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1
Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "O rentismo petroleiro e seus impactos para a política externa venezuelana (1927-2013)". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Andréia GalvãoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T12:26:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicero_PedroHenriquedeMoraes_D.pdf: 2260568 bytes, checksum: 0e875358b87396d1218f50d9f269f127 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: O trabalho analisa as implicações decorrentes do rentismo tanto para a estrutura político-econômica doméstica quanto para a política externa exercida pela Venezuela. Ao constatar que a riqueza do país é gerada, majoritariamente, pelo comércio do petróleo no exterior, o texto problematiza as dificuldades enfrentadas em razão desta atividade não compor uma cadeia produtiva extensa, mas, sim, um conjunto restrito de ações e serviços vinculados à extração de recursos não-renováveis. Nesse contexto, a tese expõe as diferentes maneiras pelas quais a natureza rentista da economia venezuelana repercutiu, também, em sua política externa. Inicialmente, o foco recai sobre o processo que, entre 1927 e 1958, consolidou a primazia da atividade petroleira, bem como a ascensão e queda do momento político subsequente, o puntofijismo (1958-1998), enfatizando-se, nesse primeiro momento, o emergir da "diplomacia do petróleo" e o estabelecimento da vocação centro-americanista e caribenha da política externa venezuelana. Em seguida, detalha-se a maneira pela qual o governo Chávez (1999-2013) regulou e colocou em prática a exploração petrolífera no país, argumentando-se que o modelo escolhido para reorganizar o setor ¿ as empresas mistas ¿ manteve a iniciativa privada transnacional como sua principal beneficiária. Por outro lado, se reconhece a importante inovação realizada pelo governo bolivariano ao investir boa parte da renda no financiamento de programas de inclusão social. Já no âmbito internacional, em que pese a maior proeminência conquistada por meio da postura proativa e integracionista adotada pela política externa bolivariana, realça-se o fato do instrumento utilizado para tanto (o comércio do petróleo) colocar o país numa posição instável e preponderantemente subalterna no contexto da divisão internacional do trabalho
Abstract: The study analysis the implications of oil rentism for both the domestic political-structure and the foreign policy pursued by Venezuela. Noting that the country's wealth is generated mainly by the trade of oil abroad, the thesis discusses the difficulties faced due to the fact that the aforementioned activity is not part of a large chain of productive activities, being, on the contrary, part of a limited set of actions and services related to the extraction of non-renewable natural resources. Within this perspective, the study presents the different ways in which the rentier nature of the Venezuelan economy reflected in its foreign policy. Initially, the focus is on the process that, between 1927 and 1958, consolidated the primacy of oil as the main component of the economy, as well as the rise and fall of the subsequent political moment, puntofijism (1958-1998), emphasizing the emergence of "oil diplomacy" and the establishment of the Central American and Caribbean vocation of Venezuelan foreign policy. Then, it is presented how Chávez's administration (1999-2013) regulated and put into practice the oil exploration in the country, arguing that the model chosen to reorganize the sector - joint ventures ¿ maintained privet transnational capital as its main beneficiary. On the other hand, it is acknowledged that an important change has been made by the Bolivarian government through the policy of investing part of the income on social programs. In the international context, despite a greater prominence achieved by a proactive and integrationist Bolivarian foreign policy, it is stated that the instrument used to do so (oil trade) occupies, due the framework that rules oil trade, an unstable and subordinate position within transnational capitalism
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política
2
Al-Kahtani, Mohammad Zaid. "The foreign policy of King Abdulaziz (1927-1953) : a study in the international relations of an emerging state". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/529/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
King Abdulaziz stood out as a major figure in Saudi domestics and foreign policy. He laid the foundation for Saudi foreign policy and international relations. Available studies on King Abdulaziz's foreign policy either concentrated on earlier periods or dealt with part of his era. This study deals with the whole period of King Abdulaziz, approaches his foreign policy as a case study of a newly-emerging state and assesses the problems associated with this case. The study is organised as follows: chapter one discusses the rise of King Abdulaziz and the Saudi achievement of a sense of statehood. Chapter two explores the problems which confront newly-emerging states in the formulation and implementation of their foreign policy. Chapter three discusses the genesis of Saudi foreign policy structure. Chapter four focuses on Saudi Arabia's policy towards the affairs of the Arabian Peninsula. Chapter five examines the policy of King Abdulaziz towards the Arab World. Chapter six adresses the King's policy in the area of Islamic affairs. Chapter seven analyzes the King's relations with Britain after the Treaty of Jeddah of 1927. Chapter eight deals with Saudi policy towards the U. S. The study hopes to provide a better understanding of the process of Saudi foreign policy making under King Abdulaziz. A major finding of this study is throwing light on the problems experienced by Saudi Arabia as a newly-emerging state while making and implementing its foreign policy, particularly, in relation to a number of specific and general factors underlying the making and execution of this foreign policy. In this sense the study hopes to make a modest contribution to the available literature on King Abdulaziz's foreign policy.
