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1
Peng, Niya, Tianyuan Yu e Albert Mills. "Feminist thinking in late seventh-century China". Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 34, n. 1 (9 febbraio 2015): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-12-2012-0112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to offer novel insights into: knowledge of proto-feminism through description and analysis of the rule of the seventh century female Emperor Wu Zetian; postcolonial theory by revealing the existence and proto-feminist activities of a non-western female leader; and the literature on gender and invisibility through a study of a leading figure that is relatively unknown to western feminists and is even, in feminist terms, something of a neglected figure. Design/methodology/approach – In order to examine Wu’s proto-feminist practices as recorded in historical materials, we use critical hermeneutics as a tool for textual interpretation, through the following four stages: choosing texts from historical records and writings of Wu; analyzing the historical sociocultural context; analyzing the relationship between the text and the context; and offering a conceptual framework as a richer explanation. Findings – Wu’s life activities demonstrate proto-feminism in late seventh century China in at least four aspects: gender equality in sexuality, in social status, in politics, and women’s pursuit of power and leadership. Research limitations/implications – Future research may dig into the paradox of Wu’s proto-feminist practices, the relationship between organizational power and feminism/proto-feminism, and the ways in which Wu’s activities differ from other powerful women across cultures, etc. Practical implications – The study encourages a rethink of women and leadership style in non-western thought. Social implications – The study supports Calás and Smircich’s 2005 call for greater understanding of feminist thought outside of western thought and a move to transglobal feminism. Originality/value – This study recovers long lost stories of women leadership that are “invisible” in many ways in the historical narratives, and contributes to postcolonial feminism by revealing the existence of indigenous proto-feminist practice in China long before western-based feminism and postcolonial feminism emerged.
2
Rogan, Frances, e Shelley Budgeon. "The Personal is Political: Assessing Feminist Fundamentals in the Digital Age". Social Sciences 7, n. 8 (9 agosto 2018): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7080132.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The ‘personal is political’ has long been recognised as the definitive slogan of second-wave feminism but can it still inform our understanding of the contemporary practice of feminism? Questioning the importance of this claim now invites us to critically reflect upon the trajectory Western feminism has followed in light of the efforts made by the Women’s Liberation movement to politicise formerly unquestioned aspects of social relations. In this paper, the significance of this feminist slogan will be assessed by locating it within two broadly defined historical periods. Firstly we identify the critical work performed by the ideas expressed in the slogan in the early years of the 1970s and then assess their continued relevance within the context of the early 21st century. Drawing upon the empirical analysis of young women’s experience of and relationship to feminism via their engagement with social media in Britain, this research critically assesses digital spaces as places where young women explore their personal experiences. We aim to understand how this may constitute a contemporary form of feminist practice consistent with the claim that ‘the personal is political’.
3
Chebankova, Elena. "Theoretical Debates within Contemporary Russian Feminism". Russian Politics 1, n. 3 (1 settembre 2016): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00103001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Feminism emerged as an important ideological trend in contemporary Russia. Different strands of this thought focus on divergent problems experienced by Russian women. Some researchers consider the experience of women representing Russia’s growing middle class. Others tend to focus on the problems of dispossessed and less privileged layers of the Russian society. The difference in the focus of attention is reminiscent of the pre-existing Western division of the feminist thought on the feminism of equality and feminism of difference. This paper will consider the main directions of these debates in Russia focusing on key aspects pondered by feminism in general. It will also argue that the state deploys both strands of feminist thought selectively in situations that suits its ideological and political purposes.
4
Leimgruber, Ute. "Hostility toward Gender in Catholic and Political Right-Wing Movements". Religions 11, n. 6 (21 giugno 2020): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11060301.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Starting with a speech by Theodor Adorno, the essay analyzes some thematic parallels between political and religious populism regarding the view on gender and feminism. In both certain traditional Catholic circles and right-wing political parties, an explicit hostility toward gender can be observed. In this article, this resentment is discussed in three aspects: the defense of a traditional image of the family, the instrumentalization of women’s rights against “the Islam”, and, generally, the propaganda of anti-feminism or anti-genderism. Moreover, the text considers the fact that in spite of anti-feminist positions, many women are part of these movements, sometimes even as leaders. The text will prove that this is only a superficial contradiction. The right-wing populist groups—both secular and religious—promise to reduce the potential threat to modern societies while “preserving” the traditional order. The coalitions between them run along the lines of the “values” represented, including anti-feminism and anti-genderism. The danger that these “alliances” pose to a liberal society must not be underestimated by the religious and secular actors who value and protect ambiguity and diversity.
5
Woodard, Ben. "User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology". Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 17, n. 2-3 (30 dicembre 2020): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v17i2-3.467.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper revisits elements of second wave feminism—in its psychoanalytic, radical, materialist, Marxist and deconstructionist aspects—the better to understand how it is we might define sexual difference today. The vexed question of sexuation, of what it means to be a woman in particular has today generated great tensions at the theoretical, legal and philosophical level. This paper is an attempt to return to aspects of the second wave—an unfinished project where many enduring feminist concerns were for the first time thoroughly and metaphysically articulated—the better to defend the importance of sexual difference. To this end, the transcendental and parallax dimensions of sexed life will be discussed, alongside a defence of the centrality of the mother to our thinking about the relevance and necessity of preserving the importance of sexual difference, not only for thought but also for political and legal life.
Author(s): Ben Woodard
Title (English): User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020)
Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje
Page Range: 54-68
Page Count: 15
Citation (English): Ben Woodard, “User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 54-68.
Author Biography
Ben Woodard, Independent Researcher
Ben Woodard is an independent scholar living in Germany. His work focuses on the relationship between naturalism and idealism during the long nineteenth century. He is currently preparing a monograph on the relation of naturalism and formalism in the life sciences. His book Schelling’s Naturalism was published in 2019 by Edinburgh University Press.
6
Gilchrist, Roberta. "Women's archaeology? Political feminism, gender theory and historical revision". Antiquity 65, n. 248 (settembre 1991): 495–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080091.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Women's issues are deservedly a growing concern in archaeology, with concerns that run from the power (im)balance between the sexes in the present practice of archaeology to the technical question of how gender-relations are, or are not, recoverable from archaeological context. The several aspects that lie within the phrase ‘women's archaeology’are explored.
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Nwanna, Clifford. "Dialectics of African Feminism A Study of the Women's Group in Awka (the Land of Blacksmiths)". Matatu 40, n. 1 (1 dicembre 2012): 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
There appears to be a lack of interest from researchers on African art, on feminist related issues. Their researches are devoted to other aspects of African art. This situation has created a gap in both African art and African gender studies. The present essay interrogates the socio-economic and political position of women in Africa from a feminist theoretical viewpoint. Here, the formation and the activities of the women group in Awka was used as a case study, to foreground the fact that feminism is not alien to Africa; rather it has existed in Africa since the ancient times. The women group stands out as true African patriots and protagonists of the African feminist struggle.
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Shahid, Izzah, Fakhira Riaz e Akifa Imtiaz. "Elements of Feminism in Language of Childrens Animations". Global Social Sciences Review IV, n. IV (31 dicembre 2019): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).28.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In todays modern globalized world, the power and impact of media in different aspects of human life are universally acknowledged. The elements of feminism in media have been widely researched in the past, but, how feminist ideas are portrayed in childrens media largely remains unexplored. The aim of this research is to explore the presentation of feminist concepts, notions, and ideas in a specific genre of childrens media – animations – through verbal and non-verbal language including verbal discourse, expressions, and overall communicative symbolism. The sample of the study consists of fourteen famous animations which are selected through purposive sampling. The results reveal that the feminist ideas and concepts presented deal with the empowerment and liberation of women, and hinted towards real-life womens issues such as education, adolescence, abuse, oppression, gender equality in work and employment, personal choice and other political, social and economic issues rather than presenting stereotypical image of women.
