aeshnidae is well-represented by the genera Aeshna Fabricius, 1775, Boyeria MacLachlan, 1896, and Aeschnophlebia Selys, 1883. Thus, it is with great surprise that one of us has found a new well-preserved specimen in the outcrop of Montagne d’Andance, representing a new species that we describe herein.

Power and politics in old régime France, 1720–1745. By Peter R. Campbell. London: Routledge, 1996. Pp. xii+420. ISBN 0-415-06333-7. £50.Antoine Lavoisier: science, administration, revolution. By A. Donovan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xvi+351. ISBN 0-521-56218-x. £40. 0-521-56672-x. £14.95 (pb).Officers, nobles and revolutionaries: essays on eighteenth-century France. By W. Doyle. London: Hambledon Press, 1995. Pp. xii+238. ISBN 1-85285-121-x. £35.Venality: the sale of offices in eighteenth-century France. By W. Doyle. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Pp. xviii+343. ISBN 0-19-820536-8. £45.The bakers of Paris and the bread question, 1700–1775. By S. L. Kaplan. Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 1996. Pp. xviii+261. ISBN 08223-1706-0. £47.50.Montesquieu and the Parlement of Bordeaux. By R. Kingston. Geneva: Droz, 1996. Pp. 329. ISBN 2-600-00161-1. £30.Class and state in ancien régime France: the road to modernity? By David Parker. London: Routledge, 1996. Pp. xvii+349. ISBN 0-415-13647-4. £40.The books analysed in this review bear witness in different ways to a revival of historians' interest in the political history of ancien régime France which was highlighted by Peter Campbell in a recent review article in this journal. Campbell speculated that what Fernand Braudel all-so-dismissively called ‘event history’ (l'histoire événementielle) was making a comeback at the expense of Annaliste geo-historical analysis in the longue durée mode or mid-term conjunctural history rooted in social and economic change. A complementary way of looking at the phenomenon, which strikes the reader on engaging with the present crop of works, is to see current historiographical interests in political history as the revenge of Alfred Cobban, progenitor in the 1950s and 1960s of famous revisionist attacks on the socio-economic analyses of the Jacobino–Marxist school of French Revolutionary historiography adorned by Mathiez, Lefebvre, and Soboul. Cobban's broadsides were aimed not simply at some of the conceptual apparatus of the ‘Marxists’, but also sought to highlight empirical research as a corrosive solvent of what he viewed as the deterministic hyperbole of politically-influenced left-wing history.

RÉSUMÉ Cet article aborde un thème jusqu'ici négligé par les historiens de la Nouvelle-France : celui de l'industrie et de son destin au dix-huitième siècle. Terrebonne est, dès 1721, dotée de puissants moulins produisant farines et bois pour l'exportation et le marché intérieur. L'entreprise connaît un succès inégal au long de la période observée. L'administration de l'abbé Louis Lepage s'étend de 1720 à 1744 et s'achève par la faillite du propriétaire de Terrebonne. L'arrivée du nouveau seigneur, Louis de La Corne, coïncide avec le début de la guerre de Succession d'Autriche. La situation est évidemment plus favorable aux entrepreneurs. Mais la réussite des La Corne dépend aussi d'autres facteurs. À l'encontre de Louis Lepage, ils ont d'autres sources de revenus que Terrebonne et leurs entreprises industrielles s'appuient sur une solide fortune foncière. De plus, ils font partie d'un réseau complexe et étendu d'alliances.

