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Tesi sul tema "Feminist politics"

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1

Billingsley, Amy. "Humorwork, Feminist Philosophy, and Unstable Politics". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24550.

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Abstract (sommario):
This dissertation examines humor as a situated practice of reappropriation and transformation undertaken by a subject within a social world. I bring together insights from humor studies, philosophy of humor, and feminist philosophy (especially feminist continental philosophy) to introduce the concept of humorwork as an unstable political practice of reappropriating and transforming existing images, speech, and situations. I argue that humorwork is an unstable politics because the practice of reappropriation and transformation often exceeds the intentions of the subject practicing humor, taking on a continued life beyond the humorist’s intentions. By focusing on the practice of humor, the subject who produces it, their social and political world, the affects circulated through political humor, and the politics of popular and scholarly discourse about humor, I push against a reductive, depoliticized concept of humor and the trivializing gesture of “it’s just a joke.” Instead, I argue that humorists are responsible and connected to (if not always blameable) for the social and political life of their humorwork, despite the unstable and unpredictable uptake of humor against a humorist’s intentions.
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2

Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch: the politics of angry women". Thesis, Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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3

Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch : the politics of angry women /". Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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Abstract (sommario):
'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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4

Kim, Bomyung, e Bomyung Kim. "Spatiotemporal Politics of Postwar U.S. "Feminist History": Manifestos, Histories, and Post-Feminisms". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621868.

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This dissertation examines postwar U.S. feminist narrative practices of "making," writing, and sustaining "feminist history" and their spatiotemporal figuration of the subject of "women of color." In so doing, I attend to three discursive genres of postwar U.S. "feminist history": manifestos of postwar U.S. women's movements, histories of postwar U.S. women's movements, and the discourse of "post-feminism." The term "feminist history," in this sense, relates to the various ways that postwar U.S. feminists theorized women's liberation (manifestos), historicized the past of postwar U.S. women's movements (histories), and countered the putative "end" of postwar U.S. feminism (post-feminism). First, I argue that manifestos and histories of postwar U.S. women's movements as well as the discourse of "post-feminism" commonly utilized narrative form of discourse within which spatiotemporal imagination of "feminist history" articulate. Second, I point to the spatiotemporal figuration of racial others within these postwar U.S. feminist narratives of "feminist history." Third, I question the political implication of the spatial mobility of "women of color" which is increasingly seized by the late-modern spatiotemporal politics of multiculturalism.
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5

Rossiter, Penny, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College e School of Humanities. "Problematising the political : feminist interventions". THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Rossiter_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/579.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study of selected themes in feminist rethinkings of the political. It explores connections between specific interpretations of the meanings and boundaries of the political, the problems of exclusion and the imagination of non-exclusionary alternatives. It traces, and responds to, shifts in these interconnected concerns that have transpired over the last three decades as feminists in western liberal democracies have moved from a preoccupation with gendered oppression, to relations of identity and difference more broadly conceived. The contrasting perspectives of Moira Gatens and Anne Phillips on political exclusion and their preferred political futures are discussed. Gatens' preferred future is a 'polymorphous, polyvocal and polyvalent body politic' but the institutional forms of that polity and its relation to actually existing liberal democracy are uncertain. Phillips apparently has more modest aspirations; for increased political presence for the politically marginalised (especially women); and for a revitalisation of the deliberative component of democracy. Although Phillips appears to hold the trump card of immediate practical relevance, the thesis questions this assumption. It argues that feminist analysis can only benefit from increased conversation between such divergent feminist responses to the problem of political exclusion. But further, it concludes that the least 'practical' may sometimes be the most important components of feminist rethinkings of the political
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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6

Edwards, Kathy. "The politics of prositution : a feminist dilemma /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09are256.pdf.

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7

Górska, Magdalena. "Breathing Matters : Feminist Intersectional Politics of Vulnerability". Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-128607.

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Abstract (sommario):
Breathing is not a common subject in feminist studies. Breathing Matters introduces this phenomenon as a forceful potentiality for feminist intersectional theories, politics, and social and environmental justice. By analyzing the material and discursive as well as the natural and cultural enactments of breath in black lung disease, phone sex work, and anxieties and panic attacks, Breathing Matters proposes a nonuniversalizing and politicized understanding of embodiment. In this approach, human bodies are onceptualized as agential actors of intersectional politics. Magdalena Górska argues that struggles for breath and for breathable lives are matters of differential forms of political practices in which vulnerable and quotidian corpomaterial and corpo-affective actions are constitutive of politics. Set in the context of feminist poststructuralist and new materialist and postconstructionist debates, Breathing Matters offers a discussion of human embodiment and agency reconfigured in a posthumanist manner. Its interdisciplinary analytical practice demonstrates that breathing is a phenomenon that is important to study from scientific, medical, political, environmental and social perspectives.
Andning är inte ett vanligt förekommande ämne inom feministiska studier. Breathing Matters introducerar detta fenomen som har en potential för feministiska intersektionella teorier, politik, social rättvisa och klimaträttvisa. Genom analyser av materiella, diskursiva, naturliga och kulturella dimensioner av andningens formationer, i sjukdomen pneumokonios, telefonsexarbete samt ångest och panikattacker, föreslår Breathing Matters en icke-universialiserande och politiserad förståelse av förkroppsligande. Genom denna ansats konceptualiseras mänskliga kroppar som agentiella aktörer i en intersektionell politik. Magdalena Górska argumenterar att kampen för att andas och för andningsbara liv är ett angeläget ämne för differentiella former av politisk praktik. Denna sårbara och vardagliga praktik som både består av kroppsmateriella och kroppsaffektiva handlingar konstituerar politik. Placerad i en kontext av feminist poststrukturalistisk, nymaterialistisk och postkonstruktivistisk debatt erbjuder Breathing Matters en diskussion kring mänskligt förkroppsligande och agentskap som är omkonfigurerad på ett posthumanistiskt sätt. Den tvärvetenskapliga analytiska praktiken visar att andning är ett fenomen som är viktigt att studera från vetenskapliga, medicinska, politiska, miljömässiga och sociala perspektiv.
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8

Banerjee, Amrita 1979. "Re-conceiving "borders": A feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11556.