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Alexander, Kirsty, Catherine Eschle, Jenny Morrison e Mairi Tulbure. "Feminism and Solidarity on the Left: Rethinking the Unhappy Marriage Metaphor". Political Studies 67, n. 4 (19 marzo 2019): 972–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718817479.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the context of efforts to revive and reconfigure the left, fraught solidarity relations between feminism and other left forces are again under the political spotlight. This article revisits the widespread use of the ‘unhappy marriage’ metaphor to characterise these relations, given that metaphors play a significant role in structuring political discourse and action. We argue that the metaphor has been used in uncritical and limiting ways, and turn to feminist reconfigurations of the institutions of marriage to develop a more expansive, reflexive conceptual lens. We then apply this lens to three case studies of left organising in Scotland around the time of the 2012–2014 Scottish independence referendum, showing that the expanded marriage metaphor captures a more complex story of solidarity relations. Nonetheless, aspects of the marriage metaphor remain irredeemable, and we end with a call for the continued development of alternative frameworks that imagine political solidarity differently.
10
McGuire, John Thomas. "Social Justice Feminism and its Counter-Hegemonic Response to Laissez-Faire Industrial Capitalism and Patriarchy in the United States, 1899-1940". Studies in Social Justice 11, n. 1 (8 febbraio 2017): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v11i1.1358.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article uses the hegemonic/counter-hegemonic framework of Italian scholar and activist Antonio Gramsci to explain how a movement known as social justice feminism emerged as a counter-hegemonic response to two hegemonic concepts established in and continued, respectively, the post-Civil War United States: laissez-faire industrial capitalism and patriarchal dominance. In four stages from 1899 through 1940, social justice feminists pursued the promotion of an “entering wedge” labor legislation strategy and the increasing participation of women in national politics, particularly in the Democratic Party. While substantially successful in its goals, social justice feminism failed in two important aspects: its inability to work independently of a patriarchal political system, and, most significant, its apparent refusal to include women of color.
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Wahlen, Samantha. "Shrugging off the tiger: Examining the state of contemporary feminism in the Trumpian era through Maria Berrio’s El Cielo Tiene Jardines". Visual Inquiry 9, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2020): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/vi_00020_1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Through the examination of the artwork of Maria Berrio, parallels are drawn between her work, entitled El Cielo Tiene Jardines, and the 2019 political climate under Donald Trump. With the intention of linking the rise of feminism to Trump’s presence in office as president of the United States, specifically through examples of his sexism, narcissism and preference for patriarchy, this is approached through the metaphors of Berrio’s painting. In retaliation to the upswing of sexism, narcissism and patriarchy coming from the White House, each element examined in the artwork is meant to describe the relationship to Donald Trump’s personality cult as well as the corresponding reaction of anti-Trumpian groups, particularly feminists, as well as prescribers to psychoanalytic theory. Examples are cited from Trump’s presence in the media, including tweets, personal statements and historical evidence supporting the arguments made. Topics of neo-colonialism, the American Dream and the generalization of the female desire to remove herself from the submissive role of patriarchal assignment are also discussed. With what was being hailed as Third Wave Feminism, beginning with the Woman’s March of 2017, these aspects of Trumpian character and behaviour are described through the model of Berrio’s stunning mix-media painting and are meant to appeal to readers through both feminist and psychoanalytical analyses.
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Bird, Kym. "Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament". Theatre Research in Canada 13, n. 1 (gennaio 1992): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.13.1.168.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.
13
Safarian, Alexander. "On the History of Turkish Feminism". Iran and the Caucasus 11, n. 1 (2007): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x224978.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe paper deals with the several aspects of the history of Feminism in the Ottoman Empire. It elucidates the early stages of the formation of the Feministic ideas and tendencies in the Turkish society at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Particular attention is paid to the social-political activities and the role of the Turkish women writers Halide Edib, Arife Hanım, and others. The author discusses inter alia the impact of the Armenian intellectual milieu and, especially, that of the Turkish Armenian women's literature on the inception and development of the Feministic literature in Turkey.
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Ferrell, Robyn. "Copula: The Logic of the Sexual Relation". Hypatia 15, n. 2 (2000): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2000.tb00317.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper argues that the slogans “A Woman's Right to Choose” and “The Personal is the Political” typify different traditions within feminist thinking; one emphasizing rights and equality, the other the unconscious and the personal. The author responds to both traditions by bringing together mind and body, and reason and emotion, via the figure of the copula. The copula expresses an alternative model of identity which indicates that value can be produced only in relation.Let us say that the problem is violence. At its most naive: how can the sexual relation, which is supposedly full of love, be violent?I mean the sexual relation in its resonances and ambiguity—to indicate the relation between the sexes, and the relation between lovers. In no way can the relation be confined to love, either heterosexual or homosexual, since it is often a contest. It cannot be reduced solely to a social relation, because in one of its aspects it addresses the most intimate subjectivity.In a certain feminist lifestyle advocacy, those women who are in same sex relations avoid sexual violence by avoiding men, and those who are in heterosexual relationships strive to find the “right kind”—that is, relationships of respectful and supportive love—rejecting all signs of aggression, from sexist disparagement and emotional cruelty to sexual humiliation and physical assault, as “abuse.”Strangely, this dichotomy does not explain the proximity of passion and aggression, whether in love between men and women or in same-sex relationships between feminist women. As rational counsel, it resists the important sense in which the erotic is, and is even valued as, the excess of the rational. And as an analysis of the oppression of women it defeats itself, for to insist on masculinity as violence itself, and/or on the sexual relation as properly governed by reason, seems to miss the point of both love and feminism.Stranger still, feminisms, which set out to address and redress the oppression of women, have become rivalrous themselves. Are these aggressions a legacy of the intellectual world they must take place in (but if so, why is the academic world so full of passion, when it so thoroughly divorces ideas from affects?). Have we overlooked an aspect of the relation between sisters? Feminism has not addressed the question of aggression in feminism as anything more than contamination.Perhaps, after all, the thing that feminism has not yet successfully addressed is love. The “battle between the sexes” has not rendered the ambivalence of the heterosexual relation. As a species of theory, feminism has relished the rigor of distinction and has not found it easy to tolerate the proximity of opposites.And yet, in evoking the body, some feminisms approach closer to this difficulty. It remains to take up the relation between the body and the concept more thoroughly, in order to find out whether sexual difference could ever be philosophical.
15
Power, Nina. "Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies". Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 17, n. 2-3 (30 dicembre 2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v17i2-3.466.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper revisits elements of second wave feminism—in its psychoanalytic, radical, materialist, Marxist and deconstructionist aspects—the better to understand how it is we might define sexual difference today. The vexed question of sexuation, of what it means to be a woman in particular has today generated great tensions at the theoretical, legal and philosophical level. This paper is an attempt to return to aspects of the second wave—an unfinished project where many enduring feminist concerns were for the first time thoroughly and metaphysically articulated—the better to defend the importance of sexual difference. To this end, the transcendental and parallax dimensions of sexed life will be discussed, alongside a defence of the centrality of the mother to our thinking about the relevance and necessity of preserving the importance of sexual difference, not only for thought but also for political and legal life.
Author(s): Nina Power
Title (English): Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020)
Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje
Page Range: 28-35
Page Count: 8
Citation (English): Nina Power, “Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 28-35.
