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1
Johnsen, Kristen Brooke. "The influence of gender on foreign policy beliefs and behavior : a literature review". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53130.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.
2
Igbaria, Khaled. "Laylá Ba‘albakī and feminism throughout her fiction". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17974.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A number of Lebanese women writers of the period of 1950s and 1960s have received considerable attention by scholars. This is not the case, however, for Laylá Ba‘albakī, whom the field has failed to address in any substantive manner. In not paying sufficient attention to Laylá Ba‘albakī, the field has failed to appreciate the distinctly feminist dimension of her work. To date, most scholars have only repeated commonly held views about her and her fiction. By addressing Ba‘albakī’s biography and fiction, this thesis hopes to contribute to a fuller understanding of Lebanese women writers of 1950s and 1960s. It shows that Ba‘albakī joined the group Shi‘r, but none of the Lebanese or Syrian political parties; and that she faced conflict not only with her parents, community and the state, but also, unexpectedly, with the Lebanese women’s groups. This study discusses the reasons why Ba‘albakī was brought before the courts, supporting the view that the underlying reason was political, not moral; and it further explores the reasons why the writer ceased publishing. It now seems probable that she will soon release a new work, after a long hiatus, which may be controversial within Muslim and Arab society. Moreover, this thesis shows that throughout her novels and short stories there is diversity in styles and techniques, and the use of poetic and figurative language which displays the influence of several Arab and Western poets (including her father’s own zajal poetry). Furthermore, the study focuses in particular on feminist themes in her work, and the various literary devices she employs for advancing her feminist agenda. The study of these devices further supports the claim that the court case against her was motivated by politics, not ethics. This thesis opens the doors for new discussions such as the impacts of her being Shiite as and when sources become available.
3
McGrath, Shelly A. "Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory". Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.Department of Sociology
4
Swart, Marthane. "Piecing the puzzle : the development of feminist identity". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1345.
Testo completo
5
Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology.Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
6
Meyer, Christa. "Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.
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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
8
Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)". Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
Testo completo
9
McEwen, Caryn. ""How did I get this lucky?" : issues of power, intimacy and sexuality in the construction of young women's identities within their heterosexual relationships". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
10
Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
11
Van, Schalkwyk Gina. "Gendering conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53435.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and secondary sources of data. By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered peaceful social world order.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en sekondêre bronne van data. Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale wêreldorde sal kniehalter.
12
Shadrack, Jasmine Hazel. "Denigrata cervorum : interpretive performance autoethnography and female black metal performance". Thesis, University of Northampton, 2017. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/9679/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
I am concerned with the performance of subversive ... narratives ... the performance of possibilities aims to create ... a ... space where unjust systems and processes are identified and interrogated. (Madison 280). If a woman cannot feel comfortable in her own body, she has no home. (Winterson, J; The Guardian 29.03.2013). Black metal is beyond music. It exceeds its function of musical genre. It radiates with its sepulchral fire on every side of culture [...] Black metal is the suffering body that illustrates, in the same spring, all the human darkness as much as its vital impetus. (Lesourd 41-42). Representation matters. Growing up there were only two women in famous metal bands that I would have considered role models; Jo Bench from Bolt Thrower (UK) and Sean Ysseult from White Zombie (US). This lack or under-representation of women in metal was always obvious to me and has stayed with me as I have developed as a metal musician. Women fans that see women musicians on stage, creates a paradigm of connection; that representation means something. Judith Butler states ‘on the one hand, representation serves as the operative term within a political process that seeks to extend visibility and legitimacy to women as political subjects; on the other hand, representation is the normative function of language which is said either to reveal or distort what is assumed to be true about the category of women’ (1). Butler references de Beauvoir, Kristeva, Irigaray, Foucault and Wittig regarding the lack of category of women, that ‘woman does not have a sex’ (Irigaray qtd. in Butler 1) and that ‘strictly speaking, “women” cannot be said to exist’ (Kristeva qtd. in Butler 1). If this is to be understood in relation to my research, my embodied subjectivity as performative text, regardless of its reception suggests that my autoethnographic position acts as a counter to women’s lack of category. If there is a lack of category, then there is something important happening to ‘woman as subject’. This research seeks to analyse ‘woman as subject’ in female black metal performance by using interpretive performance autoethnography and psychoanalysis. As the guitarist and front woman with the black metal band Denigrata, my involvement has meant that the journey to find my home rests within the blackened heart of musical performance. Interpretive performance autoethnography provides the analytical frame that helps identify the ways in which patriarchal modes of address and engagement inform and frame ‘woman as subject’ in female black metal performance.