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xi, 205 p.
As an increasing number of differentially situated women implicated within the global economy continue to come into contact with each other, a host of opportunities and challenges are inaugurated for feminist praxes across borders and differences. The cycles of dependencies accentuated by globalization come hand-in-hand with concerns about unequal distribution, unequal access to resources, and the rise of fundamentalist ideologies. All these together remind us of the urgency of collaboration and cooperation across differences. At the same time, the presence of differences and inequalities threaten to undermine the spirit for collaboration at any given moment. We, therefore, need analytical frameworks that are able to do justice to our identities and agency within interactive spaces. We also need better evaluative frameworks for theorizing ethical responsibility and political concerns about justice within a transnational space that take these realities into account. I argue for the possibility of a new "critical multicultural transnational feminism" and develop a theoretical framework to anchor this vision in my dissertation. The "critical" component emphasizes the vision for a feminism that is, at once, a self-reflective praxis. The juxtaposition of "multicultural" and "transnational" seeks to emphasize the need for recognizing both the limitations and the importance of borders on our lives. To do this, I articulate an alternative logic of "borders" so as to develop an interactive ontology for thinking about transnationalism and transnational identity. I then take up the project of envisioning the ethical-political project of "solidarity" in the light of this ontology. The philosophical framework that I develop is inspired by the philosophical pragmatism of Mary Parker Follett and Josiah Royce, the existential phenomenology of Simone de Beauvoir, and the work of various postcolonial feminists such as bell hooks, Chandra Mohanty, and Ofelia Schutte. This framework is a feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics, which can serve as a normative paradigm and a framework of analysis. Finally, I use the framework developed in the dissertation to analyze and evaluate aspects of the international industry in surrogacy-related fertility tourism--a paradigmatic instance of incommensurability and inequality among women within the global economy.
Committee in charge: Bonnie Mann, Co-Chair; Scott L. Pratt, Co-Chair; Mark Johnson, Member; Judith Raiskin, Outside Member
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9

Velasquez, Juan. "A Feminist Sustainable Development : In Between Politics of Emotion, Intersectionality and Feminist Alliances". Stockholms universitet, Centrum för forskning om internationell migration och etniska relationer (CEIFO), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-15150.

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10

Singh, Michelle Marie. "Feminist subjects: issues of sexual politics and the problem of subjectivity". Thesis, Griffith University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366079.

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Abstract (sommario):
This dissertation sets out to re-describe (hetero)sexuality as a theoretical and political problem for feminism. I pursue this task two ways: by historicising both heterosexuality and feminist sexual politics, and by critically assessing the effects of the conceptions of subjectivity and power that have shaped primary feminist approaches to sexuality. I begin this project by examining a specific feminist attitude of antagonism towards post-structuralist theories, and drawing out its underlying ideal of feminism as a closed and coherent theoretical and political system. I argue that this conception of ‘proper’ feminist theory and politics has significant bearing on how sexuality – especially heterosexuality – can be conceived and dealt with. I also take up alternative feminist responses to post-structuralist theories: engagements which reflect very different notions of feminism generally, of subjectivity and power, and consequently, of (hetero)sexual politics. In the last two chapters, I examine some specific problems of sexuality, including anti-rape politics, and debates over the sexualisation of culture, in order to test the utility of the post-structuralist-influenced approach I have developed. Throughout the dissertation, I avoid a sole focus on corrective, theoretical critique, aiming to also acknowledge the significance of emotional affect, and historical location.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
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11

Rossiter, Penny. "Problematising the political : feminist interventions". Thesis, View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/579.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study of selected themes in feminist rethinkings of the political. It explores connections between specific interpretations of the meanings and boundaries of the political, the problems of exclusion and the imagination of non-exclusionary alternatives. It traces, and responds to, shifts in these interconnected concerns that have transpired over the last three decades as feminists in western liberal democracies have moved from a preoccupation with gendered oppression, to relations of identity and difference more broadly conceived. The contrasting perspectives of Moira Gatens and Anne Phillips on political exclusion and their preferred political futures are discussed. Gatens' preferred future is a 'polymorphous, polyvocal and polyvalent body politic' but the institutional forms of that polity and its relation to actually existing liberal democracy are uncertain. Phillips apparently has more modest aspirations; for increased political presence for the politically marginalised (especially women); and for a revitalisation of the deliberative component of democracy. Although Phillips appears to hold the trump card of immediate practical relevance, the thesis questions this assumption. It argues that feminist analysis can only benefit from increased conversation between such divergent feminist responses to the problem of political exclusion. But further, it concludes that the least 'practical' may sometimes be the most important components of feminist rethinkings of the political
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12

Todd, Sharon. "The politics of knowledge : a critical theoretical approach to feminist epistemology and its educational implications". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61314.

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Stemming from the dialectical concepts of critical epistemology developed by feminism and Critical Theory (specifically, the Frankfurt School), this thesis attempts to articulate the political dimension of knowledge and to demonstrate how this dimension is incorporated into the liberatory pedagogical theory of Paulo Freire, Henry Giroux and various feminist authors. Hence the epistemological significance of domination and oppression is explored in relation to the concepts of subjectivity and objectivity held by critical epistemology.
In ultimately aiming at liberation from social oppression, both Critical Theory and feminist epistemology provide theoretical insights into the social construction of knowledge, the intersubjective character of knowledge and the depth psychological dimension of the knower. It is maintained that a synthesis of these insights can provide the groundwork for a liberatory educational theory based on the interrelation between experience and knowledge. Also, in dialectical interaction, a liberatory educational theory provides a means for actualizing the liberatory aim of critical epistemology.
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13

Yount, Lisa Michelle. "Remembrance, representation and feminism : toward a politics of memorial curation /". view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1192184061&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-176). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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14

Polychronakos, Helen. "Reflecting Woolf, Virginia Woolf's feminist politics and modernist aesthetics". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64181.pdf.

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15

Polychronakos, Helen. "Reflecting Woolf : Virginia Woolf's feminist politics and modernist aesthetics". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30201.