Author Biography
Nina Power, Independent Researcher
Nina Power is a philosopher and writer, and the author of many articles on politics, feminism and culture. She is the author of One-Dimensional Woman (2009) and the forthcoming What Do Men Want? (2021). She is currently teaching at Mary Ward and has previously taught at the University of Roehampton and many other institutions
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Schaeffer, Denise. "Feminism and Liberalism Reconsidered: The Case of Catharine MacKinnon". American Political Science Review 95, n. 3 (settembre 2001): 699–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003082.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Much of contemporary feminist theory presents itself as radically opposed to liberalism. Certain claims made by Catharine MacKinnon have contributed significantly to this view. In this article, however, I argue that certain fundamental aspects of MacKinnon's work must be understood within a liberal framework, even as she challenges the epistemological assumptions that tend to inform liberal political theories. I highlight the ways in which MacKinnon makes use of several fundamental liberal tenets, such as the primacy of individual choice, and then consider how her work contributes to an ongoing discussion about the relevance of liberal theory to contemporary feminist concerns.
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Pettersen, Tove. "Conceptions of Care: Altruism, Feminism, and Mature Care". Hypatia 27, n. 2 (2012): 366–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01197.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In “Conceptions of Care,” Tove Pettersen discusses and articulates select ways in which care can be comprehended. Several difficulties related to an altruistic understanding of care are examined before the author presents the case for a more favorable concept: mature care. Mature care is intended to take into account the interests of both parties to the caring relationship. This understanding of care facilitates the expression of the relational and reciprocal aspects of caring while emphasizing the equal worth of all involved. Also attended to is the embeddedness of care in wider cultural and political contexts.
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Sinclair, Rebekah. "Exploding Individuals: Engaging Indigenous Logic and Decolonizing Science". Hypatia 35, n. 1 (2020): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2019.18.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractDespite emerging attention to Indigenous philosophies both within and outside of feminism, Indigenous logics remain relatively underexplored and underappreciated. By amplifying the voices of recent Indigenous philosophies and literatures, I seek to demonstrate that Indigenous logic is a crucial aspect of Indigenous resurgence as well as political and ethical resistance. Indigenous philosophies provide alternatives to the colonial, masculinist tendencies of classical logic in the form of paraconsistent—many-valued—logics. Specifically, when Indigenous logics embrace the possibility of true contradictions, they highlight aspects of the world rejected and ignored by classical logic and inspire a relational, decolonial imaginary. To demonstrate this, I look to biology, from which Indigenous logics are often explicitly excluded, and consider one problem that would benefit from an Indigenous, paraconsistent analysis: that of the biological individual. This article is an effort to expand the arenas in which allied feminists can responsibly take up and deploy these decolonial logics.
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Bashford, Alison. "Nation, Empire, Globe: The Spaces of Population Debate in the Interwar Years". Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, n. 1 (15 dicembre 2006): 170–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000448.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
There are several analytical strands through which historians and demographers understand the evolution of twentieth-century population politics and expertise. One is the history of the declining birthrate, nationalism, pro-natalism, and modern degeneration anxieties, including histories of eugenics. A second strand is the story of global overpopulation, its mobilization as a mid-twentieth-century issue in Cold War politics, the dominance of the idea of demographic transitions and political economy, and subsequent links between aid, development, family planning, and various international agencies. A third is the history of reproductive and bodily rights, feminism, and birth control, which has been analyzed with respect to the history of technology, the history of colonialism and neo-colonialism, the history of nationalism, and to some extent the history of internationalism. The political economy aspects of the population question tend chronologically to bookend the feminist narrative, with Malthus at the late eighteenth-century end and Cold War political economy of third world development at the twentieth-century end. A fourth strand is a burgeoning intellectual history of demography, social science, and economic theory.
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Milo, M. Sage. "‘Intellectual Acid’:Cultural Resistance, Cultural Citizenship, and Emotional (Counter)Community in the Freewoman". Journal of European Periodical Studies 2, n. 1 (26 giugno 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v2i1.3618.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article explores the Freewoman’s relation to culture, as well as its role as a countercultural periodical — one that resisted hegemonic ideas and styles — and in the creation of an emotional (counter)community. It follows Raymond Williams’s understanding of culture as having two senses: one is ‘a whole way of life’ — everyday practices — the other arts and other creative endeavours. The Freewoman was cultivating a view of feminism as a way of life that encompassed both these meanings, as its editor, Dora Marsden, encouraged the expression of both traditional and novel perspectives, working to connect everyday life to a vision of a feminist, perhaps utopian, future. My focus here is on three main ideas of culture and community under Williams’s general framework of ‘culture’: cultural resistance and counterculture, cultural citizenship, and emotional countercommunity. These aspects of the Freewoman were central to its feminist politics, and I offer that attention to emotions and emotional communities can enrich our understanding of periodicals and their political workings.
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KUROSAWA, Aki. "Beyond “Sex Work”: Japanese Night Work and “Shakai-Keiken”". Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, n. 2 (giugno 2020): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2020.9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article rethinks the hegemonic “sex-work” discourses—popular sex-work discourse and radical-feminist discourse—that associate Japanese night work with prostitution and consider young women workers in this industry as victims. These discourses reinforce sex-work oppression–empowerment paradigms, which limit workers’ experiences to either oppressive/empowering, good/bad, and positive/negative. This research draws on transnational feminism and a polymorphous approach to the complex nature of sex work. In doing so, this article addresses three aspects of Japanese night work, including young Japanese women’s motivation to go into night work, their conceptualization of work they engage in, and shakai-keiken (social experience) that they gain out of doing night work. This article encourages readers to step away from dominant Western discourses and look closely at the nuanced nature of Japanese night work in its own context.
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Yusuf Eko Suwarno, Fatma. "Perdagangan Perempuan Nepal ke India dan Peran Jejaring Feminis Transnasional". Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, n. 2 (30 dicembre 2020): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.338.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Nepal has faced high rates of woman trafficking to India for a long time. Various efforts were made but the rate did not decrease. This article intended to examine this phenomenon by examining the transnational feminist network (TFN), such as The Global Alliance Against Women Trafficking (GAAWT). GAAWT focuses on changes in the political, economic, social, legal system and structures related to the practice of trafficking in women by using a human rights approach to people who are regulated, non-discriminatory, uphold equality and uphold the principles of accountability, participation, and inclusiveness in the methodology, organizational structure and procedures. This study utilizes qualitative methods and transnational feminism theoretical framework. The result shows that GAAWT TFN has played a role in overcoming the issue of trafficking of Nepalese women to India by voicing the human rights of women in Nepal with a human rights approach. Even so, the trafficking of Nepalese women to India is still high. Therefore, evaluating approaches that pay attention to cultural aspects as well as various political identities at play can increase the effectiveness of TFN.