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Whitaker, Verri Narcisa Beatriz. "Os sem-teto do centro de São Paulo : um balanço dos anos 2001-2004". [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280874.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientadores: Ricardo Antunes, Yves SintomerTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho trata dos campos de ação dos movimentos sociais, os componentes e o papel dos atores. São três os compartimentos com os quais se pretende abrir e iniciar um aprendizado sobre um setor do movimento de moradia em São Paulo, durante o governo PT entre 2001-004, momento intermediário entre a fase de reestruturação da produção capitalista no país, iniciada por um governo neoliberal, e a sua consolidação por um governo que se reivindica de esquerda: o primeiro, no terreno da institucionalidade; o segundo, no domínio político; e o terceiro, no campo categorial. Os três implicando em questões próprias a outros movimentos, apresentando problemas cujas causas endógenas ou exógenas não são jamais exaustivas, vislumbrando perspectivas ainda não distinguidas, são desenvolvidos na tentativa de encontrar respostas aos fenômenos comuns à metrópoles como São Paulo. A observação empírica dos movimentos de moradia leva a constatações relativas à dinâmica dos movimentos em relação às políticas públicas, aos partidos, à sua condição de pertencer a um domínio categorial, o de ser composto majoritariamente por mulheres e migrantes, e de existir graças aos teólogos da libertação. Algumas delas, admitidas há algum tempo pelos estudiosos ou teóricos de movimentos sociais, outras negadas ou rejeitadas, mas nenhuma das constatações leva em consideração o caráter de interdependência entre os três compartimentos citados acima. Uma análise mais aprofundada mostra que os movimentos que lutam por problemas específicos, mesmo conscientes dos problemas do conjunto da sociedade, tendem a permanecerem isolados e marginalizados se não conseguem criar a necessária constituição das relações de força sob determinadas condições, das quais uma delas é a independência do aparelho do Estado, que paradoxalmente encontra-se comprometida há alguns anos no Brasil
Abstract: This thesis focuses on the fields of action of social movements, their components and the role of the participants. There are three categories from which a new perspective on a sector of the housing movement in São Paulo during the PT government from 2001 to 2004 will be developed. This was a period between the phase of restructuration of capitalist production in Brazil, introduced by a neo-liberal government and its consolidation by a government that claimed to be left. The first category is in institutional terms, the second in political terms and the thirdly the categorial realm. These three elements ¿ which imply questions specific to other movements, present problems whose internal or external causes are never fully covered, and raise perspectives not yet determined ¿ are developed in an attempt to find answers to the phenomena common to large urban areas such as São Paulo. The empiric observation of urban housing movements brings us to conclusions relating to the dynamic of movements vis-a-vis governmental and party policies, to their condition, which is to belong to a categorial realm, to be made up mainly of women and migrants and to exist thanks to liberation theologists. Some of these conclusions have been accepted for some time by researchers and social movement theorists, some have been denied or rejected, but none of them have taken into account the interdependence of the three elements noted above. A more in-depth analysis shows that the movements which fight on specific problems, even if they are aware of wide-ranging social problems, tend to remain isolated, marginalized if they do not manage to create the necessary relationship of forces in the specific conditions, one of which is independence from the state apparatus, which paradoxically finds itself having been compromised for a number of years in Brazil
Doutorado
Sociologia
Doutor em Sociologia