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No study of Virginia Woolf can do justice to the complexity of her life and work without taking into account the numerous contradictions present in her thought. Though Woolf is recognized as a revolutionary contributor to the development of modernism, it is also important to remember that she was born in 1882 and that the nineteenth century also left its mark on her. The first chapter will examine this double sensibility. The second chapter will trace the development of Woolf's modernist aesthetic. She was obviously rebelling against the realism valued by her Victorian and Edwardian predecessors when she conceived of a literary style capable of abstracting from purely formal elements a more "profound reality" than that captured by objective and representational descriptions. Despite this revolutionary tendency, she constructs a hierarchy of "realities" that is somewhat elitist in its mysticism and runs counter to the revolutionary feminist and Marxist thought evident in so much of her work. The last chapter will examine the contradictions that riddle Woolf's feminist writings.
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16

Franklin, Cary. "Freewoman : Dora Marsden and the politics of feminist modernism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270659.

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17

Tay, Sharon Lin. "Beyond sexual difference : sustaining feminist politics in film theory". Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405693.

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18

Fotopoulou, Aristea. "Remediating politics : feminist and queer formations in digital networks". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39666/.

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This thesis examines feminist and queer actors emerging in highly mediated environments and the forms of political organisation and critical knowledge production they engage in. It indicates that older debates around gender and sexuality are being reformulated in digital networks and identifies alternative understandings which are being developed. The study foregrounds a performative conceptualisation and argues that political realities are produced in dynamic configurations of communication media, discourses and bodies. It suggests that network technologies constitute sources of vulnerability and anxiety for feminists and stresses the significance of registering how embodied subjectivities emerge from these experiences. To achieve its aims and to map activity happening across different spaces and scales, the project attended to context-specific processes of mediation at the intersections of online and offline settings. It employed ethnographic methods, internet visualisation, in-depth interviewing and textual analysis to produce the following key outcomes: it registered changing understandings of the political in relation to new media amongst a network of women's organisations in London; it investigated the centrality of social media and global connections in the shaping of local queer political communities in Brighton; it complicated ideas of control, labour and affect to analyse emerging sexual identities in online spaces like nofauxx.com, and offline postporn events; finally, it traced feminist actors gathering around new reproductive technologies, at the crossing fields of grassroots activism and the academy. Today, women's groups and queer activists increasingly use networked communication for mobilisation and information-sharing. In a climate of widespread scepticism towards both representational politics and traditional media, questions about the role of digital networks in enabling or limiting political engagement are being raised. This thesis aims to contribute to these debates by accounting for the ways in which feminist and queer activists in digital networks reformulate the relationship between communication media and politics.
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19

Chigateri, Shraddha. "Uncovering injustice : towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangalore". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2625/.

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This research is interested in unpacking the injustice that dalit groups, men and women, identify as structuring their lives, as well as the strategies deployed to resist, disrupt and subvert the violence. It is also interested in elucidating the tensions in accounting for caste relations, as well as a gendered conception of dalit relations in Bangalore. The dalit women question has received increasing scholarly as well as political attention in the last couple of decades. However, there is very little literature that seeks to locate the conditions of dalit women’s lives in the context of urban spaces. Understanding gendered caste relations in the space of the city has been no easy process. This is not only because of the conceptual and historical disjunction between caste and class, but also because of the disjunction between caste and conceptions of the space of the city. The over-determination of the centrality of ‘the village’ in the literature on caste does not easily allow for a conception of caste relations in the city. Moreover, the space of the city as a space of freedom in the dalit imagination makes it difficult to locate a critical conception of urban spaces for a dalit politics. In relation to a gendered dalit politics, the need for an internal critique of the patriarchy of dalit politics whilst over-determined, has not produced a robust critique of intra-caste relations. This is also because in demarcating the specific conditions of dalit women’s lives, a gendered dalit politics tends to get caught up in a ‘politics of difference’. Based on primary research with three dalit groups in the city of Bangalore and secondary material, this thesis locates the politics around the naming of identity and the ways in which ‘dalit’ identity has been avowed, disavowed, contested and sometimes not confronted at all, by the groups, and what this means for a dalit politics as well as a dalit feminist politics in Bangalore. It also analyses the politics of naming the injustice of untouchability and the strategies deployed by the respondents to contend with the violence. It provides a gendered account of untouchability and an analysis of untouchability in relation to the city.
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20

Rossiter, Penny. "Problematising the political : feminist interventions /". View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030403.153245/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Western Sydney, March 2002" Bibliography : leaves 287-303.
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21

VanNewkirk, Robbin Hillary. "Third Wave Feminist History and the Politics of Being Visible and Being Real". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/wsi_theses/1.

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This project works to illuminate some of the main theoretical claims that writers of the third wave make in order to understand these claims as rhetorical devices used to make themselves visible and real. Being visible is a common theme in third wave texts and realness is a site that is both contested and embraced. Being Visible and being real work together to situate third wave actors in a U.S. feminist continuum that is sprinkled with contradiction and ambiguity. This thesis will examine the contextual development of third wave feminism, and then using examples of realness and visibility in the three third wave anthologies, Being Real, Third Wave Agenda, and Catching a Wave, this thesis will interrogate at the rhetorical significance of those themes.
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22

de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.

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23

Morrow, Marina Helen. "Feminist anti-violence activism, the struggle towards multi-centred politics". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27701.pdf.

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24

Meroka, Agnes K. "A feminist critique of land, politics and law in Kenya". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56361/.

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Abstract (sommario):
Land in Kenya has social, economic and political dimensions, which overlap and conflict. Land conflicts are one of the root causes of political crises which the country has experienced since the formation of the modern state through colonialism. Although the link between land and politics has been much studied, the gender dimension has been neglected. Where it has been addressed within the women‟s land rights discourse there has been a failure to appreciate the multi-dimensionality of land, addressing only the economic implications from a gender perspective. As a result there is little analysis of the way in which women experience inequalities arising out of political processes which shape and influence Kenya‟s land system. In 2008, the Commission of Inquiry into Post Election Violence (CIPEV) reported various types of inequalities which women faced with regard to land, and which arose as a result of distributional land problems in the country. It raised for the first time the way in which gender and ethnicity intersected to produce the inequalities and disadvantages women experienced during the period of election violence. This thesis addresses this intersectionality. It argues that the nature of women‟s inequality with regard to land in Kenya is much broader than questions of rights of access, control and ownership and consequently that gender inequality relating to land is Kenya is mis-framed. It analyses the nature of this mis-framing and drawing on the fieldwork conducted within three communities argues that what is needed is a contextualised understanding of intersectionality. Such an understanding of intersectionality requires analyses of the interplay between law and politics, and how this interplay produces experiences of inequality and disadvantage amongst women.
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25

Voisin, Jocelyne Carleton University Dissertation Journalism and Communication. "Making dreams come true; feminist speculative fiction and cultural politics". Ottawa, 1996.