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Al-Farisi, Salman. "Perempuan Melayu dalam Tiang Seri Tegak Berlima Karya Noordin Hassan". Malay Literature 30, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2017): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dalam naskhah teater Tiang Seri Tegak Berlima diketahui bahawa peranan laki-laki dalam masyarakat Melayu sangat kuat. Peranan tersebut tidak hanya terdapat dalam aspek agama, malah budaya, sosial dan ekonomi bahkan politik. Keadaan tersebut menjadi isu penting dalam naskhah yang ditulis oleh Dato’ Noordin Hassan. Selain menghuraikan idea kefitrahan, naskhah ini membincangkan posisi perempuan Melayu secara simbolik melalui watak Siti Muhsinat. Merujuk watak dalam naskhah tersebut, makalah ini membincangkan persoalan, bagaimanakah posisi atau peranan perempuan Melayu dalam masyarakat, dan bagaimanakah penerimaan masyarakat terhadap upaya perempuan Melayu mengambil peranan secara simbolik? Untuk menemukan jawapan kedua-dua soalan ini, makalah ini menggunakan teori feminisme kritikal berdasarkan metode analisis naratif yang bersifat kualitatif sehingga menghasilkan temuan bahawa watak laki-laki menggunakan simbol budaya dan agama sebagai alat dominasi terhadap watak perempuan. Kata kunci: perempuan Melayu, posisi Perempuan Melayu, penerimaan masyarakat, feminisme kritikal Abstract In the theatre script of Tiang Seri Tegak Berlima , it was made known that the men in Malay society are strong and powerful. The role they played was not just restricted to aspects of religion, in fact, it encompassed culture, social, economy and even the political aspects of the society. This situation becomes an important issue in the script written by Dato’ Noordin Hassan. Apart from explaining the nature of men, this script also discusses the symbolic positioning of Malay women through the character of Siti Muhsinat. With reference to this character in the script, this paper discusses the issue of Malay women’s positioning and the role they play in society, as well as society’s response towards Malay women’s ability to perform their symbolic roles. To address these two issues, this article employs the theory of critical feminism through the mode of qualitative narrative analysis in order to reveal that men tend to utilise cultural and religious symbols as tools to dominate women. Keywords: Malay women, positioning of the Malay Women, society’s recognition, critical feminism
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Jost, John T., Brian A. Nosek e Samuel D. Gosling. "Ideology: Its Resurgence in Social, Personality, and Political Psychology". Perspectives on Psychological Science 3, n. 2 (marzo 2008): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6916.2008.00070.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
We trace the rise, fall, and resurgence of political ideology as a topic of research in social, personality, and political psychology. For over 200 years, political belief systems have been classified usefully according to a single left—right (or liberal-conservative) dimension that, we believe, possesses two core aspects: (a) advocating versus resisting social change and (b) rejecting versus accepting inequality. There have been many skeptics of the notion that most people are ideologically inclined, but recent psychological evidence suggests that left-right differences are pronounced in many life domains. Implicit as well as explicit preferences for tradition, conformity, order, stability, traditional values, and hierarchy—versus those for progress, rebelliousness, chaos, flexibility, feminism, and equality—are associated with conservatism and liberalism, respectively. Conservatives score consistently higher than liberals on measures of system justification. Furthermore, there are personality and lifestyle differences between liberals and conservatives as well as situational variables that induce either liberal or conservative shifts in political opinions. Our thesis is that ideological belief systems may be structured according to a left-right dimension for largely psychological reasons linked to variability in the needs to reduce uncertainty and threat.
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KOVALEV, YURI. "GENDER AND SUSTAINABILITY: EVOLUTION OF DISCOURSE AND FEMINIST CRITIQUE OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT". History and modern perspectives 2, n. 4 (28 dicembre 2020): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-32-42.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this article is to analyze the stages of evolution of the UN social, environmental and gender policies and the peculiarities of their convergence into an integral concept of sustainable development, to assess the influence of feminist organizations on the direction and content of the concept of sustainable development, as well as criticism of «sustainability» and alternative development models proposed by feminist organizations and social movements, including the «Fridays for the Future» movement. The UN is the main international structure for shaping global social, environmental and gender policy. Over 75 years of the organization's activity, hundreds of documents have been adopted, dozens of conferences have been held in the field of eliminating social, gender and environmental inequalities. In 1992, the UN member states approved the «Agenda for the 21st century», in which social, gender and environmental aspects of development were combined into a holistic concept of sustainable development. Since that time, these political fields are considered in integrity and interconnection. International women's organizations have played a decisive role in integrating gender issues into the concept of sustainable development. Thanks to their activities, the legal aspects of enhancing gender equality are enshrined in the key UN documents on sustainable development - «Agenda 21» (1992), «Millennium Goals» (2000), «Implementation Plan» (2002), «The future we are want «(2012),» Sustainable Development Goals 2030 «(2015). At the same time, there are processes of the formation of an alternative gender discourse and feminist criticism of the official concept of sustainable development. International feminist movements and organizations have played a huge role in this. Currently, there are several feminist approaches to the study of the relationship between women and the environment: ecological-feminist, economic-ecological and post-structuralist. The most important area of activity for feminist organizations is the fight against global climate change. With the onset of the fourth wave of feminism in environmental protection, new trends and vivid leadership figures have emerged, and there has been a direct increase in women's presence in global climate policy. The most striking example of this trend is the climate movement «Fridays for the Future» (PRB), created by eco-activist G. Thunberg.
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STERN, MARIA, e MARYSIA ZALEWSKI. "Feminist fatigue(s): reflections on feminism and familiar fables of militarisation". Review of International Studies 35, n. 3 (luglio 2009): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008675.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn this article we critically consider the idea that feminism has performatively failed within the discipline of International Relations. One aspect of this failure relates to the production of sexgender through feminism which we suggest is partly responsible for a weariness inflecting feminist scholarship, in particular as a critical theoretical resource. We reflect on this weariness in the context of the study and practice of international politics – arenas still reaping the potent benefits of the virile political energies reverberating since 9/11. To illustrate our arguments we re-count a familiar feminist fable of militarisation – a story which we use to exemplify how the production of feminist IR is ‘set’ up to ‘fail’. In so doing we clarify our depiction of feminism as seemingly haunted by its inherent paradoxes as well as explaining why it matters to discuss feminism within the locale of the academic study of international politics. We conclude with a consideration of the grammar of temporality that delimits representations of feminism and move to recast feminist failure as aporetic and concomitantly implicated in the process of intervening politically.
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Fantone, Laura. "Precarious Changes: Gender and Generational Politics in Contemporary Italy". Feminist Review 87, n. 1 (settembre 2007): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400357.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The issue of a generational exchange in Italian feminism has been crucial over the last decade. Current struggles over precariousness have revived issues previously raised by feminists of the 1970s, recalling how old forms of instability and precarious employment are still present in Italy. This essay starts from the assumption that precariousness is a constitutive aspect of many young Italian women's lives, young Italian feminist scholars have been discussing the effects of such precarity on their generation. This article analyses the literature produced by political groups of young scholars interested in gender and feminism connected to debates on labour and power in contemporary Italy. One of the most successful strategies that younger feminists have used to gain visibility has involved entering current debates on precariousness, thus forcing a connection with the larger Italian labour movement. In doing so, this new wave of feminism has destabilized the universalism assumed by the 1970s generation. By pointing to a necessary generational change, younger feminists have been able to mark their own specificity and point to exploitative power dynamics within feminist groups, as well as in the family and in the workplace without being dismissed. In such a layered context, many young feminists argue that precariousness is a life condition, not just the effect of job market flexibility and not solely negative. The literature produced by young feminists addresses the current strategies engineered to make ‘their’ precarious life more sustainable. This essay analyses such strategies in the light of contemporary Italian politics. The main conclusion is that younger Italian women's experience requires new strategies and tools for struggle, considering that the visibility of women as political subjects is still quite minimal. Female precariousness can be seen as a fruitful starting point for a dialogue across differences, addressing gender and reproduction, immigration, work and social welfare at the same time.
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Roelofs, Monique. "Navigating Frames of Address: María Lugones on Language, Bodies, Things, and Places". Hypatia 31, n. 2 (2016): 370–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12233.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Address figures prominently in contemporary (Latina) feminism, yet calls for further theorizing. Modes of address are forms of signification we direct at people, objects, and places, and they at us. Address constitutes a vital dimension of our corporeal interactions with persons and the material world. Our relationships are in motion as we adopt modes of address toward one another or fail to do so. Clarifying address through examples from Gloria Anzaldúa, this essay reveals its importance in María Lugones's writings. The essay thereby highlights underexplored aspects of Lugones's texts, identifies continuities between Lugones's philosophy and (Latina) feminist work that comprehends address as a carrier of aesthetic and political meanings, and illuminates the resources of a remarkably fruitful concept. Address, in Lugones, is the centerpiece of a quotidian cultural politics. Principal concepts she introduces (concerning subjectivity, critique and transformation, social categorization and interaction, the role of language, bodies, objects, and places) recruit address. Yet, by foregrounding address, the essay also brings into view unforeseen obstructions in the paths of address that Lugones champions, and an enlarged playing field that we can activate to realize desirable frames of address and derail objectionable structures. Avenues open up for further development of Lugones's insights and for inquiries into address.