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Muthien, Bernedette. "The KhoeSan & Partnership: Beyond Patriarchy & Violence". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1879.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.This thesis contributes to existing literature on violent and peaceful societies generally, and more specifically contributes to debates on gender egalitarian societies within the fields of Peace, Gender and Indigenous Studies, by focusing on the KhoeSan, and KhoeSan women especially. This research project focused on two critically intersectional components: (1) reconstructing knowledge in general and reclaiming indigenous knowledge, from an African feminist perspective; and (2) analysing and reclaiming peaceful societies and the notion of nonviolence as a norm. Inextricably tied to these primary research questions, is the issue of gender, and gender egalitarianism, especially as it relates to women. An interdisciplinary, intersectional approach was used, combining the analytical lenses of the fields of Political Science (Peace Studies), Anthropology and Gender Studies, with some attention to cultures and spiritualities. The participatory methods employed include focus group discussions and unstructured interviews with KhoeSan community leaders, especially women elders. Concrete skills exchange with, and support for, the participating communities was consciously facilitated. Scholarship on, as well as practices of, the Khoesan evince normative nonviolence, as well as gender egalitarianism. These ancient norms and practices are still evident in modern KhoeSan oral history and practice. This thesis sets the following precedents, particularly through the standpoint of a female KhoeSan scholar: (a) contributing to the research on peaceful societies by offering an analysis of the KhoeSan’s nonviolence as a norm; (b) and extending scholarship on gender egalitarian societies to the KhoeSan. Further research in these intersecting areas would be invaluable, especially of peacefulness, social egalitarianism and collective leadership, as well as gender egalitarianism, among the KhoeSan. Broadening research to encompass Southern Africa as a region would significantly aid documentation.
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Bastalich, Wendy. "Politicising the productive: subjectivity, feminist labour thought and Foucault". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb324.pdf.
Testo completo
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Nelson, Scott G. "Feminist critiques of politics/science : discursive controversies at the intersection of gender and science /". Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040430/.
Testo completo
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Maúngue, Hélio Bento. "A face feminina do HIV e SIDA". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2015. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/133238.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2015Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-02T04:10:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 333876.pdf: 1555949 bytes, checksum: f0f5cffdf535af3ff3e4ca925c8306ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
O presente trabalho apresenta e discute as experiências cotidianas que 20 mulheres pobres e infetadas pelo vírus do HIV residentes na cidade de Maputo, têm. Procura entender como elas estruturam o seu cotidiano no contexto das relações sociais que estabelecem. A pesquisa de campo se baseia em entrevistas grupais e individuais, acompanhadas, antes e depois, de uma revisão da literatura. A proposta é colocar em comunicação questões de gênero e outras questões socioculturais em contato com o campo da saúde. Estas mulheres experimentam um cotidiano marcado por obstáculos, desafios e enfrentamentos como parte da face feminizada do HIV e SIDA. Elas lidam com diferentes manifestações de vulnerabilidade antes e pós-infeção, onde as relações de gênero e as práticas culturais e tradicionais contribuem para a feminização do cenário da soroprevalência. As questões de gênero, as práticas culturais e tradicionais não as tornam diferentes de outras mulheres, mas o estado sorológico torna tudo mais esforçado no cotidiano das mesmas. O fato de serem mulheres pobres e dependentes economicamente são também obstáculos com que elas lidam. Essas questões influenciam no processo de infecção e de experiência com a doença. O cotidiano das mulheres demostra que o HIV ainda é uma doença clandestina. Elas vivem momentos de estigma, discriminação, segregação e preconceito que fazem com que omitam seu estado sorológico. Para elas viver e conviver com mulheres infetadas são formas de reorganizar e dar um novo sentido a vida. A pesquisa reforça a ideia de que o HIV e SIDA não deve ser encarado como uma fatalidade inevitável, mas que existem questões e determinantes sociais fortemente integradas no processo saúde-doença-cuidado.