Combien d’Acadiens et d’Acadiennes ont migré sur le territoire québécois entre 1755 et 1775 ? Comment ces familles et individus s’y sont-ils rendus ? Comment ont-ils été accueillis ? Alors que les réponses diffèrent selon les chercheurs, l’arrivée des réfugiés acadiens en Nouvelle-France et dans la province de Québec demeure voilée de légendes. Cet article a pour but de jeter un nouvel éclairage sur ces questions, tout en examinant la provenance des mythes entourant les faits historiques. Notre étude exploite une base de données constituée à partir des registres de catholicité pour la période mentionnée, et augmentée en consultant le Programme de recherche en démographie historique de l’Université de Montréal ainsi que les actes notariés qui se trouvent dans Parchemin, banque de données notariales du Québec ancien 1626-1799 de la Société de recherche historique Archiv-Histo. Il s’agit non seulement de préciser le nombre et les multiples parcours des Acadiens venus au Québec pendant le Grand Dérangement, mais aussi de cerner les conditions matérielles et sociopolitiques qui forment le contexte de ce mouvement migratoire à l’origine d’une partie importante de l’actuelle diaspora acadienne.

Jan Jaśkiewicz’s Medical Studies at the University of Vienna (1766/1767–1775) During the Age of Enlightenment, many Poles pursued medical studies at various European universities. One of them was Jan Dominik Piotr Jaśkiewicz. Born on 6 July 1749 in Lviv to an Armenian family, he moved to Vienna in the late 1760s to study medicine at the university under the supervision of renowned professors: Anton de Haën, Heinrich Johann Nepomuk von Crantz, Nikolaus Joseph von Jacquin, and others. Jaśkiewicz graduated in 1775 with a Doctor of Medicine degree, based on the thesis titled “Dissertatio inauguralis medica sistens pharmaca regni vegetabilis”, in which he provided a list, description, and healing properties of some plant species, arranged according to the systematics of Carl von Linnè (Linnaeus). Through his dissertation, Jaśkiewicz popularized in Poland the views of the Viennese medical school, among others, on the medical use of digitalis. For some time he remained in Vienna, attempting to secure a suitable position. Between 1780 and 1783, Jaśkiewicz expanded his knowledge of nature through travels to Italy, Germany, and France. After presenting his mineralogical observations in Paris, Jaśkiewicz was appointed as a correspondent member of the Paris Academy of Sciences. It was during this time in Paris that Jaśkiewicz met Jan Śniadecki, who later became his friend, colleague, and patient. Subsequently, Hugo Kołłątaj appointed Jaśkiewicz as a professor of natural history and chemistry at the Crown’s Main School in Kraków (Jagiellonian University). He began his lectures in Kraków on 1 October 1783. It should be emphasized that Jaśkiewicz laid the foundations for Polish scientific vocabulary. He also played a crucial role in establishing a chemical laboratory and organizing a botanical garden and a cabinet of natural history. In February 1783, Jaśkiewicz took on the position of a hospital physician (director) at the St. Barbara Academic Hospital, where he focused on organizing the hospital’s finances and management. Around the same time, he declined additional remuneration for this role. In 1787, Jaśkiewicz assumed the duties of the house physician for the Wielopolski margrave in Pińczów. Jaśkiewicz died in Kraków on 14 November 1809. Throughout his life, he was an active physician and performed his medical career independently of other duties. Jaśkiewicz gained considerable recognition and popularity for his achievements in the medical field.

Meladema Laporte, 1835 is a genus of large diving beetles, found in the Western Palaearctic, from the Canary Islands and Madeira to western Turkey (Bilton & Ribera 2017). The genus currently contains four species: the widespread M. coriacea Laporte, 1835, distributed from the Canary Islands to Turkey and ranging from southern France and the central Balkans south to the central Sahara, two Atlantic Island endemics, M. imbricata (Wollaston, 1871) from the western Canary Islands and M. lanio (Fabricius, 1775) from the main island of Madeira, and a fourth, recently described species, M. lepidoptera Bilton & Ribera, 2017 from the Tyrrhenian Islands (Corsica, Sardinia, Elba, Montecristo) and parts of the Italian mainland (Bilton & Ribera 2017).

AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

Résumé L'auteur se penche sur les quelques occasions où les habitants de la Nouvelle-France se sont regroupés ou assemblés pour manifester collectivement bien que cela ait été illégal à l'époque. En général, ces démonstrations avaient lieu en temps de disette et de cherté des prix — particulièrement pendant les années 1704 à 1717 et 1757 à 1759 — mais il arrivait également qu'on s'assemble pour protester contre les corvées, ou encore, pour faire part de son mécontentement à l'égard de certaines mesures politiques ou religieuses. Ces contestations se déroulaient sensiblement de la même façon et pour les mêmes raisons qu'en France sauf qu'elles étaient, ici, à la fois moins fréquentes et moins violentes. On s'assemblait dans un but précis, on s'armait souvent et on proférait parfois des menaces mais, plus souvent qu'autrement, on se dispersait après avoir été entendu ou lorsque les soldats étaient appelés sur les lieux. Il faut dire que les autorités étaient indulgentes à l'égard des participants, probablement parce qu'elles considéraient ces attroupements comme quasi légitimes. Cette forme de contestation diminua pendant les trois premières décennies du régime britannique ; cependant, on trouva quand même moyen de résister à l'enrôlement dans la milice durant les années 1764, 1775 et 1794 de même qu'à la loi sur les chemins en 1796. Ceci se manifestant dans certaines des paroisses qui avaient fomenté des démonstrations populaires sous le régime français, l'auteur suggère qu'il y a là une tradition de contestation transmise d'une génération à l'autre. En somme, si les assemblées populaires ont, un peu partout, secoué la société au dix-huitième siècle, au Québec, elles n'ont pas suscité de changements radicaux avant l'avènement du dix-neuvième.

Der historisierte Akt. Die nach Paris geschickten Werke der Stipendiaten der französischen Akademie in Rom im 18. Jahrhundert In den Jahren von 1754 bis 1792 waren die Maler der französischen Akademie in Rom dazu angehalten, einmal im Jahr - neben anderen Studienarbeiten - eine Aktstudie auf Leinwand nach Paris zu schicken. Dies ging auf die Initiative des Malers Charles-Joseph Natoire zurück, der bis 1775 Direktor der römischen Institution war. In Paris angekommen, wurden diese Werke einer Jury vorgestellt, die sich aus Beamten der königlichen Akademie zusammensetzte. Ihr Bericht wurde umgehend nach Rom geschickt, wo die Stipendiaten Kenntnis von den Kommentaren der Panser Richter nahmen. Diese Studie bemüht sich, einen Überblick über diese Akte zu verschaffen, von denen heute eine bestimmte Anzahl lokalisiert ist. Außerdem soll die Ambition ihrer Autoren analysiert werden, über die einfache Studie nach dem lebenden Modell hinausgehen zu wollen, um ein Historien-Sujet zu erstreben.

Pine processionary moths, Thaumetopoea wilkinsoni Tams, 1924 and Thaumetopoea pityocampa ([Denis & Schiffermüller], 1775) (Lepidoptera: Notodontidae) are among the most destructive pine pests in Mediterranean basin. Their larvae descend to the ground from the canopy in spring for pupation and rest there until late summer. Although this is the general pattern, pupal period is a plastic feature and can be prolonged for up to several years. It is considered one of several difficulties of processionary moth management as such a plasticity provides a continuous support from the underground reservoir to the pest population. This phenomenon has been known for a long time and its discovery has been attributed to Guy Démolin; renowned INRA (France) researcher. Here, we report an unnoticed researcher, Ömer Besçeli, from Turkey who published the phenomenon of prolonged diapause in the pine processionary moth earlier.

Louis XV and the parlement of Paris, 1737–1755. By J. M. Rogister. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xxv+288. ISBN 0-521-40395-2. £37.50, hbk.Politics and the parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754–1774. By Julian Swann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. x+390. ISBN 0-521-48362-X. £45, hbk, £19.95, pbk.Revolt in prerevolutionary France. The Prince de Conti's conspiracy against Louis XV, 1755–1757. By John D. Woodbridge. Baltimore and London: the John's Hopkins University Press, 1995. Pp. xvii+242. ISBN 0-801-84945-4. £33, hbk.French politics, 1774–1789. By John Hardman. London and New York: Longman, 1995. Pp. x+283. ISBN 0-582-23649-5. £15.99, pbk.Preserving the monarchy. The comte de Vergennes, 1774–1787. By M. Price. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xi+256. ISBN 0-521-46566-4. £35, hbk.