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Hickey-Moody e Willcox. "Entanglements of Difference as Community Togetherness: Faith, Art and Feminism". Social Sciences 8, n. 9 (18 settembre 2019): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8090264.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using a feminist, new materialist frame to activate ethico-political research exploring religion and gender at a community level both on Instagram and in arts workshops, we show how sharing ethnic backgrounds, religious beliefs, gender identities and sexualities through art practice entangles a diffraction of differences as ‘togetherness’. Such entanglement creates cross-cultural interfaith understandings and gender diverse acceptance and inclusion online. We use diffraction, intra-action and entanglement as a way of framing our understanding of this ‘togetherness’ and show that human feelings rely on more-than-human assemblages; they rely on homelands, countries, wars, places of worship, orientations, attractions, aesthetics, art and objects of attachment. The feelings of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’ that we discuss are therefore direct products of human and non-human interactions, which we explore through arts-based research. In this article, we apply Karen Barad’s feminist new materialist theories of ‘diffraction’, ‘intra-action’ and ‘entanglement’ to ways of thinking about human experience as intra-acting with aspects of the world that we classify as non-human. We use these new materialist frames to reconceptualize the human feelings of ‘community’, ‘belonging’ and ‘what really matters’ in feminist and intra-religious collaborative art practices and Instagram-based art communities. To better understand and encourage communities of difference, we argue that the feelings of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’, which are central to human subjectivity and experience, are produced by more-than-human assemblages and are central to identity. The methodologies we present are community focused, intra-active, arts-based research strategies for interrogating and understanding expressions of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’. We identify how creative methods are a significant and useful way of knowing about communities and argue that they are important because they are grounded in being with communities, showing that the specificity of their materiality needs to be considered.
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Lino Lecci, Alice. "Black Feminism and the Feeling of the Sublime in the Performance Merci Beaucoup, Blanco!" AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, n. 19 (15 settembre 2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i19.316.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper presents a criticism of the performance Merci Beaucoup, Blanco! by Michelle Mattiuzzi and the self-reflection on it published in the 32nd Biennial of São Paulo – “Live Uncertainty” (2016) – entitled Written Performance Photography Experiment. To this end, we emphasize the performance’s formal elements alongside aspects of the history of racist practices and theories in Brazil, in addition to the official historiography concerning the black population, which contextualize the feelings of pain and horror impregnating both the artist’s personal experience and her performance.Accordingly, the elements of this performance that can incite feelings of pleasure in the observer such as the resistance of black women and their political representation are analyzed in the field of art and culture. Lastly, to conclude, this paper argues about the possibilities of the performance’s fruition. This argument is based on the artist's text and certain constituent arguments of the feeling of the sublime’s concept, as presented by Edmund Burke, Immanuel Kant and Jean-François Lyotard.Considering an analogy with the aesthetics of the sublime, it is argued that Merci Beaucoup Blanco! gravitates in the atmosphere of horror, pain and shock, recalling/suggesting feelings of racial violence and discrimination still existing in Brazil. This performance of a black woman against racist oppression also constitutes an act of resistance of the artist, capable of awakening feelings of pleasure in their watchers. The public then moves from shock, pain and horror to contentment of the political consciousness of race, gender, and class. Article received: April 23, 2019; Article accepted: June 15, 2019; Published online: September 15, 2019. Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Lino Lecci, Alice. "Black Feminism and the Feeling of the Sublime in the Performance Merci Beaucoup, Blanco!" AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 19 (2019): 85-99. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i19.316
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Frazer, Elizabeth, e Kimberly Hutchings. "The feminist politics of naming violence". Feminist Theory 21, n. 2 (8 luglio 2019): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119859759.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The naming of violence in feminist political campaigns and in the context of feminist theory has rhetorical and political effects. Feminist contention about the scope and meaning of ‘Violence against Women' (VAW) and ‘Sex and Gender-Based Violence' (SGBV), and about the concepts of gender and of violence itself, are fundamentally debates about the politics of feminist contestation, and the goals, strategies and tactics of feminist organisation, campaigns and action. This article examines the propulsion since the late twentieth century of the problems of VAW and SGBV on to global and national political agendas. The feminist theory that underpins the uptake of this new agenda is contested by opponents of feminism. More significantly for the article it is also contested within feminism, in disputes about how feminist political aims should be furthered, through what institutions and with what strategic goals in view. The article aims to show that theoretical and philosophical controversy about the concepts of violence, and sex and gender, are always political, both in the sense that they are an aspect of feminist competition about how feminist politics should proceed, and in the sense that the political implications of concepts and theory must always be a significant factor in their salience for feminist action.
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Yakovenko, Iryna. "Women’s voices of protest: Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni’s poetry". Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 13, n. 23 (2020): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2020-13-23-130-139.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper explores contemporary African American women’s protest poetry in the light of the liberation movements of the mid-20th century – Black Power, Black Arts Movement, Second Wave Feminism. The research focuses on political, social, cultural and aesthetic aspects of the Black women’s resistance poetry, its spirited dialogue with the feminist struggle, and undertakes its critical interpretation using the methodological tools of Cultural Studies. The poetics and style of protest poetry by Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni, whose literary works have received little scholarly attention literary studies in Ukraine, are analyzed. Protest poetry is defined as politically and socially engaged verse which is oppositional, contestatory and resistant in its subject matter, as well as in the form of (re)presentation. Focusing on political and societal issues, such as slavery, racism, segregation, gender inequality, African American protest poetry is characterized by discourse of resistance and confrontation, disruption of standard English grammar, as well as conventional spelling and syntax. It is argued that militant poems of Sonia Sanchez are marked by the imitations of black speech rhythms and musical patterns of jazz and blues. Similarly, Nikki Giovanni relies on the oral tradition of African American people while creating poetry which was oriented towards performance. The linguistic content of Sanchez and Giovanni’s verses is lowercase lettering for notions associated with “white america”, obscenities targeted at societal racist practices, and erratic capitalization, nonstandard spacing, onomatopoeic syllables, use of vernacular as markers of Black culture. The works of African American women writers, which are under analysis in the essay, constitute creative poetic responses to traumatic history of African American people. Protest poetry of Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni explicitly express the rhetoric of Black nationalism and comply with the aesthetic principles of the Black Arts movement. They are perceived as consciousness-raising texts by their creators and the audiences they are addressed to. It is argued that although protest and resistance poetry is time- and context-bound, it can transcend the boundaries of historical contexts and act as timeless texts.
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Khandhar, Diren Ashok, e Manimangai Mani. "The Role of Culture and Society in the Development of Plot in Tanushree Podder’s Escape from Harem and Gita Mehta’s A River Sutra: A Feminist Reading". International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 56 (luglio 2015): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.56.44.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Culture and Society are often the main gist of most novels. These two factors often influence and control the characters, thus helping in the development of the plot. A plot, as defined by Egan (1978), is used to indicate an outline of events and serves as a skeleton in a literary piece. In other words, it is a tool in making sure the main incidents or scenarios are presented in a particular order to establish a clear understanding of what is being written. Culture and society plays the essence in a novel as it constructs these main ideas in engaging the interest of a reader and also extends the intended message of the particular writer. This paper looks into how culture and society helps in developing the plots of the selected novels using the feminist approach. Tanushree Podder’s, Escape from Harem (2013) and Gita Mehta’s A River Sutra (1993) amazingly are both set in India. Podder and Mehta have inserted the perception society had over women and how male supremacy was glorified in many aspects. The essence of feminist approach was very much present in these two novels. According to Tyson (2006), feminism concerns the ways in which literature undermines the economic, political, social and psychological oppression on women. Though the setting of both novels fall in different eras but the theme of female oppression remains the same. The patriarchal society uses culture and religion as a tool to control women and oppress them. Both authors have shown how the women in the 17th century and in the 20th century face the same kind of judgment from the society and men in general.