3
Elmadani, Abdulla. "Indo-Saudi relations 1947-1997 : domestic concerns and foreign relations". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400916.
Testo completo
4
Tang, Jihua. "Britain and the Peking Government 1926-1928". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388289.
Testo completo
5
Windridge, Henry. "Idealists and pragmatists : Understanding the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's views on the United Nations, 1947-1957". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531989.
Testo completo
6
Rees, Samuel Huw. "The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981". Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The continuing diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran dates back to the turbulent events of the late 1970s. Blame for the 'loss' of Iran, which had been one of the 'twin pillars' of US strategy in the Persian Gulf, has inevitably fallen on the White House incumbent at the time, President Jimmy Carter. This thesis offers a reassessment of Carter's decision making and his responses to the fall of the Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the US embassy hostage taking. It demonstrates that the breakdown of US-Iranian relations was not simply a one-president phenomenon and, more significantly, Carter's handling of Iran was not as dire as it is often portrayed. The research is based on a thorough examination of the available archive material, including newly released documents, as well as recent interviews with the major protagonists. When Carter took office in 1977 he inherited a badly creaking Iranian pillar that was soon to collapse altogether. The flawed policies of his predecessors placed strict limitations on his administration and unwittingly created a ticking time bomb in the form of the Shah. Despite these restrictions, Carter battled to reconcile the strategic necessities of Cold War containment with his moral principles in areas such as human rights and arms sales. In an administration seemingly dominated by the disagreements amongst his top two advisors, Carter remained the key decision maker at all times. He recognised the practical limits of American power and assumed sensible positions in response to an ever changing and uncontrollable crisis. Aside from its contemporary significance, Iran is therefore critical to Carter's disputed legacy and how he rates as a foreign policy president.
7
Floeck, Emily Katherine. "U.S. foreign policy towards China, 1972-9". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608002.
Testo completo
8
Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.
Testo completo
9
Blevins, Jeff T. (Jeff Taylor). "The British Foreign Office Views and the Making of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente, From the 1890s Through August 1907". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279078/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.
10
Ross, Christopher Nicholas. "Lord Curzon, the 'Persian question', and geopolitics, 1888-1921". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609030.
Testo completo
11
Lojko, Miklos. "Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.
Testo completo
12
Walker, Ben. "Demanding dictatorship? : US-Philippine relations, 1946-1972". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/demanding-dictatorship-usphilippine-relations-19461972(d5aa59b7-a3b7-4472-8bf4-78805c40bb52).html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1898 the Philippines became a colony of the United States, the result of American economic expansion throughout the nineteenth century. Having been granted independence in 1946, the nominally sovereign Republic of the Philippines remained inextricably linked to the US through restrictive legislation, military bases, and decades of political and socio-economic patronage. In America’s closest developing world ally, and showcase of democratic values, Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos installed a brutal dictatorship in 1972, dramatically marking the end of democracy there. US foreign policy, from the inception of the US-Philippine partnership, failed to substantially resolve endemic poverty and elite political domination. During the Cold War, the discourse through which State Department policy was conceived helped perpetuate these unequal conditions, whilst also at times explicitly encouraging authoritarian solutions to domestic problems. As the Cold War escalated through the 1960s, especially in Vietnam, US officials insisted the Philippines provide military and ideological solidarity with US Cold War objectives at the expense of effectively addressing the roots of domestic instability. The Philippine example serves as the clearest case of the outcomes and impact of US foreign policy across the developing world, and thus must be considered an essential starting point when considering the United States’ Cold War experience. Based on extensive primary research from across the United Kingdom and the United States, this thesis re-examines and re-connects the historiography of colonialism, neo-colonialism, Southeast Asia, and Cold War studies. Nowhere did the US have such a long and intimate history of influence and partnerships than in the Philippines, and yet Marcos’s regime emerged there; this dissertation presents an analytical lens through which to measure the role of US foreign policy in creating a dictatorship.