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26

Hush, Egerton Anna. "Across the borderlines - Coalitional feminist politics beyond identity and difference". Thesis, Department of Philosophy, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18822.

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First lines of the Introduction (as abstract not provided): Class and identity politics have long had a vexed relationship. Proponents of purist class politics have dismissed movements based on gender, race, and sexuality as needlessly divisive, or as anathema to class solidarity. For their part, feminists, critical race theorists and queer theorists have critiqued this form of class politics as unable to give voice to the multidimensional forms of oppression experienced by various social groups. While this debate has been raging for decades in both political groups and theoretical spaces, a resolution or compromise between these two extreme positions has not been established. However, to my mind, the problem is more pressing now than ever, as we reach a global point of unprecedented economic, environmental and humanitarian crises that demand of us novel and coordinated political responses. As Eleanor Robertson writes in the Spring 2017 issue of Australian literary journal Meanjin: Neoliberalism is running into its historical limits, exhausting its ability to stabilise capitalism and pacify those to whom it has doled out poverty and misery. An identity politics that is detached from material and historical questions cannot help us now; neither can faithfully repeating the left tactics of the twentieth century. The process of reconstituting something new, something that addresses the unique situation in which we find ourselves, has begun (Robertson 2017, 69). Robertson identifies the need for a new way of mediating between the polarities of class and identity. This can also be understood in a philosophical sense as a question about subjectivity - what is the relationship between politics and individual subjects' locations or experiences? What aspects of subjectivity should politics take into account? Where identity politics focuses on membership to social groups and the dynamics of power and oppression arising from such group memberships, Marxist politics provides a more material approach to thinking about the subject and her location vis-a'-vis the means of production. There is, ostensibly, a particular tension between the dominant feminist conception of identity - that espoused in theories of intersectional feminism - and a material approach to the subject of class politics. This subject resists assimilation into an intersectional framework, which treats class as only one element of oppression amongst many, and similarly into postmodern frameworks, which tend to prioritise the discursive or normative aspects of power over the material.
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27

Velke, Maja. "Sveriges feministiska inrikespolitik : En granskande studie om den jämställdhetspolitik som regering Löfven bedrivit under mandatperioden 2014-2018". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75006.

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Abstract (sommario):
In 2014, the newly elected Swedish government declared itself as the first feminist government in the world. When CEDAW in 2016 released their review of the Swedish gender equality policy work, they criticized the lack of concrete results. In the recommendations they suggested that Sweden should adopt a national strategy in their work with violence against women. Being the first public feminist government, working with women issues such as violence against women, it is therefore of interest to study what kind of theoretical and practical policy work the Löfven administration has done during their first term. In this study, the purpose is to find out what the government has done in regard to stop the violence against women, by using the theoretical framework of feminist institutionalism and state feminism. In the result, that is gathered from government documents, it is shown that the Löfven administration has had a similar goal and policy work that the CEDAW recommended, but there is still questions in the area that is yet to be a part of that work. In conclusion, you can with safety say that women´s issues have taken a place in the political agenda, but not even the first county in the world governed by a feminist government is equal.
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28

Bergman, Solveig. "The politics of feminism : autonomous feminist movements in Finland and West Germany from the 1960s to the 1980s /". Åbo : Åbo Akademi university press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41007642w.

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29

Ryberg, Ingrid. "Imagining Safe Space : The Politics of Queer, Feminist and Lesbian Pornography". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-68789.

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Abstract (sommario):
There is a current wave of interest in pornography as a vehicle for queer, feminist and lesbian activism. Examples include Dirty Diaries: Twelve Shorts of Feminist Porn (Engberg, Sweden, 2009), the Pornfilmfestival Berlin (2006-) and the members-only Club LASH in Stockholm (1995-). Based on ethnographic fieldwork designed around these cases, the purpose of the thesis is to account for, historicize and understand this transnational film culture and its politics and ethics. The fieldwork consists of interviews, questionnaires and participant observation, including participation as one of the filmmakers in Dirty Diaries. The thesis studies queer, feminist and lesbian pornography as an interpretive community. Meanings produced in this interpretive community are discussed as involving embodied spectatorial processes, different practices of participation in the film culture and their location in specific situations and contexts of production, distribution and reception. The thesis highlights a collective political fantasy about a safe space for sexual empowerment as the defining feature of this interpretive community. The figure of safe space is central in the fieldwork material, as well as throughout the film culture’s political and aesthetic legacies, which include second wave feminist insistence on sexual consciousness-raising, as well as the heated debates referred to as the Sex Wars. The political and aesthetic heterogeneity of the film culture is discussed in terms of a tension between affirmation and critique (de Lauretis, 1985). It is argued that the film culture functions both as an intimate public (Berlant, 2008) and as a counter public (Warner, 2002). Analyzing research subjects’ accounts in terms of embodied spectatorship (Sobchack, 2004, Williams, 2008), the thesis examines how queer, feminist and lesbian pornography shapes the embodied subjectivities of participants in this interpretive community and potentially forms part of processes of sexual empowerment.
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30

Murray, Simone Elizabeth. "Mixed media : feminist presses and publishing politics in twentieth-century Britain". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1348866/.