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Maguire, Joseph, e Louise Mansfield. "“No-Body’s Perfect”: Women, Aerobics, and the Body Beautiful". Sociology of Sport Journal 15, n. 2 (giugno 1998): 109–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.15.2.109.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper seeks to synthesize aspects of feminism and figurational (process) sociology. Women’s bodies are viewed as sites for studying interrelationships between power, gender, and identity construction. The behavioral and emotional rituals of women in a specific aerobics class are mapped out and located within the “exercise–body beautiful complex.” We explore the way in which social constraints and individual self-control interweave in the rationalized management of women’s bodies. The embodied experiences of these women are intertwined with long term enabling and constraining features. Covertly disempowering, the “exercise–body beautiful complex” reinforces established standards of femininity. The realignment of dominant images of femininity is advocated in order to extend the liberating features of the figuration in question.
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Pattaro Amaral, Fernanda, e Ana Cláudia Delfini Capistrano de Oliveira. "La estética del juego político en el marco de la Femocracia Sur Americana durante el primer gobierno de Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014)". FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 2, n. 1 (17 gennaio 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3551.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumen: Este artículo intenta hacer una reflexión primaria sobre la Femocracia en elgobierno de Brasil en la figura de la jefa de Estado: Dilma Rousseff en su primero mandato (2011-2014). El concepto de Femocracia es un concepto bastante contemporáneo y poco analizado, sobre todo en los recientes gobiernos dirigidos por mujeres. Además, también es posible a la luz del concepto de Femocracia sacar algunos prejuicios dirigidos a las mujeres por el hecho de ser mujeres y su pertenencia al terreno del poder – predominantemente masculino, sobretodo en Suramérica. La metodología utilizada ha sido una revisión de la literatura pertinente sobre el pensamiento político, el feminismo en Brasil y el cruce de esas dos vertientes, y los analices del gobierno mencionado a la interpretación de la Femocracia. Los resultados son importantes en el sentido de que el término es relativamente nuevo y existe, por lo tanto, un gap político sobre los gobiernos ejercidos por las mujeres interpretados a la luz posmoderna de la Femocracia; además, el hecho de la existencia de tecnócratas feministas en los gobiernos demanda la aplicación de términos propios para realiza los análisis pertinentes a una nueva realidad destacada por la lucha de las mujeres por el espacio público. Palabras clave: femocracia, democracia, género, Brasil, Dilma Rousseff. The aesthetics of the political game within the framework of the South American Femocracy during the first government of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014) Abstract: This article aims to make a primary reflection about Femocracy in Brazilian government by its Head of State: Dilma Rousseff in her first government (2011-2014). The concept of Femocracy is a fairly contemporary concept and little discussed, especially in recent governments led by women. In addition, it is also possible in the light of the concept of Femocracy take some prejudices aimed at women because they are women and they are working in the field of politics - predominantly male, especially in South America. We will work in this article the concept of aesthetic politics in a femocratic government to trim the issue and gain some depth theoretical discussion and practical application on a government. The methodology used will be a review of the relevant literature on political thought, feminism in Brazil intertwining these two aspects, and analyze the government referred by the Femocracy concept. The results are important in the sense that the term is relatively new and there is, therefore, a political gap on governments exercised by women interpreted in the postmodern concept of Femocracy, also we have the fact of the existence of feminist technocrats governments that demand the applicability of own terms to analyze relevant actions brought by the new reality by leading the struggle of women for public space. Keywords: femocracy, democracy, gender, Brazil, Dilma Rousseff. doi: https://doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3551
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Yousif, Hamdi Hameed. "QUEER CRITICISM AS A POST-MODERNIST APPROACH". Journal of University of Human Development 1, n. 1 (31 gennaio 2015): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v1n1y2015.pp132-143.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the post-modernist approaches to literary criticism is the queer criticism which has not been evaluated properly. Queer criticism can refer to any piece of literary criticism that interprets a text from a non-straight perspective. Therefore, it includes both lesbian and gay criticism.
The aim of this paper, therefore, is to trace the social and political reasons behind the emergence of Queer criticism in the late twentieth century till it acquired momentum in the twenty-first century. After trying to define the terms related to the Queer criticism, the paper tries to examine the poetics of queer (gay and lesbian) literary works and to point out the main characteristic features of this critical approach by identifying the criteria and the textual evidence by which a literary work is labeled queer. It, also tries to shed light on the common features between queer criticism and feminism, on the one hand, and queer criticism and the deconstructuralist approach on the other hand. The final section of the study is a critique which points out the negative aspects of this approach.
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Ardhana, I. Ketut. "FEMALE DEITIES IN BALINESE SOCIETY: LOCAL GENIOUS, INDIAN INFLUENCES, AND THEIR WORSHIP". International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 1, n. 1 (1 ottobre 2018): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol1.iss1.2018.36.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the main issues that has been discussed in Indonesia regarding the democracy process in a modern world is about the feminism and gender issues. On the one hand, women are considered to play limited roles, whilst on the other hand, the men have always been considered to play a significant role. This can be traced back in the long process of the Balinese history not only in terms of political aspect, but also in the context of socio cultural aspects. It is important to look at what has happened in the Balinese societies, since Bali is known as a Hindu mozaic in Southeast Asia. The Balinese society has its own culture based on local culture that is strongly influenced by the Indian or Indic culture. The Balinese society is a patrilineal system, in which a man has a higher position, but in fact it was even Bali had a woman princess, who was of mixed Javanese and Balinese heritage, a wife of King Udayana of Bali between the 10th and 11th century. Both of them were considered as the Balinese kings at the same time. In the era of these two kings they were successful in integrating between Hinduism and Buddhism. Until now, the Balinese believe the soul of Mahendradatta as Durga. The main questions that will be addressed in this paper are firstly: how do the Balinese interpret the female deities? Secondly, how do they worship them? Thirdly, what is the meaning of this worship in terms of religious and cultural aspects in the modern and postmodern time? By discussing these issues, it is expected that we will have a better understanding on how the Balinese worship the female deities in the prehistoric, classical, and modern times in the context of a global or universal culture
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Guevara Osorio, Saray. "¿Por qué aún la violencia de género? Una respuesta conceptual a la persecución contra quienes no caben en las categorías “hombre” o “mujer”". La Manzana de la Discordia 8, n. 1 (29 marzo 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v8i1.1551.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumen: En el presente artículo indago sobre el fenó- meno de la violencia y lo analizo en su estructura fun- cional y conceptual con el propósito de continuar la deconstrucción que hacen el feminismo y la teoría de género, entendiendo por género la amplitud de la dife- rencia sexual, es decir, las múltiples formas der darse el ser sexual. Evidencio dicho fenómeno de la violencia como causa a la vez que efecto del orden simbólico, so- cial, económico, político y cultural de Occidente. Es así como expongo la violencia como resultado de la funda- mentación conceptual de la categorización del mundo sexual, producto a su vez de la bipolaridad extrema de la categoría de lo humano; visibilizando así, una repro- ducción esquemática que legitima el ejercicio pleno de la violencia en su amplitud conceptual, pero que designa como blancos, a cuerpos precisos.Palabras claves: violencia, diferencia humana, sexo, género, deconstrucción.Why Still Gender Violence? A Conceptual Answer to Persecution against Those Who Do Not Fit into the Categories of Man or Woman Abstract: In the present article I analyze the phenomenon of violence, its functional and conceptual structure, in order to further the deconstruction operated by feminism and gender theory, understanding gender as the full gamut of sexual difference, i.e. the many forms taken by sexual being. The phenomenon of violence is evidenced as both cause and effect of the symbolic order in the West, in its social, economic, political and cultural aspects. Thus I present violence as a result of the conceptual basis for the categorization of the sexual world, due in turn to the extreme bipolarity of the category of the human, thereby making visible a schematic reproduction that fully legitimates violence in its conceptual scope, but which designates specific bodies as its targets.Keywords: violence, human difference, sex, gender, deconstruction.