13
Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936". PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
14
Blake, Timothy R. "British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.
15
Halliday, Fred. "Aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy, 1967-1982". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/430/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study analyses the foreign relations of South Yemen (since 1970 the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen) from independence in 1967 until 1982. It covers the first four Presidencies of the post-independence period, with their attendant policy changes, and ends with the resolution of two of the more pressing foreign policy conflicts with which South Yemen was concerned, its support for the guerrillas in North Yemen, who were defeated in the spring of 1982, and its conflict with the Sultanate of Oman, with whom diplomatic relations were concluded in October 1982. Chapter One provides an outline of the background to South Yemen's foreign policy: the outcome of the independence movement itself and the resultant foreign policy orientations of the new government; the independence negotiations with Britain; and the manner in which, in the post-independence period, the ruling National Front sought to determine and develop its foreign policy. The remaining four chapters focus upon specific aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy that are, it is argued, of central importance. Chapter Two discusses relations with the West - with Britain, France, West Germany and the USA. It charts the pattern of continued economic ties with western European states, and the several political disputes which South Yemen had with them. Chapter Three discusses the issue of 'Yemeni Unity' - the reasons for the continued commitment to this goal, the policy of simultaneously supporting opposition in North Yemen and negotiating with the government there, and the course of policy on creating a unified Yemeni state. Chapter Four considers the attempt to promote revolution in Oman, relations with other states in the Arabian Peninsula and the gradual lessening of tensions between them and South Yemen. Chapter Five discusses relations with the USSR and China - the growth of military and economic links with Russia, the large but not complete area of PDRY-USSR political agreement, and the continued if sometimes tense relationship with China. The study ends with a brief Conclusion, suggesting some broader implications of South Yemen's foreign policy in this period.
16
Conroy, Claire M. "Joseph E. Davies and American-Soviet foreign relations, 1937-1938 : a re-appraisal /". Title page and contents only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc754.pdf.
Testo completo
17
Zhang, Jianxin. "U.S. - China Bilateral Trade 1972 - 1992". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278694/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.
18
Partrick, Neil Stephen. "Kuwait's foreign policy (1961-1977) : non-alignment, ideology and the pursuit of security". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3164/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Kuwait's leaders from 1961-77 maintained a foreign policy that reflected the country's territorial vulnerabilities. They sought to discretely cultivate an Anglo-American defence relationship without fatally compromising an ideological fealty to at least the slogans of Arabism. The thesis emphasises Kuwait's essential need to offset its international "hard" security component with, as far as practicable, a regional non-alignment posture and adherence to Arab policy norrns. In the process neo-realist and constructivist theory are used to bring out the duality at the heart of the amirate's foreign policy. Differences between key Al-Sabah over foreign policy were differences of emphasis, while domestic security concerns did not so much determine policy as emphasise Kuwait's regional challenges, against which the amirate chose to deploy ideology. Arabism inevitably had contradictions as a tool of Kuwait foreign policy, and was often more about the cash subventions that accompanied policy stances, than the value of the stances themselves. However deploying ideology was indicative of the ruling Al-Sabah's desire to strike the right tone for external and domestic consumption; a desire to accommodate or befriend key regional players without, it hoped, alienating others. The inherent contradictions of Kuwait's foreign policy were born of the country's relative weakness, save its one precious asset, oil. In the 1980s Kuwait's strategically vital location and key resource would see the amirate forced to abandon its sometimes illusory regional nonalignment; after 1990 it maintained an overt US alliance. Events post- 1977 therefore emphasised what had been the fragility of Kuwait's foreign policy since independence. The country's limited ability to act to prevent these crises only underscored what had been the limits of the amirate's policy options.