Abstract: This work presents and discusses the everyday life experiences of 20 womens poors and HIV+ from Maputo city. Seeks to understand how they structure their daily lives in the context of social relations. The field research is based on group and individual interviews, walked up with, before and after, a literature review. The proposal is put on communication issues of gender and other socio-cultural issues in relation with the health field. These women experience an everday life marked by obstacles, challenges and confrontations as part of the feminized face of HIV/AIDS. They deal with different manifestations of vulnerability before and after infection, where gender relations and cultural and traditional practices contribute to the feminization of the seroprevalence scenario. Gender issues, and the cultural, and traditional practices doesn´t make them different from other women, but their HIV status makes it more struggling in their daily life. The fact that they are poor and economically dependent are also obstacles which they deal with. These issues influence on the process of infection and experience with the disease. The daily lives of women demonstrates that HIV still as a clandestine disease. They live moments of stigma, discrimination, segregation and prejudice that make omit their HIV status. For them live and be with infected women are ways to reorganize and give new meaning to life. The research reinforces the idea that HIV and AIDS should not be seen as an inevitable fate, but that there are social issues and determinants strongly integrated into the health-disease-care process.
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Kernbichler, Maria Alice Borin Sanchez. "O processo de profissionalização de uma ocupação feminina: a fonoaudiologia em São Paulo". Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2005. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1442.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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Previous issue date: 2005-12-14This work has for objective analyze the speech therapy under the approach of the Sociology of the Professions, private field of the Sociology of the Knowledge. The choice relapsed about that profession that is going to accompany the specificity of the journey of a female occupation, to the long one of the time. That is going to articulate questions concerning the world of the work in his field named profession, with the dimension of kind, for understand as those two aspects marks do of the speech therapy. In that analysis, we flow as are prosecuted the relations between the professionals besides the power that some professions exercise about other and the impact of the composition of kind about those characteristics, since the profession is constituted in its big majority by women. To research prioritizes the oral history and based itself mainly in 18 interviews with statements of speech therapists that his professional paths related us providing us the analysis of as the trial of professionalization of the speech therapy is marked by the articulation between kind and profession.
Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a Fonoaudiologia sob o enfoque da Sociologia das Profissões, campo particular da Sociologia do Conhecimento. A escolha recaiu sobre essa profissão que permite acompanhar a especificidade do percurso de uma ocupação feminina , ao longo do tempo. Isso viabiliza articular questões pertinentes ao mundo do trabalho em seu campo denominado profissão, com a dimensão de gênero, para entender como esses dois aspectos marca o fazer da Fonoaudiologia. Nessa análise, discorremos como se processam as relações entre os profissionais, sobre o poder que algumas profissões exercem sobre outras e o impacto da composição de gênero sobre essas características, uma vez que a profissão é constituída em sua grande maioria por mulheres. A pesquisa prioriza a história oral e baseia-se principalmente em 18 entrevistas com depoimentos de fonoaudiólogos que nos relataram suas trajetórias profissionais proporcionando-nos a análise de como o processo de profissionalização da Fonoaudiologia é marcado pela articulação entre gênero e profissão.
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Andrade, Cabriella Novello de. "A cidade e a (in) visibilidade feminina". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2015. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/160539.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2015.Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-15T13:13:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 337938.pdf: 2049298 bytes, checksum: 5cf8d95aff70f7e22c44c70226a51620 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