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Abstract (sommario):
The high cultural profile of contemporary feminist publishing in Britain has previously met with a curiously evasive response from those spheres of academic discourse in which it might be expected to figure: women's studies, while asserting the innate politicality of all communication, has tended to overlook the subject of publishing in favour of less materialist cultural modes; while publishing studies has conventionally overlooked the significance of gender as a differential in analysing print media. Siting itself at this largely unexplored academic juncture, the thesis analyses the complex interaction of feminist politics and fiction publishing in twentieth-century Britain. Chapter 1 -" 'Books With Bite': Virago Press and the Politics of Feminist Conversion" - focuses on Britain's oldest extant women's publishing venture, Virago Press, and analyses the organisational structures and innovative marketing strategies which engineered the success of its reprint and original fiction lists. Chapter 2 looks back to Elizabeth Corbet Yeats's early-twentieth-century Cuala Press, a prominent element in the Irish literary revival and debates around women's relationship to nationalist agendas. The experience of The Women's Press, Black Woman Talk and Sheba Feminist Publishers constitutes the crux of Chapter 3 - " 'Books of Integrity': Dilemmas of Race and Authenticity in Feminist Publishing" - which reads these presses as challenges to the early-second-wave women's movement insistence on the primacy of sisterhood for women's identity politics. Chapter 4 investigates feminist publishing's historical involvement in Edwardian suffrage politics and the vexed role of men within feminist publishing enterprises. Radical feminist and lesbian publishing is scrutinised in Chapter 5- "Collective Unconscious: The Demise of Radical Feminist Publishing" - which centres upon Onlywomen Press, Sheba and Silver Moon Books, and explores the problematic nature of the collective principle for women's media enterprises. The concluding chapter - "This Book Could Change Your Life': Feminist Bestsellers and the Power of Mainstream Publishing" - assesses the impact of feminism on mainstream post-war publishing. It critiques the ways in which mainstream houses' commissioning, design and marketing of canonical feminist texts have frequently militated against their oppositional content. Central to the analysis as a whole is the dynamic tension arising from the conjunction of radical politics and the commercial market-place, a relationship in which the contesting exigencies of political progressiveness and business solvency create an energising - though volatile - dialectic.
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31

Berger, Cara Gabriele. "Performing Écriture Féminine : strategies for a feminist politics of the postdramatic". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5362/.

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This thesis explores the relationship between postdramatic theatre and écriture féminine using a practice-as-research methodology. Its claim is that Hélène Cixous’s écriture féminine is revitalised as a source for feminist theatre studies through the emergence of postdramatic theatre. The project’s practice-led research identified and extracted principles from Cixous’s prose writing that are especially compelling for theatre and explored these through laboratory practice. The primary sources for doing this were Cixous’s novels Inside (1969) and The Book of Promethea (1983), as well as her writing on Clarice Lispector. The exploration of these materials was a creative and transformative activity that identified equivalent strategies between the two media – prose writing and theatre – while at the same time revealing significant differences and tensions. The practice is documented in the thesis via research logs and video evidence. The written reflection draws attention to the specific potentialities that theatre brings to écriture féminine and discusses how the outcomes of the practice-led research resonate with postdramatic aesthetics. While the research findings accumulated strategically across the series of three performances, and the performances built upon each other iteratively, each of the findings chapters focuses in detail on one aspect of the practice: specifically, semiotics, dramaturgy and feminine epistemology. By pinpointing and discussing nodal points at which postdramatic practices and écriture féminine intersect, this thesis aims to show that postdramatic theatre has the potential to be – and thus frequently is – feminine. Indeed, the overall aim of this thesis is to advance the emerging field of study of feminism in postdramatic theatre by exploring the feminine potential of postdramatic theatre and proposing that Cixous’s écriture féminine offers a way of framing the poetics of postdramatic theatre in relation to feminist politics. The findings have potential utility for theatre-makers seeking a feminist method in the postdramatic as well as scholars of postdramatic theatre and feminism.
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32

Harris, Rose M. "Signifying race and gender : discursive strategies in feminist theory and politics". Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Rooks_Diss_01.

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33

Filimonov, Kirill. "“Nobody’s free until everybody’s free”: Rethinking feminist politics in the 2014 Swedish election campaign". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-256674.

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Abstract (sommario):
This study explores the hegemonic articulation of ‘feminist politics’ by the Swedish political party Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiativ) during 2014 national parliamentary election campaign. The analysis is carried out on two levels: the construction of the hegemonic project of feminist politics and the construction of an antagonist.      Deploying the discourse-theoretical approach by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as well as the theories of radical democracy and intersectionality, it is shown how a new, broad collective feminist identity is produced by deconstructing womanhood as an identifiable and unproblematic category as well as expanding the signifying chain of feminism by including new social struggles into it. As a result, the feminist subject is conceptualized in radical-democratic terms as a citizen with equal rights, rather than an essentialized female subject. Two nodal points that fix the meaning of the hegemonic project of feminist politics are identified: one is human rights, which enables the expansion of the chain of equivalence, and the other is experience of oppression, which acknowledges differences existing within the movement and prevents it from muting marginalized voices. Discrimination, being the constitutive outside, both threatens and produces the subject: on the one hand, it violates human rights that underlie feminist politics; on the other hand, it produces the experience of oppression that gives a unique feminist perspective to each member of the collective identity. The hegemonic project thus emerges as dependent on the oppressive power of discrimination. The study suggests a critical discussion on how the constitutive outside – discrimination – empties the concept of feminism by a radical expansion of its meaning.    The research furthermore explores the construction of the antagonist of the hegemonic project. Utilizing analytical concepts from the writings of Jacques Lacan and Slavoj Žižek, it is demonstrated how social structures and norms acquire agency and become the significant Other for the feminist identity. The thesis is concluded by a critical discussion on the fundamental impossibility of identification based on opposing oneself to something that can only be expressed with a signifier that ultimately lacks any signified.
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34

Harder, Lois Katherine. "The politics of domestication, feminist struggles with the Alberta state, 1971-1996". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22909.pdf.

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35

Hendriks, Sarah Elizabeth. "Advocates, adversaries, anomalies, the politics of feminist space in Gender and Development". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq62882.pdf.

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36

Lewis, Alison. "The poetics and politics of feminist fantasy : the novels of Irmtraud Morgner /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl6729.pdf.