19
Lomas, Donna Louise. "Canada’s evolution towards dominion status : an analysis of American-Canadian relations, 1919-1924". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25458.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this study has been to address an imbalance existing in the historiography relating to American-Canadian relations in the period between 1919-1924. Relying primarily on American sources, this study has attempted to argue that the Canadian government had a unique opportunity to inititiate and execute an independent foreign policy by exploiting her position within the British Empire as well as her close relationship with the United States. In contrast to a number of Canadian studies which have argued that the United States impeded Canada's diplomatic growth in the post World War I period, this work maintains that the United States tried to encourage Canada to assume a more autonomous position because it was in America's interest to do so. Canada's similar attitudes with the United States towards the questions of the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Asian immigration and Article Ten in the League of Nations' Covenant convinced the United States that the Canadian government was potentially useful to the American government in helping to protect its international interests in institutions where it was not represented. The evidence presented in this study maintains that it was the Canadian and British governments that were reluctant to carry out the final steps of appointing a separate Canadian representative to Washington in the early 1920s. As a result, Canada lost her opportunity to establish an independent
policy because the United States found alternative methods of protecting its international interests.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
20
Miller, Mark James. "The official East German response to Willy Brandt and Neue Ostpolitik, 1969-1972". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610841.
Testo completo
21
Al-Dailami, Ahmed Mahmood. "Reformers, rulers, and British residents : political relations in Bahrain (1923-1956)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34575d84-bc76-4373-97e6-dc4f50fce860.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the modern historical lineage of absolutism in Bahrain, and the history of challenges to absolutist state authority during the peak of British influence in the Persian Gulf, the period between the First World War to the Suez crisis of 1956. It rewrites the history of Bahrain and British colonialism in the Persian Gulf through two distinct narrative threads. First, it presents a new history of the colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain and the longer tradition of indirect rule from which its architects drew, and second, it retrieves the history of the popular movements that came to challenge it. This entails an examination of not only how colonial and dynastic authority was jointly exercised, but the ideas that justified such authority over a population conceived of as a set of cultural, and more specifically religious communities governed by their own 'custom' - the conceptual centerpiece of indirect colonial rule. Both these narrative strands constitute part of a broader history of the ideological clash between late colonial ideologies of rule and anticolonial nationalism in the twentieth-century Persian Gulf - a region that was never formally colonized, nor became the site of any successful popular nationalism. Yet both these forces exerted a profound influence on the nation-states that would emerge in the late twentieth century, especially on Bahrain. To chart that historical conjuncture, the thesis begins with the creation of the modern colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain in 1923. It ends in 1956 with the last and most important uprising in Bahrain's during the 20th century, one that was largely a revolt against the political and institutional structures that colonial reformers had established three decades earlier. At its broadest, the thesis argues that the process of state-building under indirect colonial rule in Bahrain derived from a body of colonial thought on native political life and behaviour, and particularly, on the prevention of rebellion that has its origins in mid nineteenth century North India. In Bahrain and the Persian Gulf, as elsewhere in the late colonial world, ideas about empire, the state, authority and rebellion are the intertwined threads that shaped political life and the prose of history.
22
Smith, Michael J. "Key votes and vetoes : Presidentia-Congressional relations in foreign and defence policy 1947-1994". Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265194.
Testo completo
23
Kuhrt, Natasha Clara. "Russian policy towards China and Japan in the El'tsin era, 1991-1997". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364795.
Testo completo
24
Georgekutty, Thadathil V. (Thadathil Varghese). "India's Nonalignment Policy and the American Response, 1947-1960". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331601/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.
25
Stodden, William Peter. "Destabilization as Foreign Policy: The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989". OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
26
MacFarlane, John. "Ernest Lapointe : Quebec's voice in canadian foreign policy, 1921-1941". Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26356.