A presente pesquisa intitulada A CIDADE E A (IN)VISIBILIDADE FEMININA: RELAÇÕES DE GÊNERO NA MONTES CLAROS ? MG se configura como um estudo, cujo pressuposto é analisar a in(visibilidade ) das mulheres no acesso aos espaços públicos da cidade a partir da perspectiva das relações de gênero. O estudo das relações de gênero é um campo de interfaces, com diferentes concepções e constituído a partir de diferentes posições teórico-epistemológicas, políticas e ideológicas que se modificam ao longo do tempo. De tal modo, o debate aqui empreendido teve como sustentação as ponderações de autores como Beauvoir, Perrot, Bourdieu, Saffioti, Joan Scott, Judith Butler, Rago, entre outros, os quais valorizam os estudos da vida cotidiana, criando novas investigações das mentalidades, dos sentimentos, da sexualidade, do gênero. Impeli, pois, por meio desta análise, abranger como as relações de gênero têm estabelecido o acesso das mulheres aos espaços públicos da cidade de Montes Claros, localizada na região norte do Estado de Minas Gerais e como a estruturação desses espaços tem interferido no cotidiano das montes-clarenses à medida que necessitam locomover-se constantemente para realizarem as mais diversas funções e atividades, e para adquirir bens e serviços tão necessários à reprodução da vida, os quais se encontram dispersos nos espaços da cidade. Na elaboração teórica deste estudo, a partir das conjecturas de autores como Taciana Gouveia (2005), Ana Fani Alessandri Carlos (1996), Gonzaga (2011), objetivei dentre outras metas, responder à problematização de como as mulheres de Montes Claros se sentem e se veem no acesso aos espaços públicos da cidade, entendendo que para elas desfrutar desse direito se torna muito mais difícil, tendo em vista que os espaços públicos não são planejados sob o ponto de vista das desigualdades de gênero. Como percurso metodológico adotou-se neste estudo a técnica do Grupo Focal, considerando que essa metodologia tem sido amplamente utilizada em pesquisas qualitativas com o objetivo de coletar dados através da interação grupal, e em estudos que necessitam de um método independente, servindo como a principal fonte de dados qualitativos, assim como ocorre em pesquisas que usam a entrevista individual ou a observação participante. Ao fim e ao cabo deste estudo, concluímos que as proposições aventadas nos permitem apreender, a partir dos relatos das mulheres entrevistadas (mães, donas de casa, profissionais liberais, universitárias, representantes de movimentos sociais) que os espaços públicos da cidade de Montes Claros se apresentam como umlugar/espaço com determinações de gênero, onde as pessoas se cruzam, mas não têm a mesma liberdade de movimentação conforme o gênero, e mesmo se movimentando por todos os lugares/espaços, raramente elas passeiam e quase sempre evitam os espaços masculinos demais. O uso que as montes-clarenses fazem das ruas é mais prático do que lúdico: elas vão ao médico, pegam o ônibus para ir ao trabalho, fazem compras, levam e buscam os filhos na escola, elas ?não se sentem legítimas nos espaços públicos de Montes Claros, e não o ocupam com a mesma despreocupação" que os homens.
Abstract : This research entitled THE CITY AND (IN)VISIBILITY OF WOMEN: GENDER RELATIONS IN Montes Claros - MG is configured as a study whose premise is to look at the in(visibility) of women in access to public spaces of the city from the perspective of gender relations. The study of gender relations is an interface field, with different designs and made from different theoretical-epistemological, political and ideological positions that change over time, so, the debate here held had as support the thoughts of authors like Beauvoir, Perrot, Bourdieu, Saffioti, Joan Scott, Judith Butler, Rago, among others, which value the study of everyday life, creating new investigations of attitudes, feelings, sexuality, gender. We seek, therefore, through this analysis, to cover how gender relations have established women's access to public spaces of the city of Montes Claros, located in the northern region of Minas Gerais and how the structure of these spaces had interfered in the daily lives of montesclarenses citizens, as they must drive around constantly to perform the most diverse functions and activities, and to purchase goods and services as required for the reproduction of life, which are dispersed in the spaces of the city. In theoretical elaboration of this study, from the guesswork of authors like Taciana Gouveia (2005), Ana Fani Alessandri Carlos (1996), Gonzaga (2011), we seek, among other goals, to answer the questioning of how women in Montes Claros feel and find themselves in access to public spaces of the city, and to understand that in order for them to enjoy this right, it becomes much more difficult, given that public spaces are not planned from the gender inequalities point of view. The methodological approach adopted in this study was the technique of focus groups, considering that this methodology has been widely used in qualitative research in order to collect data through group interaction, and studies that require an independent method, serving as the main source of qualitative data, as well as in research using individual interviews and participant observation. At the end of this study, we conclude that the propositions exposed allow us to apprehend, from the reports of interviewed women (mothers, housewives, professionals, university students, representatives of social movements) that public spaces in the city of Montes Claros present themselves as a place/ space with gender determinatinos, but do not have the same freedom of movement as the genre, and even moving everywhere, they rarely wander and often prevent other male spaces. The use that the montesclarenses female citzens make of the streets is more practical than playful: they go to the doctor, take the bus to go towork, shop, lead and seek their children in school, they "do not feel legitimate in public spaces in Montes Claros, and they do not occupy it with the same laid-back attitude than men?.