We record Antispilina ludwigi Hering, 1941 newly for France: Massif Central and Jura, Belgium: Ardennes and Switzerland: Jura and Alps, from many localities at middle elevations. All records were based on leafmines, often with larvae, in Snake-root, Bistorta officinalis Delarbre (Polygonaceae) and adults were reared from several localities. The species inhab its poor grasslands, moor habitats and heathland with relatively large hostplants. As the habitat is declining, and also other lepidopteran species feeding on this host are in decline, we expect that despite the new findings, this species is also declining and should preferably be monitored together with host specialist butterflies, such as Boloria eunomia (Esper, 1799) and Lycaena helle (Denis & Schiffermüller, 1775). During the period that the mines are present, the species is easy to record, even after the larvae have left the mines. The species is redescribed and diagnosed.

Bernardin de Saint-Pierre did not set out to be a professional writer. With career prospects blocked in France, he tried his luck at marketing his military engineering skills in Eastern Europe before acquiring a highly unsatisfactory post offered by the French authorities in Mauritius. The experience of these vastly contrasting stays in foreign lands had major implications for Bernardin's thought and values. On the one hand he gained first-hand knowledge of international intrigue in Russia and Poland, while on the other he encountered the bleak consequences of colonial government in Mauritius. His reactions to these experiences are reflected in his correspondence from 1762 to 1775. At the same time his letters reveal a yearning to withdraw from the pressures of complicated social existence and to retreat to the tranquillity of the countryside. Both strands of his experience and desire will find expression in his literary works.

In the second half of the 18th century giving birth was a perilous process in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, partly since obstetrics was not yet a recognised subject. The abolition of the Jesuit Order, which was quite influential in the field of education, provided a good opportunity to reassess the Commonwealth’s educational system. As a result, the Commission of National Education was created, leading to major reforms, especially in the field of medicine. However, because of the lack of specialists in the Commonwealth, it was necessary to search for teachers abroad. Obstetrics was already well developed at that time in France, and the French physicians Pierre Maignan and Nicolas Regnier distinguished themselves by disseminating this science in the Commonwealth. Pierre Maignan was the first person to teach obstetrics at the School of Surgery in Warsaw. But more is known about Nicolas Regnier. In 1775, thanks to his efforts, the first department of childbirth in Lithuania was established, and in 1781 he took charge of the departments of the theory of medicine and obstetrics at the School of Medicine in Vilnius. His lessons demonstrate the knowledge and practices of surgery and obstetrics in the last quarter of 18 century. Pierre Maignan and Nicolas Regnier were pioneers in obstetrics in the Commonwealth. Moreover, they were a good example of the fertile scientific cooperation between France and Poland-Lithuania in the 18th century.

Ticks are important vectors of several human and animal pathogens. In this study, we estimated the prevalence of important tick-borne infections in questing ticks from an area in Southwestern France (Hautes-Pyrénées) inhabited by Pyrenean chamois (Rupicapra pyrenaica pyrenaica) experiencing high tick burden. We examined adult and nymph ticks collected by the flag dragging method from 8 to 15 sites in the Pic de Bazès during the years 2009, 2011, 2013 and 2015. PCR assays were conducted on selected ticks for the detection of Borrelia burgdorferi s.l., Babesia spp., Rickettsia spp., spotted fever group (SFG) Rickettsia and Anaplasma phagocytophilum. Randomly selected positive samples were submitted for sequence analysis. A total of 1971 questing ticks were collected including 95 males, 101 females and 1775 nymphs. All collected ticks were identified as Ixodes ricinus. Among them, 696 ticks were selected for pathogen detection and overall prevalence was 8.4% for B. burgdorferi s.l.; 0.4% for Babesia spp.; 6.1% for A. phagocytophilum; 17.6% for Rickettsia spp.; and 8.1% for SFG Rickettsia. Among the sequenced pathogens, we detected in this population of ticks the presence of Babesia sp. EU1 and Rickettsia helvetica, as well as Rickettsia monacensis for the first time in France. The detection of these pathogens in the Pic de Bazès highlights the potential infection risks for visitors to this area and the Pyrenean chamois population.