Testo completo
27
Telfer, Elizabeth. "Iran's foreign policy in the Caspian region 1991-1997". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3155/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Set in the context of the evolving political tapestry of the Caspian region, encompassing the five riparian states of Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia, and their immediate neighbours in the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia) and Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) this PhD presents an analysis of Iranian foreign policy in the first six years following the Soviet break-up (1991-1997), an era that overlapped with the administration of President Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-1997). This thesis aims to build upon two distinct areas of current scholarship creating linkages between Tehran’s domestic and external environment between 1988 and 1991 which resulted in the comprehensive pragmatist alliance and the emergence of opportunities in the Caspian after the Cold War. The crux is that Rafsanjani’s material interests were aligned with the changing geopolitics of its northern region, inducing an Iranian policy driven by a pragmatic construction of strategic concerns.
28
Dryburgh, Marjorie E. "Song Zheyuan, the Nanjing government and the north china question in Sino-Japanese relations, 1935-1937". Thesis, Durham University, 1993. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5777/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The focus of this study is the relationship between the Chinese central government and Song Zheyuan, the key provincial leader of North China, in the period immediately preceding the Second Sino-Japanese War, and the impact of tensions in that relationship on Japan policy. The most urgent task confronting the Chinese government in the late 1930s was to secure an equitable and formally-negotiated settlement of outstanding questions with the Tokyo government. The efforts of the Nanjing government are examined in terms of the divisions within the government and in the context of the public debate on Japan policy which was extended to cover fundamental questions of the regime's diplomatic maturity and the function of diplomacy in the new state. However, the Sino-Japanese question was not purely a diplomatic issue. Tensions between central and northern regional authorities and continuing provincial independence combined with persistent political and military interventions by the Japanese armies in North China to undermine the initiatives of the centre as the lack of an effective central Japan policy eroded regional confidence in the centre. By 1935 Nanjing's control in the North was breaking down and the initiative in contacts with Japan in the region passed to provincial leaders: Song Zheyuan emerged as a key figure in relations with Japan. In 1935-7 Song occupied all the significant political and military offices in Hebei and Chaha'er provinces. Nanjing was entirely dependent on Song for the defence of the North, yet Song remained ambivalent towards Nanjing and Japan, berating the central authorities for their 'abandonment' of the North while maintaining close contact with the Japanese military. While he had no formal role in foreign affairs, his informal function in the relations with Japan demands closer attention.
29
Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.
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30
Doeser, Fredrik. "In search of security after the collapse of the Soviet Union : foreign policy change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993 /". Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7484.
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31
Kaveh, Moravej Kaveh. "The SAVAK and the Cold War : counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence (1957-1968)". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:138424.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research investigates Iran’s geopolitical importance in the context of the Cold War in the years 1957-1968 that made it a key target for Soviet intelligence and a crucial intelligence battleground with all states that held an interest in Iran. For Iran and the non-Soviet Bloc powers, Iran’s newly established intelligence and national security organisation (SAVAK) had become an entity whose counter-intelligence capabilities were crucial in curtailing the activities of Soviet and Soviet-aligned intelligence officers within Iran. The intelligence agencies of the Soviet Union, the KGB and GRU, were highly active within Iran in both seeking to gather intelligence and to undermine the Pahlavi regime and it was left to the SAVAK’s counter-intelligence directorate to pursue the difficult task of combating these efforts. This Cold War battle extended to Iraq where Iraqi governments were viewed by the SAVAK as being proxies for Soviet interests. As a result of such concerns the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence structure sought not only to gather intelligence but also to directly influence events within Iraq. Iran's counter-intelligence and foreign-intelligence structures therefore played a critical national security role during the Cold War years 1957-1968. This research will firstly explore how the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence activities ultimately led to the establishment and expansion of Iranian intelligence collection and analysis capabilities in its regional sphere of interest. Intelligence theory is also used to examine the SAVAK's counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence structures and operations during the stated period of investigation, together with the influence of Cold War thinking on its activities. The main strands of inquiry in this research will at the outset involve the question of why Iran felt it necessary to establish professional foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence capabilities. The structure and operational methods of these capabilities will then be examined along with the reasons for why the USSR and Iraq were targeted by Iranian foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence. The important relationship between intelligence and policy formulation and execution will also be analysed in this specific period of the Cold War.