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37

Milanovic, Vesna. "Re-embodying the alienation of exile : feminist subjectivity, spectatorship, politics and performance". Thesis, University of East London, 2006. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/1302/.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis maps and performs a new approach to the work of a major twentieth century artist, and outlines an interpretative framework as a model for a broader contemporary exploration of the theme of exile as it is lived and experienced in both personal and political ways at the end of the twentieth and twenty-first century. The main body of the thesis is a scholarly endeavour of `re-thinking Woyzeck through Marie's gaze', and thereby seeks to illuminate the major themes of politics, gender and poetics in Nadj's Woyzeck, staged in 1994, as a significant dance theatre work. The thesis argues that the political turbulence in `Post- (Berlin) Wall' Europe had a great impact on theatre and dance performance practice. In this context, Woyzeck is examined from a number of critical perspectives, and is treated as an influential political and dramatic text which can shed light on the more general process of `performing exile' that is alienating and re embodying it in a performance context. Beyond this critical analysis, however, the thesis also offers a performative voice engaging in debate with itself, and creates a new technology tool for testing its own theories in performance practice: the PORT (Performance Online in Real Time) application. The thesis as written, and as performed, is both academic and personal: the journey of the thesis is the journey of my body, my mind, my critical understanding, as I have worked to escape the lingering sense of not belonging to my own country (Serbia), my adopted country (England), and the invisible boundaries, memories and liminal spaces between. The thesis thus studies Woyzeck's construction of a woman's view of her own not-belonging, and offers a scholarly analysis from the first person, embodied knowledge of another woman's understanding: it maps a journey into exile and out again through language (spoken, gestural, and theoretical) and through the movement of the body as a form of self-reclamation beyond spoken and written language. By applying a hybrid feminist and psychoanalytic approach to this intertextual analysis of `the feminine gaze' in each of the transdiciplinary arguments put forward, the thesis aims to both challenge and examine the stereotype of the female figure's (Marie's) role in Nadj's Woyzeck as well as the role of the female spectator and performer. Focus is directed at important signifying objects and acts in the play: e. g. the significance of the `red necklace', seen as an apt metaphor for the silenced female voice and the exiled subjectivity of this female character. Through application of a feminist/ psychoanalytic approach in the intertextual analysis, the thesis pays particular attention to the spectator's gaze and Marie's gaze, and to the act of reframing her role and questioning her position as the `objectified other' in a performative space. In this repositioning of Marie more centrally within the story of her own exile, the aim is to provide a platform from which she might act as a `speaking subject' as she writes Her own story, which is also my story, and the story of many exiled women in theatrical texts. The main theoretical influence on this work is Helene Cixous' feminist theory, which though frequently applied to the field of performance studies in general, has not been studied in relation to this precise theme of exile in performance in an embodied and technologyenhanced study. By not only rewriting Marie's story but also re-enacting my own, and further capturing this story of exile in a new technology tool created as part of the research for this thesis, I see, to challenge the role of the spectator/reader in the performance analysis, inviting him/her to witness the performance event and to engage as a political and gendered speaking subject. I also aim to offer a technology tool that other actors, dancers and scholars will find useful in their own performance experiments in future. This thesis seeks to make a significant and original contribution to the fields of knowledge in Performance Studies, Media Studies, Cultural Studies and Digital Media Art, and draws upon more established fields in Feminist Theory and Cultural Studies for the base upon which these newer approaches can be positioned.
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38

Pollot, Elena Linda Maria. "Virtues of the self : ethics and the critique of feminist identity politics". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9874.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis is situated at the intersection of feminist political theory, identity politics and moral philosophy. Its broader aim is to show the positive consequences of returning the self and its inner activity to the ethical domain for feminist identity politics. To this end, it brings feminist identity politics into dialogue with contemporary developments in virtue ethics, in particular Christine Swanton’s pluralistic virtue ethics. As its starting point, it takes issue with the tendency to reduce the complexity of identity to issues of category. The first part of the thesis problematises this tendency and argues for a reconsideration of the question of identity politics by shifting the focus away from identity per se and towards a more complex picture of the self that is reflective of the constitutive relation between the self and identifications, commitments and values. The work of the post-modern feminists Wendy Brown and Judith Butlers are read as proposing just such a shift away from the identitarian engagement of identity politics of ‘who am I?’ towards a more ethically imbued engagement that centres a complex self with inner depths. Part Two of the thesis extends this reconceptualisation of the problematic of identity politics and elaborates on what it could mean to undertake such a shift and how such a project could be conceived. Drawing on both Michael Sandel’s and Michel Foucault’s formulations of the self, identity and its relation to the good, the thesis develops the argument that the problematic of identity politics, articulated in ethical language, enables the formulation of an argument for giving an account of the good life and that this entails developing a subject imbued with a full inner life. Part Three of the thesis argues that contemporary work in virtue ethics offers the best way to take this project forward, suggesting that it represents a positive development in conceptions of the self and that a complex picture of the person emerges that provides the basis for a richer approach to the ethical concerns raised in identity politics. The thesis concludes by illustrating the potential value of taking those feminist insights into the constructed nature of identity into dialogue with a pluralistic virtue ethical account of the self and suggests that this approach provides new opportunities for understanding and discussing the collective dimension of identity politics in situations of diversity and inequality.
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39

Chen, Li-Ning. "A feminist politics of discursive embodiment : rethinking Iris M. Young's gender seriality". Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16792/.

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Abstract (sommario):
Divergent forms of female embodiment have prompted contemporary feminist theorists to depart from gender essentialism and draw attention to the heterogeneity of gender performances in the (re)conceptualisation of 'women'. I argue feminist politics may become ossified and repressive if the public arena fails to reflect the plurality of women and their diverse political claims. Exploring the theorisation of 'women' in the context of the politics of difference, this thesis analyses the reciprocal relationship between the construction of 'women' and the pluralisation of feminist politics, by articulating a 'feminist politics of discursive embodiment'. The thesis is divided into two parts. I begin with Iris M. Young's conception of 'gender seriality' that categorises 'women' as a social series constructed through a practico-inert reality of gender and characterised by a passive member relationship, rather than as a social group with common objectives and essential attributes. I then draw on Maurice Merleau-Ponty's phenomenological concept of 'the lived body', to deepen this account and to sketch out how the female body is the material locus of gender imperatives and, hence, the primary site of politicisation. The second part of the thesis articulates a feminist politics of discursive embodiment concentrating on how the politicisation of different experiences of female embodiment pluralises feminist politics. I argue that the combination of a reworked understanding of female authority and an agonistic ethos as a political practice can facilitate democratic deliberation and can inaugurate a progressive feminist politics. The Milan Women's Bookstore Collective's depiction of 'the symbolic mother' is specifically used to demonstrate how politicising womanhood can recuperate the historically absent female relationship against patriarchy. I conclude with an exploration of agonist ethos that recognises the constitutive tension between different political claims and encourages openness and the (re)signification of each asserted 'womanhood', so ensuring the responsiveness of a democratic feminist politics.
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40

Altman, Danielle. "Feminist activism in post-apartheid South Africa the politics of postnatal depression /". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0014409.