Abstract This article examines the Bordeaux bookseller and printer Arnaud-Antoine Pallandre’s two censorship trials in 1775 and 1790 to compare state–media relations during the late Bourbon monarchy and the French Revolution. An entourage of protectors kept Pallandre in business even though he flouted pre-revolutionary book trade legislation. After 1789, his printing and bookselling shop became a centre of pamphlet sales and counter-revolutionary gatherings that came under intense scrutiny by patriots in the clubs, the National Guard and the crowds, who pressured the municipal governments to end Pallandre’s trade in counter-revolutionary pamphlets. He eventually went to the guillotine in 1794. This article suggests that members of formerly privileged groups continued to wield considerable influence over printers and booksellers in France after 1789, making them objects of both government and popular censorship. In the struggle to achieve limits on a free press, printers and booksellers came to be regarded as individuals with public (potentially dangerous) political affiliations in a new way, a development that may help explain the high levels of media repression in the French Revolution.

Johann Jacob QuandT’S ACADEMIC ACCOUNT: THE LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE SEMINAR AT THE KÖNIGSBERG UNIVERSITY IN 1724 S u m m a r y The article introduces a document found in the Secret State Archives Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation (Germ. Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz; GStA PK: I. HAGR, Rep. 7 Preußen, Nr. 187 [1716–1729]) in Berlin that sheds new light on the seminar of the Lithuanian language – the first centre for teaching Lithuanian – that was founded at the Faculty of Theology of the Königsberg University in late 1720s. It is an academic account by Johann Jacob Quandt (1686–1772), the chief preacher of the court and the then dean of the Faculty of Theology of the Königsberg University and the fourth professor of theology in ordinary, who ran the seminar of the Lithuanian language between 1723 and 1727. This account provides insights into the early activities of the seminar that have not been documented in much detail so far. Neither the account nor any of its three appendices – lists of students attending Quandt’s courses – are dated. Based on other documents in the same archive file and the Christian holidays to which the account refers, Quandt’s account has been dated between 28 December 1724 and 11 January 1725, and the data that it contains cover the first half of the 1724–1725 winter semester: October–December of 1724. Quandt’s account shows that during the winter semester of 1724–1725, the seminar of theLithuanian language at the Königsberg University was attended by thirty theological students. Theology and language was taught twice daily between 10 and 11 AM and between 3 and 4 PM . The seminar under Quandt’s management continued to apply the so-called collegium privatissimum, the teaching method of its first supervisor, Heinrich Lysius (1670–1731). The names of the seminar attendees from that period are documented in the second appendix to Quandt’s account titled ‘Beyl. B. Auditores Seminarii Lithvanici’: these were Peter Gottlieb Mielcke (1695–1753), who was in his second year as a teacher, Gottfried Boeckel (?