32
Fedorov, Alexei A. "The Yugoslav factor in Soviet Foreign Policy : Tito, Stalin, Khrushchev and Soviet-Yugoslav Relations 1945-1957". Thesis, University of Derby, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506686.
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33
Ahmed, Samina. "The military and foreign policy in Pakistan with special references to Pakistan-Soviet relations 1947-1971 /". Online version, 1988. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/32875.
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34
Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.
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35
O'Neill, Thomas J. "Business, investment and revolution in Russia : case studies of American companies, 1880's - 1920's". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76751.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study of the American business presence in Russia from the late 19th Century to the early Soviet period, focuses on more than twenty individual firms that operated there or otherwise conducted business with Russia. They are presented as primary and secondary case studies in three distinct groups: financial industries, manufacturing industries, and sales, services and light manufacturing industries.The primary cases, American Express, Case and Vacuum Oil Company, offer a detailed insight into: motives for opening installations in Russia, daily operations, the effects of war, revolution and nationalization as well as business relations under the early Soviet government. The secondary case studies include, Citibank, Chase Manhattan Bank, Morgan Guaranty and New York Life Insurance Company in the financial group; Western Electric, Westinghouse Airbrake and General Electric in the manufacturing group; and United Shoe, Otis, Moline Plow, Kodak, Parke, Davis & Co., Chesebrough-Pond's and Continental Gin in the sales, services and light manufacturing group.
Collectively these firms present a comprehensive account of the largely neglected and misunderstood role of private American business in Russia. The experiences of these companies help dispel conventional notions of U.S. commercial interests in Russia and place American involvement in proper perspective.
36
Baghdadi, Nima. "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)". FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation is an exploration of the dynamics of Iranian-Saudi relations from the earliest days of their encounter in the 1920s through 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. This is a period in the relations of the two states that has rarely been the subject of intellectual inquiry in the existing literature. This present research provides an analytical historiography of Iranian-Saudi relations with an aim to examine the elements constituting the dynamics of their relations. This is attained by contextualizing the milestones of Iranian-Saudi relations, triangulating historical accounts to identify the narrative among alternatives that best fits the meaningful causal processes explaining continuity and change, and weighing the impacts of factors playing a role in any given period of the Iranian-Saudi relations.
37
Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
38
Mason, Andrea 1976. "Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.
39
Wicken, William Craig. "Struggling with the bamboo curtain : John K. Fairbank and the search for a China policy, 1946-1950". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63242.
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40
Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
41
Woodhouse, Eiko. "G. E. Morrison and Anglo-Japanese relations in China, 1906-1912". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2000. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27596.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After her victory in the Russo—Japanese War in 1905, Japan began a commercial drive into China challenging British supremacy in the region. Britain, however, tolerated it, preserving the Anglo-Japanese Alliance because of the possibly
impending hostilities with Germany.
42
Grenig, Colin Michael. "Conservative Internationalism in American Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy Rhetoric of the Republican Ascendancy, 1920-1930". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1437265736.
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43
Burns, Adam David. "Imperial vision : William Howard Taft and the Philippines, 1900-1921". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4506.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis seeks to establish William H. Taft’s influence over the U.S. experiment with empire in the Philippines. It shows how a politician who is often characterised as a loyal servant of Theodore Roosevelt, at least before 1909, was in fact a key driver of policy decisions. Taft’s views of empire may have been built on the ideas of others, but his own synthesis of these ideas and the career path he followed during this period single him out as one of the most influential figures in U.S.-Philippine relations. Taft saw the Philippine relationship as a long-term prospect and foresaw a future where the islands would eventually become a dominion of a United States, like the relationship between Great Britain and Canada. This, it is argued here, was Taft’s distinct “imperial vision.” This thesis reassesses the role of Taft in the American imperial experiment in the Philippines between the years 1900 and 1921. During this period Taft was the highest-profile figure arguing consistently for a permanent imperial relationship with the Philippine Islands. Various historians have covered Philippine affairs during this period, but none has made such a detailed analysis of Taft as a leader in guiding Philippine policy toward retention. Taft held a number of high-level roles during the period 1900-1913 – when the Republican Party continuously controlled Philippine policy – which allowed him to maintain a permanent influence over the nature of U.S.-Philippine relations. After this period Taft had less direct influence, but utilised his experience, reputation and contacts to speak out against the Democratic Party’s policy for the islands and became the figurehead of a campaign to retain the Philippines.