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Gasparetto, Vera Fátima. "A busca por uma cidadania da imagem". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2014. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/130942.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2014.Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-18T20:59:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 332815.pdf: 2119695 bytes, checksum: 4e07f0903ffbc20a444049e233b96a9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Este trabalho é um estudo de caso sobre a Rede Mulher e Mídia (RMM), formada por ativistas de movimentos de mulheres, de movimentos feministas e de Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs), blogueiras, jornalistas, militantes lésbicas, grupos de combate ao racismo, além de integrantes de outros movimentos sociais e acadêmicos. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada entre os 2009 e 2013. As ativistas estão organizadas em rede e na rede (Internet), utilizando-se de lista de discussão e redes sociais virtuais, onde articulam suas ações, demandas e intervenções, transversalizadas nas demais áreas de militância e em outros movimentos de lutas por direitos onde atuam. Em relação ao Estado em âmbito federal (esferas do executivo, legislativo e judiciário) o movimento é de contestação e de negociação, com vistas a formular políticas públicas sobre a imagem da mulher na mídia e democratizar a comunicação no Brasil na era digital.O objetivo da RMM é a criação de mecanismos de regulação pública de modo a incidir sobre a produção e a veiculação de conteúdos do mercado midiático, que utiliza de imagens de mulheres para a promoção e a venda de mercadorias e bens simbólicos. A pesquisa analisa as interfaces entre os objetivos políticos da RMM e seus discursos sobre as origens do estereótipo do modelo de beleza e do tema como prioridade no ativismo do movimento de mulheres e feministas.Para o trabalho de campo nos utilizamos da metodologia de pesquisa sobre o ativismo em rede na internet e as relações online/offline. Isso criou uma gama de possibilidade de acesso a dados, devido ao potencial de ser feito em tempo real. Uma metodologia que requer uma atenção permanente e foco da pesquisadora em realizar o rastreamento de um ativismo que está se fazendo.Nossa intencionalidade é de contribuir com reflexões e proposições para compreender novas formas de resistências de ativistas, de movimentos e redes pelas mudanças culturais, que possam reverberar no espaço acadêmico e nas políticas públicas. Sobretudo trazer avaliações e perspectivas para o debate dos envolvidos na triangulação RMM ? Estado ? Mercado, que avancem para um novo posicionamento político e a regulação pública que proporcione o exercício da cidadania sobre a imagem da mulher na mídia.
Abstract : This work is a case study about the Women and Media Network (RMM), formed by activists of women?s movements, feminist movements and Non Governamental Organizations (NGOs), bloggers, journalists, lesbian?s rights militants, groups that fight racism, in addition to members of other social and academic movements. The field research was done between 2009 and 2013. The activists are organized like a web and on the web (Internet), using a mailing group and virtual social networks, to articulate their actions, demands and interventions on the subject, mainstreamed in other areas of militancy and other movements that fight for rights in their areas. In relation to the federal state (executive, legislative and judiciary spheres) the movement is one of contestation and negotiation, with a view to formulate public policies about the image of the woman on the midea and to democratize the communication on Brazil in the digital era.The objective of the RMM is the creation of public regulation mechanisms together with the State, that focus on the produdction and the propagation of the content of the media market, that uses women?s images in the marketing and selling of goods and symbolic assets, spread patterns and lifestyles. The research analizes the interfaces between the political objectives of the RMM and it?s speeches about the origins of the beauty model stereotype and the theme as a priority in the women?s movement and feminist activism.In the fieldwork we utilized a metodology of research on the internet and the online/offline relations. This led to a range of access virtually unlimited data, because of the potential to be done in real time. A methodology that requires permanent attention and focus of the researcher in tracking the activism that is being done.Our intentionality os to contribute with reflections and propositions that understand the new ways of resistance from the activists, new ways of movements and networks through cultural changes and that can reverberate in the academic space nad the public policies, to yield reviews and new perspectives in the debate of teh subjects involved in this triangulation RMM - State - Market, to move towards a new political positioning and the public regulation that provides citizenship on the image of women in media.
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Francis, Diana Pharaoh. "Models to the universe : Victorian hegemony and the construction of feminine identity". Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1159142.