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Direk, Zeynep. "Confronting Domestic Violence in Turkey". Eco-ethica 8 (2019): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202052718.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this paper, I discuss how Turkish feminists have approached the phenomenon of male violence in Turkey as a political problem by following the feminist precept that the private is public. In the last twenty years, feminist activists in media have made male violence increasingly visible, by criticizing the framing of femicides as fatalities of jealousy and love. I argue that Turkish feminists do not consider male violence as just a “situation” or a structure of “oppression.” They problematize it as systematic political violence, which calls for a critique of the anti-feminist state policies that restitute masculine supremacy by the promotion of patriarchal values. The political consolidation of masculinity by the rejection of gender equality is a key aspect of authoritarianism. Turkish government does not frame domestic violence as a women’s problem but as a family problem. In contrast, feminist arguments invite the government to confront domestic violence as male violence. I suggest that the male violence that women experience in Turkey can be seen as a manifestation of bio-power at the age of the crisis of neo-liberalism.
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Kania, Richard R. E. "Amanda Cross and Androgyny". Gender Studies 15, n. 1 (1 dicembre 2016): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/genst-2017-0007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Amanda Cross is the pen name Carolyn Heilbrun used for her mystery fiction. In two of her novels she employed the theme of androgyny. She also wrote the non-fiction, 1973 Toward a Recognition of Androgyny in which she promoted androgyny as aspect of her approach to feminism, an intellectual denial of any significant differences between the sexes. While that thread of American feminism has lost favor in current feminist ideologies, matters of gender identity are rising in prominence in American social and political thought, reviving the debate on male and female roles and identities in the United States.
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Barfi, Zahra, e Sarieh Alaei. "Western Feminist Consciousness in Buchi Emecheta's The Joys of Motherhood". International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 42 (ottobre 2014): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.42.12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Feminism is a collection of movements which struggles for women's rights. Focusing on gender as a basis of women's sexual oppression, feminist scholarship attempts to establish equal rights for women politically, economically, socially, personally, etc. The Joys of Motherhood highlights Buchi Emecheta's critical view toward colonialism and racism affecting Third world women's lives. Besides this, Emecheta goes further to display African women's invisibility and marginalization-which were out of sight for a long time-in terms of some aspects of Western feminist discourse. Her creative discourse, in this regard, casts further light upon the issue of gender oppression in African feminist study. Hence, this study attempts to examine the way in which Emecheta furthers Western feminist ideology.
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Handayani, Diah. "Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine". Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, n. 1 (18 giugno 2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . The Impact of Colonialism on Women’s Status in Senegal.Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University.Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text. Fortana Press.Bertrand, I., & Hughes, P. (2005). Media Research Methods: Audiences, Institutions, Texts. Palgrave Mecmillan.Bordo, S. (1995). Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture, and The Body. University of California Press.Branner, S. (1995). Why Women Rule the Roost: Rethiking Javanese Ideologies of Gender and Self-Control. In Bewitching Women, Pioner Men. University of California Press.______. (1996). ‘Reconstructing Self and Society, Javannese Muslim Women and The Veil’. American Ethnologist.Bruneinessen, M. v. (2002). ‘Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia’. South East Asian Research. Champagne, J. (2004). Jilbab Gaul. Bali. Latitudes, 46, 114-123.Damanik, A. S. (2000). Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Mizan.Durkin, K. (1985). Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.Fukuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). Media Images of Women: The Social Construction of Ageism and Sexism. In Feminist Social Psycology: Developing Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes. Open University Press.Kailani, N. (2008). Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Foru Lingkar Pena. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 2(3). Kellner, D. (1995). Cultural Studies, Identities and Politics Between The Modern and Postmodern. Routledge.Machmudi, Y. (2006). Islamizing Indonesia: The Rise of Jamaah Tarbiyah and The Presperous Justice Party (PKS). PhD Dissertation, Australia National University.Maulidiyah, L. (2014). Wacana Relasi Gender Suami Istri dalam Keluarga Muslim di Majalah Wanita Muslim Indonesia. Universitas Airlangga.Parihatin, A. (2004). Ideologi Revivalisme Islam dalam Majalah Perempuan Islam (Analisis Wacana pada Majalah Ummi). Universitas Indonesia. Qadarawi, Y. (2004). Al Islamu wal Fannu. Islam Bicara Seni. Era Intermedia. Qutb, S. (1980). Ma’alim fi Al Tariq (Petunjuk Jalan-Milestone). Media Dakwah.Rozak, A. (2008). Citra Perempuan dalam Majalah Wanita Islam UMMI. Jurnal Penelitian Agama. VXII(2), 332-354.Storey, J. (2010). Culture and Power in Cultural Studies: The Politics of Signification. Edinburg University Press.Ulfa, N. M. (2016). Dakwah Melalui Media Cetak (Analisis Isi Rubrik Mutiara Islam Majalah Ummi). Islamic Communication Journal, 1(1), 73-89.
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Kallander, Amy Aisen. "MINISKIRTS AND “BEATNIKS”: GENDER ROLES, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, AND MORALS IN 1960S TUNISIA". International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, n. 2 (maggio 2018): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000417.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn the decade following independence, the Tunisian state embraced secular feminism as part of the single-party monopoly on political life and economic development. Yet its celebration of new family laws as an aspect of modernization was marred by anxieties about the sexual and moral implications of modern womanhood. Tracing references to the miniskirt in presidential speeches and the women's press, I demonstrate how efforts to delineate the boundaries of proper appearance gave tangible form to the amorphous question of morality. Parallel concerns about long-haired youth further indicated the bourgeois basis of the modernizing visual aesthetic as it restrained young men. Through fashion, urban educated women utilized the press to negotiate the limits of the more politically sensitive topic of state feminism. Middle-class debates about dress reveal that nationalist secular feminists who benefitted from the state's definition of women's rights questioned hegemonic conceptions of womanhood and articulated alternate versions of masculinity.
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Choi, Shine. "Redressing international problems: North Korean nuclear politics". Review of International Studies 46, n. 3 (14 gennaio 2020): 337–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000470.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractMarysia Zalewski's Feminist International Relations: Exquisite Corpse on feminism and global politics directly addresses matters of style, that is, questions of language and representation that foreground the invisible yet so palpable aspect of how meanings circulate. This article puts Zalewski's work in conversation with Trinh Minh-ha's D-Passage: The Digital Way and Lynda Barry's What It Is that similarly push the limits of how we craft feminist arguments. These feminists show how styles of writing and thinking, and how ideas gain shape to circulate matter in academic sites of knowledge as much as in art and culture. Building on these works, I put forward the thesis: to theorise is to feel out boundaries and question the questions we encounter that perennially relegate women as taint and malaise. I further explore this thesis by highlighting the visual dimensions of writing and thinking, in particular, what drawing, and drawing lines that shape ideas do. I focus on caricatures from the currently evolving North Korean nuclear crisis to loosen up the ways we go about thinking about war and politics wherein thinking is recognised not so much as a craft to be perfected but a democratic form of being in the world.