44
Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
45
Al, Toraifi Adel. "Understanding the role of state identity in foreign policy decision-making : the rise of Saudi-Iranian rapprochement (1997-2009)". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/683/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations. Saudi Arabia and Iran have played key roles in Gulf security for the past four decades, yet there have been few studies addressing their bilateral relations. Traditionally, differences—including sectarianism, nationalism, revolutionary ideology, competition over regional hegemony, oil prices, policy towards US military presence in the Gulf, and disagreements over the hajj—are often cited as reasons for their rivalry, yet these differences do not on their own offer a convincingly clear explanation as to why the rapprochement took place at that particular time, or why it thrived—and subsequently declined—despite the continuing presence of these issues. The primary purpose of the thesis is to analyse and understand the reasons behind the rise and demise of the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. By focusing on ideational and materialist factors, the thesis seeks to demonstrate how changes in state identity—particularly in the official foreign policy discourse—indicates changes in policy, and therefore a shift in the amity–enmity pattern between the two states. Without discarding the value of realist explanations, the thesis will argue that the rapprochement process of 1997 has been significantly (though not exclusively) influenced by changes in state identity in each state. Moreover, this thesis provides a theoretical framework based on the concept of state identity and role theory (“self versus other”) to study the evolution of enmity, the rise of the rapprochement process during the Khatami presidency (1997–2005), and the subsequent revival of Saudi–Iranian rivalry during President Ahmadinejad’s first term (2005–2009). The main argument of this thesis is that ideational and materialist factors were instrumental in the demise of the rapprochement process, but the change in Iran’s state identity during the first term of President Ahmadinejad altered the perception of each state towards the other. Thus, the relationship transformed from a state of relative friendliness to a state of enmity and rivalry. This is explained by examining the muqawama–mumana’a discourse and the “moderates” versus “radicals” debate that consumed the narrative of Saudi–Iranian relations between 2005 and 2009. The methods employed in answering these research questions and hypotheses are largely structured around a chronological account of the development and formation of state identities and an analysis of each state’s foreign policy discourse during the period in question. This will be supplemented by qualitative interviews with individuals who participated in the rapprochement process, and will draw upon new archival material that has hitherto not been utilised in the literature on this subject.
46
Fatton, Lionel P. "Explaining unilateralism in foreign security policy : the case of Japan’s withdrawal from the Washington System, 1922-1936". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0044.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse analyse les raisons qui ont poussé le Japon à se retirer en 1936 du système de contrôle des armements navals établis en 1922. La littérature sur le sujet est particulièrement pauvre pour ce qui est de la science politique et ne parvient pas à systématiser les différentes variables afin de mieux comprendre l’extrême complexité du processus de décision japonais. Appréhender ce processus permet d'aborder une problématique plus générale, qui est de comprendre pourquoi les états mettent fin à des relations de nature coopérative, préférant poursuivre une politique de sécurité unilatérale malgré les coûts que cela peut engendrer. Le modèle théorique de cette thèse propose l’hypothèse suivante: certains changements dans le système international affectent l'influence relative des différentes institutions domestiques prenant part à la formulation des politiques étrangères. En cas de tensions internationales, l'expertise des forces armées prend de l’importance pour la formulation des politiques étrangères. Dans un tel scénario, il est probable que le pays se retire de l'accord de contrôle des armements si ses forces armées s’opposent au maintien de cet accord. Les forces armées désavouent l'accord si ce dernier est intrusif dans des domaines relevant de l'expertise de l’institution militaire au point de menacer sa capacité à répondre à une nouvelle menace extérieure. Le degré d'influence des forces armées et l'intensité du conflit entre militaires et civils pour ce qui concerne la politique de défense nationale constituent les deux variables qui déterminent la propension d'un état à privilégier une approche unilatérale de sa politique étrangère en matière de sécuritéThis thesis aims at assessing the causes of Japan's decision to withdraw in 1936 from the so-called Washington system of naval arms control. The existing literature is weak in the field of