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41

Mihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso. "The African Renaissance and gender : finding the feminist voice /". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1113.

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42

Kale, Nulufer. "The Politicization Of Gender: From Identity Politics To Post-identity". Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613815/index.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):
The aim of this thesis study is to understand the significance of today&rsquo
s feminist politics in Turkey for post-identity politics. When it is considered that identity politics is being widely practiced today, whereas there is still much vagueness regarding the ways of doing post-identity politics, in order to achieve the aim of this study it becomes necessary to make a critique of identity politics and to reveal post-identitarian tendencies through this critique of identity-based political mobilization. In this study, feminist identity politics is analyzed and criticized from the perspective of Judith Butler, who is a poststructuralist feminist questioning identity and its relation to gender politics. These issues are questioned through qualitative research method and semi-structured in-depth interviews are used as the data gathering technique. Five in-depth interviews were conducted with women who consider themselves feminist. The interviews aim at providing individual narrations of the participants to be exposed to deconstruction later on through the analysis process. Therefore, participants are not asked direct and categorical questions about their ideas on specific issues
instead, they are encouraged to talk about how they perceive the gendered world around them and how they respond to it and how these ideas are transferred to the political arena. It was found that the participants perceived sex, gender and sexuality in a dualistic framework to a certain extent and this relative fluidity enables them to realize the importance of doing post-identity politics, but they do not have a tendency to transfer this to the political arena in the near future.
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43

Abubasheer, Ayah. "The politics of mobilising piety : Islam and women in the Gaza Strip". Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2021. https://doi.org/10.26199/acu.8x445.

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Abstract (sommario):
Despite extensive social science research on Palestine, the literature on the religious life of Palestinians is still modest, especially with respect to contemporary female piety. On 25 January 2006, the Islamic party Hamas won a decisive majority of seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council. This landslide victory has drawn most media and scholarly attention to the political Islamisation programmes of Hamas. Remarkably, little research has investigated the wider diversity and more complex nature of grassroots religious activism in society. For example, no previous study, so far, has examined the growing female da’wa (piety) movement, which has become a dominant feature in the Gaza Strip. The study presented here is the first investigation focusing specifically on the female subjects of the piety movement—the da’iyat. These are pious women activists who carry out an extensive array of Islamic da’wa classes among women who seek religious education, guidance, and advice. The main aim of this study is to explore four questions: how female pious conviction is understood and produced, how the formation of the da’iyat’s agency is facilitated and restricted, how pious agentic tensions and da’wa (un)intended consequences exist within the local socio-political power structures, and to what extent dialogical perspectives on the question of women can be achieved between pious women and secular feminists. The literature review on Muslim women’s agency reveals a polarisation that reduces women’s agency to resistance to or compliance with male domination and Islamic traditions. My research suggests that women’s agency and the subject formation (at the level of the individual and collective) constitute a much more complex process and that the pious/feminist polarity constricts the enhancement of women’s agency, women’s rights, and gender justice. Based on an in-depth remote ethnography (a survey and mobile calls over the internet) in the Gaza Strip, this thesis provides a contextualised analysis of three agentic manifestations of women’s pious agency. In particular, this thesis goes beyond Saba Mahmood’s (2005) model of the pious subject in the Cairene women’s piety movement. It offers a detailed analysis of the multiple and contradictory aspects of the subject’s pious agency in the Gazan women’s piety movement. It also provides an important opportunity to investigate the relevance of Rachel Rinaldo’s (2013) model of pious critical agency among some Indonesian Muslim women and the scholarship of Islamic feminism to Gazan Muslim women. Significantly, the final research question situates women’s pious agency within the broader pious/feminist relationship. Firstly, in terms of the construction of pious conviction, I argue that the da’iyat’s meanings of piety are reflected in two interconnected terms: religious duty and self-realisation. These pious meanings are shaped by various structures, institutions, and relationships at the micro, meso, and macro levels of social systems. Secondly, I present three distinct, though sometimes overlapping, models of agency for pious women: moral, political, and interpersonal. Thirdly, this research provides a detailed discussion of the data that highlight sites of tension in these three pious modes of agentic expressions. Drawing together key findings from pious and secular feminist narratives, the analysis also offers a deeper insight into the da’wa’s (un)intended consequences on reinforcing hegemonic gender norms. Finally, this project shines a light on the importance of understanding these agentic positions and consequences within the larger context of the relationship between pious women and secular feminists. The case of the Gaza Strip shows a lack of exposure or attention to the possibility of developing pious feminist, or “pious critical agency” to use Rinaldo’s words, and key obstacles to go beyond the pious/secular divide. Overall, the analysis of the da’iyat’s subjective formation, models of female pious agency, and women’s relationships in the Gaza Strip helps not only expand our understanding and theorising of Islamic female piety, but also demonstrates more possibilities, visions, and challenges for pious/feminist women to collaborate and act upon shared interests.
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44

Bakht, Natasha. "(Re)producing reproduction, the new feminist politics of sex-selective abortions in India". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0006/MQ36002.pdf.

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45

Goulding, Sarah. ""Third word woman" under the ethnocentric feminist gaze : exploring the politics of representation /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg698.pdf.

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46

Nielsen, Emilia Victoria Llewellyn. "Disruptive breast cancer narratives: shaping cultural politics, informing feminist bioethics and performing repair". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44733.