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Schaal, Michèle, e Adrienne Angelo. "Editors’ introduction: Alive and Kicking: French and Francophone Feminisms Now". French Cultural Studies 31, n. 4 (26 ottobre 2020): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155820961656.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article provides an overview of the diversity of feminist activism throughout the world over the last decade and situates these contributions to a transnational feminist (re)surge(ence) within the context of French and Francophone cultures. This article also offers a synopsis of the seven articles in this special issue, each of which engages with specific aspects of feminisms spanning diverse French and Francophone regions including Algeria, Canada, France, Haiti, Kanaky/New Caledonia, Te Ao Mā’ohi/French Polynesia, and Senegal. These contributors’ articles focus on the work of writers who share a demonstrated commitment to social change or who attest to the power of writing to heal personal and collective trauma, to raise critical awareness of social injustices, to inspire social and political transformations, and to imagine more pro-feminist, expansive, inclusive, and equal societies.
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Bergeron, Suzanne, Carol Cohn e Claire Duncanson. "Rebuilding Bridges: Toward a Feminist Research Agenda for Postwar Reconstruction". Politics & Gender 13, n. 04 (24 novembre 2017): 715–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000368.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As feminists who think about war and peacebuilding, we cannot help but encounter the complex, entwined political economic processes that underlie wars’ causes, their courses, and the challenges of postwar reconstruction. For us, then, the increasing academic division between feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist (international) political economy (FPE/FIPE) has been a cause for concern, and we welcomed Politics & Gender’s earlier Critical Perspectives section on efforts to bridge the two (June 2015). We noticed, however, that although violence was addressed in several of the special section's articles, war made only brief and somewhat peripheral appearances, and peacebuilding was all but absent. While three contributions (Hudson 2015; Sjoberg 2015; True 2015) mentioned the importance of political economy in the analysis of armed conflict, the aspects of war on which the articles focused were militarized sexualities (Sjoberg 2015) or conflict-related and postwar sexual and gender-based violence (Hudson 2015; True 2015).
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Segura Fernández, Ángeles María. "¿Políticas para mujeres?: la concepción del trabajo femenino en los partidos políticos durante la transición a la democracia. Reflexiones desde el caso almeriense (Almería, 1977-1983)". Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, n. 4 (15 dicembre 2009): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i4.3810.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
El periodo de transición a la democracia en España ha sido considerado tradicionalmente como un punto de inflexión en los vectores temáticos que marcan la agenda feminista. Los comportamientos generalmente observados en partidos políticos de diversa ideología sobre el trabajo femenino quedarán traducidos en discursos de carácter socioeconómico, que unas veces responderán a las políticas de igualdad de oportunidades reclamadas por las feministas, y otras ocasiones mostrarán residuos de la<br />concepción tradicional del rol femenino. En este artículo se analizarán los discursos de distintos partidos políticos en distintas convocatorias electorales en el periodo apuntado<br />anteriormente.<br /><br />The period of transition to democracy in Spain has traditionally been viewed as a turning point in the thematic vectors that set the feminist agenda. The behaviour usually seen in political parties of diverse ideologies on women's work will be translated into socio-economic speeches that sometimes respond to the equal opportunity policies<br />claimed by feminists, and other times will remain some aspects about the traditional female role. This article analyzes the speeches of various political parties in various<br />elections in the period mentioned above.<br /><br />
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Harrington, Carol. "Governmentality and the Power of Transnational Women’s Movements". Studies in Social Justice 7, n. 1 (19 novembre 2012): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1054.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Feminists have celebrated success in gendering security discourse and practice since the end of the Cold War. Scholars have adapted theories of contentious politics to analyze how transnational feminist networks achieved this. I argue that such theories would be enhanced by richer conceptualizations of how transnational feminist networks produce and disseminate new forms of global governmental knowledge and expertise. This article engages social movement theory with theories of global governmentality. Governmentality analysis typically focuses upon governmental power rather than political contention or the collective agency of political outsiders. However, I argue that governmentality analysis contributes to an account of feminist influence on the fields of development and security within global politics. The governmentality lens views politics as a struggle over truth and expertise. Since experts have authority to speak the truth on a given issue, governmentality analysis seeks to uncover the social basis of expertise. Such analysis of expertise can illuminate important aspects of the power of movements. The power of transnational women’s movements lies in production and dissemination of knowledge about women within global knowledge networks.
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Ibanga, Grace Itoro. "Feminism and human rights in Utoh-Ezeajugh’s Our Wives Have Gone Mad Again and Femi Osofisan’s Yungba-Yungba and the Dance Contest". EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 7, n. 1-2 (15 aprile 2020): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v7i1-2.11.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines the concept of feminism and human rights as captured in Tracie Utoh-Ezeajugh’s Our Wives Have Gone Mad Again and Femi Osofisan’s Yungba-Yungba and the Dance Contest. Feminism is a reaction by the womenfolk to societal misrepresentation whereby patriarchy classifies women as docile, passive, men-haters, witches, etc. Feminism is the clamouring of women’s rights on the platform of equality of sexes. It is an intellectual or political movement with a driving force for the recognition of the legal claims of women to their rights as are available in their societies; which are predominately enjoyed by men alone. Feminism purposes to investigate the nature of gender inequality. The term “gender” is an aspect of the collective unconscious of a complex human experience. It is an archetypal element that demands rituals, sex, aggression, social status gender affects power and authority. It is unsurprising; therefore, that patriarchy employs power and authority to dominate over women. This is because men believe they are the lords umpiring over the use of woman. And that is why feminism portrays women’s and men’s social functions, challenges, experience, interest and feminist politics in different fields of study as anthropology and sociology, communication, media studies, psychoanalysis, home economics, literature and education.
Keywords: Feminism, Human rights, Sexual objectification, Patriarchy, Womenfolk
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D’Agostino, Melissa. "Aversion and Desire". American Journal of Islam and Society 23, n. 3 (1 luglio 2006): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1607.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this interesting book, Aversion and Desire: Negotiating Muslim FemaleIdentity in the Diaspora, Shanaz Khan challenges us to rethink static andfixed conceptions of Muslim women. She also points out that because minority identities are fixed, women who happen to be Muslim are oftenforced to enter social and political spaces as Muslim women. Such restraintsmake it almost impossible to create a place for progressive politics, change,and fluid identities. As an anthropologist and observer, Khan pinpoints andfocuses our attention on the situation currently facing Muslim women in theWest, particularly in Canada. As a Muslim and a woman, she has located aspace in which progressive politics and change may take place.Borrowing mainly from the work of Homi Bhabha, Khan calls for movingfrom fixed and static notions of Muslim women into what Bhabha refersto as the “third space,” from which hybrid identities can be constructed. Theauthor argues that both Islam and Orientalism, the two dominant discoursesfrom which ideas about Muslim women have been and are still articulated,have led to essentializing and idealizing our images of the Muslim woman.This is also true of feminism, which sees specific aspects of Islamic practiceas oppressive to women and, therefore, the target of change; of colonialismand postcolonialism, which reinforce those stereotypes influenced by unequalpower relationships between Euro-American and Muslim societiesand that have an imperial history currently embedded in the neocolonialforms of control of other societies; and multiculturalism, which views thecultures and religions of nonwhite people as homogenous, unchanging, andunconnected to any social, political, and historical reality. All of these lensesthrough which the “others” are viewed contribute to this essentialization.Moving beyond an extremely useful theoretical discussion structured bythe concept of hybridized identities in the third space, Khan then incorporatesa series of case studies that are categorized in a manner designed to showcasea variety of Muslim women’s attempts to construct an identity, live life, andchallenge the norms of both the wider society and of the Muslim communitiesin which they live. This is done from a third space, one that they themselvesmight not even realize that they are occupying ...