political science and fails to efficiently systematize the different variables to understand the highly complex Japanese decision-making process. To better understand this process helps in addressing a more general question: Why do states choose to pursue an independent and unilateral foreign security policy instead of a cooperative approach, despite the cost a withdrawal may engender? This thesis' theoretical framework is based on the academic literature on civil-military relations, and proposes the following hypothesis: Changes in the international system affect the relative influence different domestic institutions have on the formulation of foreign policy. In case of emerging international tensions, the military’s expertise acquires new importance for the formulation of foreign policy. In such a scenario, the arms control agreement does not survive if the military establishment advocates against the maintenance of the agreement. The military establishment opposes the agreement if it is so intrusive into its traditional sphere of responsibility that it negatively affects its ability to deal with a worsening security environment. The level of influence the military establishment possesses over the formulation of foreign security policy and the intensity of conflict in civil-military relations are the two variables of the thesis, which account for a state's propensity to privilege a unilateral approach to its foreign security policy
47
Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /". Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
48
Yu, Teresa. "Australia and the Palestine Question, 1947–1949: A New Interpretation". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8903.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By 1947, the conflicting national aspirations of the Arab majority and Jewish minority within Palestine had developed into an intractable problem. The responsibility for the political future of Palestine fell upon the fledgling United Nations and thereby weighed upon the shoulders of all its constituent states. This was a time, however, when the nations of the globe were emerging from the shadow of a world war, and were re-evaluating their construction of foreign policy. In this thesis I utilise the Palestine Question as a prism through which to explore the nuances in the Australian conception of postwar diplomacy.
49
Andreopoulos, G. J. "Greece : The state-foreign policy nexus and its role in £TAnglo-Greek relations£T (1928-1933)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377242.
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50
Laverde, René. "The development, pursuit and maintenance of a South African Antarctic policy : 1926-1988". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001852.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Connections between South Africa and Antarctica can be traced as far back as the 1700s when European expeditions in search of the southern continent used Cape Town (and later Simonstown) as a base of operation. This link expanded considerably after formal British acquisition of the Cape of Good Hope in 1815, yet it was not until 1926 that an actual South African policy towards the Antarctic began to materialize. Once this policy was established it continued to be characterized by procrastination as well as resistance both from within and without South Africa. The history of South Africa's Antarctic policy can be divided into five periods: first, the commencement of the policy (focusing primarily on economic interests), 1926-1939; second, the pursuit of interests through the policy (focusing on political interests), 1944- 1958; third, the entrenchment of South Africa's interests in the Antarctic (by securing South Africa's position within the Antarctic Treaty System), 1958-1960; fourth, the expansion of and foreign assault on the policy (under the auspices of the Antarctic Treaty System), 1960-1988; and fifth, the defence of and future prospects for the policy (from United Nation's calls for South Africa's exclusion from the Antarctic Treaty System), since 1982. While resistance from inside and outside the government during the first two periods resulted from inadequacies in the South African Antarctic policy itself, resistance in the final two periods has centred upon non-Antarctic issues. As South Africa has faced ever-increasing exclusion from international governmental organizations over opposition to Its apartheid policies, organizations such as the Antarctic Treaty Organization have inevitably been drawn into the debate. As a result, the Consultative Parties of the Antarctic Treaty (of which South Africa is one of the original twelve) have been forced to deal with the following question: to what extent will political issues outside the scope of the management policies of the Antarctic Treaty Organization be allowed to affect the functioning of the Antarctic Treaty System? While the Consultative Parties continue to ponder this and the fact that South Africa's Consultative Status has become the most divisive factor within the Antarctic Treaty System, no final solutions to these issues appear likely before 1991.