–after 1724), Samuel Boeckel (?–after 1724), Alexander Deutschmann (?–after 1724), Michael Sigismund Engel (1700–1758), Carl Julius Fleischmann (1704–1778), Christophor Daniel Franck?–after 1724), Georg Friedrich Gehrke (?–after 1724), Heinrich Grabau (Grabovius, ?–after 1724), Friedrich Wilhelm Haack (1707–1754), Georg Ernst Klemm (1701–1774), Johann Friedrich Leo (1696–1759), Christophorus (Georg) Liebe (1705–1764), Joachim Friedrich Mey (?–after 1724), Johann Friedrich Mülner (?–after 1724), Jacob Friedrich Naugardt (1694–1751), Friedrich Gottlieb Perbandt (?–after 1724), Adam Heinrich Pilgrim (1702–1757), Heinrich Preuss (?–after 1728), Christoph Rabe (?–after 1724), Heinrich Ernst Rabe (1707/1708–1744), Gottlieb Richter (1707–1775), Johann Richter (1705–1754), Friedrich Rosenberg (?–1727), Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig (1699–1763), Ernst Gottfried Schimmelpfennig (1704–1768), Martin Schimmelpfennig (1706–1778), Gottfried Schumacher (1704–1786), Friedrich Sigismund Schuster (1703–after 1732), Johann Trentovius (Trentowski, 1700–1765). Seven of them attended the seminar back in the winter semester of 1723–1724 and were among the first attendees of the seminar of the Lithuanian language under Quandt after it had been reinstated in 1723. Peter Gottlieb Mielcke was the first teacher at the reinstated seminar. During the winter semester of 1724–1725, the age of the theological students attending the seminar of the Lithuanian language at the Königsberg University was between 17 and 30. Most of them were from Prussian Lithuania. After finishing their studies, at least 19 of the attendees were ordained priests and served in Lithuanian parishes. Out of the thirty students who signed the second appendix to Quandt’s account, at least one-half have not been known as attendees of the seminar of the Lithuanian language yet. Even though the Pietist Georg Friedrich Rogall was very critical towards the seminar of the Lithuanian language under the orthodox Lutheran Quandt in his 1725 letter to August Hermann Francke (1663–1727), professor of theology at the Halle University, it is beyond any dispute that the seminar had brought up a new generation of authors of Lithuanian writings. Six of the theological students who attended the seminar in the winter semester of 1724–1725 had become involved in Lithuanistic activity, albeit from the camps of two protestant movements – the orthodox Lutherans and the Pietists. Three of them – Peter Gottlieb Mielcke, Adam Heinrich Pilgrim, and Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig – were actively involved in Johann Jacob Quandt’s project that aimed to renew and enhance the repertoire of religious Lithuanian literature. Three others – Johann Richter, Friedrich Wilhelm Haack (by the way, he became involved in Lithuanistic activity with his proof-reading of the 1727 New Testament published by Quandt in Lithuanian), and Martin Schimmelpfennig – later went to Halle, the centre of Pietism, where they became teachers at the seminar of the Lithuanian language that was founded there in 1727 and drafted Lithuanian books. Quandt’s pupils made a significant contribution to the breakthrough in Lithuanian writings between the 1730s and 1760s.