Testo completo
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Thorpe, Jennifer. "Harmful scripts : raunch femininity as the disguised reiteration of emphasized feminine goals : an exploration of young women's accounts of sexually explicit forms of public expression". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004521.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script.KMBT_363
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Munoz, Cabrera Patricia. "Journeying: narratives of female empowerment in Gayl Jones's and Toni Morrison's ficton". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210259.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation discusses Gayl Jones’s and Toni Morrison’s characterisation of black women’s journeying towards empowered subjectivity and agency. Through comparative analysis of eight fictional works, I explore the writers’ idea of female freedom and emancipation, the structures of power affecting the transition from oppressed towards liberated subject positions, and the literary techniques through which the authors facilitate these seminal trajectories.
My research addresses a corpus comprised of three novels and one book-long poem by Gayl Jones, as well as four novels by Toni Morrison. These two writers emerge in the US literary scene during the 1970s, one of the decades of the second black women’s renaissance (1970s, 1980s). This period witnessed unprecedented developments in US black literature and feminist theorising. In the domain of African American letters, it witnessed the emergence of a host of black women writers such as Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison. This period also marks a turning point in the reconfiguration of African American literature, as several unknown or misplaced literary works by pioneering black women writers were discovered, shifting the chronology of African American literature.
Moreover, the second black women's renaissance marks a paradigmatic development in black feminist theorising on womanhood and subjectivity. Many black feminist scholars and activists challenged what they perceived to be the homogenising female subject conceptualised by US white middle-class feminism and the androcentricity of the subject proclaimed by the Black Aesthetic Movement. They claimed that, in focusing solely on gender and patriarchal oppression, white feminism had overlooked the salience of the race/class nexus, while focus by the Black Aesthetic Movement on racism had overlooked the salience of gender and heterosexual discrimination.
In this dissertation, I discuss the works of Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison in the context of seminal debates on the nature of the female subject and the racial and gender politics affecting the construction of empowered subjectivities in black women's fiction.
Through the metaphor of journeying towards female empowerment, I show how Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison engage in imaginative returns to the past in an attempt to relocate black women as literary subjects of primary importance. I also show how, in the works selected for discussion, a complex idea of modern female subjectivities emerges from the writers' re-examination of the oppressive material and psychological circumstances under which pioneering black women lived, the common practice of sexual exploitation with which they had to contend, and the struggle to assert the dignity of their womanhood beyond the parameters of the white-defined “ideological discourse of true womanhood” (Carby, 1987: 25).
Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bassas, Assumpta. "La trayectoria de tres artistas en el pasaje del conceptualismo en Cataluña: Silvia Gubern, Àngels Ribé y Eulàlia". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/387112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Este trabajo de investigación reconstruye y comenta la trayectoria artística de Silvia Gubern, Àngels Ribé y Eulàlia (Grau Donada), principalmente en la etapa de las llamadas “prácticas conceptuales”, a partir de fuentes primeras y documentales e introduciendo la voz y el relato de las artistas. Estas tres monografías incorporan también la recepción crítica y la valoración de la prensa especializada. La autora propone lecturas y reflexiones de estas prácticas artísticas y de la concepción de la creatividad de las artistas, vinculándolas a partir de las orientaciones que asume como guías teóricas del pensamiento de la diferencia sexual sobre la libertad de las mujeres en los 60 y 70. Mas allá de los marcos interpretativos “neutrales” que se ha utilizado para clasificar a estas artistas como conceptuales en la historia “modernista” del arte catalán y español, este trabajo de investigación pone las bases para leerlas a partir de genealogías de la creación y la creatividad orientadas por la sexuación del conocimiento en femenino.This research builds and discusses the artistic career of Silvia Gubern, Àngels Ribé and Eulàlia (Grau), mainly in the stage called "conceptual practices" from documentary sources and introducing the voice of the artists and biographic facts. These three monographs also incorporate critical reception and evaluation of the press and the art critics. The author points out the importance of reading those careers taking into account the perspective of the Italian and Spanish feminism of sexual difference. Beyond the "neutral" interpretive framework that has been used to classify them as conceptual artists in the modernist history of catalan avantgarde art, this thesis lays the foundation for reading women genealogies of creativity oriented by the female sexuation of knowledge and to explore women's freedom in history. Thus, conceptualism would not be a single framework to assess their contribution to the history of art. It is defined as a living moment in a much longer and complex creative itinerary, a stage in which many issues intersect, focusing on some core aspects such as sexual politics in the history of women in the 60s and 70s in Catalonia (Spain).