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Abstract (sommario):
This project explores the narration of experiential knowledge about breast cancer arguing that personal narratives, in the form of “disruptive breast cancer narratives,” have the potential to shift public perceptions, breast cancer culture and biomedical understandings of the disease. In Chapter 2, I explore the potential of narrative enquiry in qualitative health research and establish my interdisciplinary framework which turns to patient-centred knowledge creation, affective illness histories and archiving feelings as well as cultural studies of the body, critical gender and sexuality studies. Chapter 3 outlines my theoretical approach to disruptive breast cancer narratives and involves an exploration of the scholarly potential and limitations of illness narrative study and turns to narrative approaches to feminist bioethics. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 explore disruptive breast cancer narratives through close readings of narrative texts. In Chapter 4, I examine feminist anger through Barbara Ehrenreich’s (2001) “Welcome to Cancerland,” Audre Lorde’s (1981) The Cancer Journals and Kathlyn Conway’s (1997) Ordinary Life. In Chapter 5, I read Wendy Mesley’s (2006) Chasing the Cancer Answer and Kris Karr’s (2007) Crazy Sexy Cancer as documentary films that purport to disrupt the dominant discourses of breast cancer by exploring them in relation to discourses of personal responsibility and a figure I call the “cancer killjoy.” In Chapter 6, I begin with an examination of Eve Sedgwick’s (1993) “White Glasses” which provides a powerful critique of how gender and sexuality are constituted through a breast cancer diagnosis and treatments and advance this critique through readings of Catherine Lord’s (2004) The Summer of Her Baldness and the television drama The L Word (2006); this chapter is guided by S. Lochlann Jain’s (2007a, 2007b) conception of “elegiac politics.” My project concludes in Chapter 7, by exploring the potential of counternarratives of illness and of performing resistance, patienthood and narrative repair; here, I necessarily reflect on my own experience of chronic illness.
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47

Steans, Jill A. "A critical exploration of feminist politics under conditions of modernity and contemporary globalization". Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301162.

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The thesis attempts to construct a preliminary framework with which to understand: (1) the nature of feminism as a modern social movement; (2) the expansion of modernity to a global scale; and (3) the immanent institutional transformations opened up by the expansion of modernity which make possible a dialogic form of feminist politics. The thesis is divided into three main sections. The first section explores the nature of feminism as a social movement, sketches the relationship between feminism and modernity and explains how these interests relate to contemporary debates about globalization. The broad conclusions drawn from the discussion is that feminism is a modem social movement rooted in an Enlightenment project of emancipation and progress. However, modernity must be viewed as a matrix of tensions and critical potentials. The second section of the thesis considers the potential and limitation of a Global Political Economy (GPE) framework for making sense of feminism in the context of the conditions of modernity and globalization. It concludes that although it is a useful starting place for making sense of feminism as a social movement, critical GPE is not in itself sufficient. Having explored the potential and limitations of a GPE framework for understanding feminism in a global context, the third section turns to contemporary scholarship in the field of social and political theory. The brief concluding chapter of the thesis pulls together the main themes of the previous chapters and maps out tentatively how the relationship between feminist politics, the project of modernity and globalization can be understood
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48

Hawthorne, Sian M. "Origins, genealogies, and the politics of mythmaking : towards a feminist philosophy of myth". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/144/.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis develops and advocates a feminist philosophy of myth in order to reformulate influential understandings of the roles and functions of myths in recent mythological scholarship. The initial hypothesis which the thesis establishes in Chapter 1 is that the designation of myth qua myth is neither innocent nor organic; highly consequential interests are at stake when myths are narrated, and, moreover, the categorisation of some types of narrative as ‘myth’ and others as ‘science’, or ‘philosophy’, for example, indicates powerful assertions about their relative level of validity and authority. I argue that these assertions are implicated in discursive strategies of containment and exclusion and allied to forms of identity construction characterised by an assertion of singularity. They further rely on the location of a non-transcendable point of origin as a means of securing the stability and legitimacy of these constructions. I develop this argument, in Chapters 2–7, through an extended case study of the German search for origins from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, and demonstrate its relationship to the German romantic attempt to construct a noble German identity. I critique these forms of identity and origin construction, arguing that the German case is but one example of the western metaphysical theories of ontology which are indebted to inflected patrilinearity, the main feature of which is a preoccupation with monogenetic singularity. I consequently develop an alternative feminist model of origins and identity in Chapters 8–10 based on poststructural and psychoanalytical feminist theories of maternality as a site of splitting, doubling, and process. I acknowledge that while the identification of origins is an ontological convention, the assertion of patrilineal provenance creates forms of subjectivity that are exclusionary, dialectical, and monolithic, and are, therefore, inadequate frameworks for constructing ethically oriented models of identity in a post-feminist context. In contrast, I suggest that metaphors of maternal origin offer a considerably more promising, if transitional, discursive frame for articulating identities that stress multiplicity, connectedness, immanence, and dialogue.
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49

Du, Toit Jeanne Erika. "Power and pleasure : the politics of film analysis and feminist community media education". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21691.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
Bibliography: pages 216-219.
This dissertation examines the value of feminist film theory for the analysis of representations of women in visual media, and the potential of media education for establishing a culture of critical viewing. Feminist film theory is thus critically considered, as are associated debates within feminism on the reproduction by media institutions of categories of gendered identity implicated in violence against women. At attempt is made to synthesise key insights offered by sociological debates within feminism (Segal, Vance and Riley), feminist film theory (Mulvey and Kuhn) and discussions of media education (Clarke and Masterman), with a view to developing a description of spectatorial relations which may inform community-based media education programmes. Central to such a formulation is a post-structuralist notion of the subject operating within gendered power relations. The thesis concludes with a detailed evaluation of a media education course for women run at the Community Arts Project, Cape Town in 1993.
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50

Breheny, Caitlin. ""By any memes necessary": Exploring the intersectional politics of feminist memes on Instagram". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325221.

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Abstract (sommario):
Internet memes are exemplary forms of user-generated content in the age of social networking and user participation. This study draws attention to the work of an intersectional feminist community on Instagram who make use of this platform to discuss their personal politics via image macro memes. The community is made up of femmes who typically blend politics, pop culture, and a personal perspective into their content. This practice is identified as a contemporary feminist use of new media and is explored in relation to a theoretical reading of the current Third Wave of feminism as “embodied politics”. The theory of “disciplinary power” by Michel Foucault, and connections between disciplinary power with systems of oppression and social media are also employed to construct an understanding of feminist memes as a means of embodied resistance to disciplinary norms. This study seeks to explore how Internet memes are harnessed as a feminist mode of discourse, and why feminist meme creators (or “memers”) are motivated to use memes in this way. Therefore this research locates an intersection between digital culture and feminist use of new media. The research explores the possibility that Internet memes can serve as a creative and effective mode of feminist discourse in resistance to various forms of marginalisation - which occur both online and offline.
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