Abstract Carbon capture and storage (CCS) infrastructure is important for the fulfilment of GHG emissions mitigation targets. Despite its contribution to combating climate change, CCS remains a controversial technology often facing public resistance, making social acceptance a prerequisite for its further development. Hence, the MOF4AIR European project explores social issues related to CCS. A literature review was performed identifying the factors influencing CCS infrastructure social acceptance, while the research gaps concerning the themes under investigation were detected. In this context, the innovative elements this study aims to provide are: carrying out a transnational analysis in seven countries (Belgium, France, Greece, Italy, Norway, Turkey, and the UK), and examining factors (procedural and distributional justice, public engagement actions) that have not been adequately studied concerning CCS local acceptance. A questionnaire survey was carried out through an online platform in the seven countries, in January-February 2022; a representative sample of 1775 citizens (approx. 225 / country) was collected. The results of the survey indicated that the factors with a statistically significant effect on local acceptance of CCS infrastructure are country of origin, gender, age, self-perceived knowledge of CCS, attitudes towards negative consequences and potential benefits, trust of stakeholders and institutions, and procedural and distributional justice.

We revise the Alpine bee taxa related to Andrenabicolor (Fabricius, 1775), including A.montana Warncke, 1973 and A.allosa Warncke, 1975, the status of which has remained contentious. Phylogenetic analyses of one mitochondrial gene and one nuclear gene, as well as morphological examination reveal the presence of four Alpine species in this complex, one of which is new to science, A.amietisp. n. This new species is widely distributed in the Alps from southern France throughout Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany to Austria; a single record is known from the Apennines. The type locality is located within the Unesco World Heritage site “Swiss Alps Jungfrau-Aletsch”. Two widely divergent mitochondrial lineages are found in sympatry in A.amietisp. n.; the status of these lineages, which together form a paraphyletic unit from which A.allosa arose, is briefly discussed. We show that A.allosa, A.amietisp. n. and A.montana are polylectic but that each species exhibits a distinct spectrum of pollen hosts: the univoltine A.allosa shows affinities for pollen of the early-blooming Alpine plant genus Crocus. A.amietisp. n. is bivoltine and, as in A.bicolor, the summer generation exhibits a distinct preference for Campanulaceae, while the spring generation is widely polylectic. A.montana has a single generation in the summer and forages on a diversity of flowers such as Campanulaceae, Cistaceae and Caryophyllaceae. An identification key is presented for central European members of the subgenus Euandrena Hedicke, 1932. Lastly, the new Alpine species appears to represent the tip of the iceberg of substantial cryptic diversity in southern European Andrena (Euandrena): A.croatica Friese, 1887 is resurrected from synonymy with A.bicolor and treated as a valid species (stat. rev.), A.pileata Warncke, 1875, described as a subspecies of A.allosa, is elevated to species rank (stat. n.), and three additional unclear taxa are briefly described.

Seventy-three species of Lepidoptera described from France since 2000, particularly by Jacques Nel and Thierry Varenne, are re-assessed from largely unpublished molecular data. We tried to obtain DNA barcode sequences from 62 holotypes, supplemented by paratypes of eight species and on one case by non-type material, whereas one previously synonymized species was not sequenced. Altogether we obtained 78 DNA barcode sequences for 65 nominal taxa while sequencing failed for six holotypes. An integrative analysis from molecular data and morphology supports the validity of the majority of species but also resulted in the re-assessment of several taxa. The following 13 new synonymies are established: Stigmella cyrneorolandi Nel & Varenne, 2013 syn. nov. of Stigmella rolandi van Nieukerken, 1990; Stigmella thibaulti Varenne & Nel, 2019 syn. nov. of Stigmella nivenburgensis (Preissecker, 1942) (Nepticulidae); Nemapogon peslieri Varenne & Nel, 2017 syn. nov. of Nemapogon inexpectata Varenne & Nel, 2017 (Tineidae); Phyllonorycter acericorsica Varenne & Nel, 2015 syn. nov. of Phyllonorycter ochreojunctella (Klimesch, 1942) (Gracillariidae); Ancylis paraobtusana Varenne, Nel, & Peslier, 2020 syn. nov. of Ancylis comptana (Frölich, 1828) (Tortricidae); Celypha paludicolella Varenne & Nel, 2017 syn. nov. of Celypha doubledayana (Barrett, 1872) (Tortricidae); Cydia oxytropidana Nel & Varenne, 2016 syn. nov. of Cydia oxytropidis (Martini, 1912) (Tortricidae); Sorhagenia orocorsa Varenne & Nel, 2016 syn. nov. of Sorhagenia janiszewskae Riedl, 1962 (Cosmopterigidae); Chionodes cerdanica Peslier, Nel & Varenne, 2020 syn. nov. of Chionodes distinctella (Zeller, 1839) (Gelechiidae); Elachista bidentata Varenne & Nel, 2019 syn. nov. of Elachista orstadii Palm, 1943; Elachista karsticola Varenne & Nel, 2018 syn. nov. of Elachista maculosella Chrétien, 1896 (Elachistidae); Scythris chablaisensis Delmas, 2018 syn. nov. of Scythris laminella ([Denis & Schiffermüller], 1775) (Scythrididae); Epermenia pumila (Buvat & Nel, 2000) syn. nov. of Epermenia profugella (Stainton, 1856) (Epermeniidae). Finally, the status of some taxa still remains unclear due to the lack of DNA barcodes of closely related species and the absence of convincing diagnostic characters in morphology.