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Alfers, Laura Corrigall. "Stirring The Hornet's Nest : women's citizenship and childcare in post-apartheid South Africa /". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/267/.
Testo completo
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Kyser, Tiffany S. "Folked, Funked, Punked: How Feminist Performance Poetry Creates Havens for Activism and Change". Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2192.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.Title from screen (viewed on July 19, 2010). Department of English, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Karen Kovacik, Peggy Zeglin Brand, Ronda C. Henry. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-83).
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Gardner, Kasey Christopher. "Ideology in California : the role of oppositional interaction as a strategy in the campaign for Proposition 8". Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/718.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the ideologies present the campaign rhetoric surrounding the 2008 California legislative initiative Proposition·8. Using Foss' method of ideological criticism the campaign is read prior after the opposition response to determine if an ideological shift occurs. The study is framed to identify this shift as a potential product of oppositional interaction, a characteristic of rhetoric defined by Smith and Windes.
The study concludes that the shift in ideology during the campaign by the supporters of Proposition 8 was a significant development. The response from the Proposition 8 campaign reframed the debate, making the electorate vulnerable to a different ideology. This new ideology places the state education apparatus, not the courts, in the spotlight as the state mechanism that is in dispute in the marriage controversy. When placed in .this context, theories of political economy are employed to explain how the electorate may have interpreted these arguments.
One. explanation offered is that the response ideology of the Proposition 8 campaign allowed voters to vote to outlaw gay marriages as a proactive response to a mistrust of education. The discussion section indicates that this could be an adjustment to existing ideologies, or development of an issues specific ideology that is only relevant for one issue in the mind of the individual. Ultimately, this study demonstrated the utility of ideology as a method to analyze political rhetoric and examines the role that oppositional interaction plays in the long-term development of public dialectic.
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Lorenzi, Marie-Emilie. "Activisme rose : cultures et arts féministes queer en France". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010578/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Le terme "Queer" ne résonne pas de la même façon en version originale - le contexte anglo-saxon d'émergence - qu'en version française. L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de questionner les phénomènes de transferts culturels dans le contexte français du féminisme queer, à la fois mouvement de pensée critique, activisme et subculture apparus au milieu des années 1980 aux Etats-Unis. De cette traduction culturelle du mouvement queer en France est né un activisme rose qui à l'inverse du contexte anglo-saxon a développé une politique basée sur une forte affirmation identitaire, à la fois collective et individuelle, afin de déjouer le modèle d'intégration français largement imprégné d'idéaux républicains et où les dérives d'un universalisme abstrait conduisent à l'aveuglement face aux inégalités entre les individus. Ainsi la question centrale qui anime cette recherche est d'examiner comment cet activisme rose fait irruption dans le contexte français réfractaire aux politiques identitaires.Et, au-delà de la seule traduction linguistique, les phénomènes de réception et d'appropriation dans le contexte français du féminisme "queer" sont à comprendre dans toutes leurs dimensions : culturelle, politique, théorique, artistique, etc. Ainsi, cette recherche cherche à comprendre les spécificités de cet activisme, de son inscription parfois mouvementée au sein des mouvements féministes et des mouvements dits LGBT, à ses applications particulières en terme de pratiques culturelles et artistiques, afin d'interroger le phénomène d'esthétisation des techniques de lutteThe term queer, when used in the French language, does not echo the same way as in English –then referring to the anglo-saxon context of emergence. The main purpose of this study is to question the phenomena of cultural transfers of queer feminism – which appeared in the mid 1980s in the United States as both a subculture and a movement of critical thinking and activism- into the French context. This cultural translation resulted in pink activism which unlike its anglo saxon original model developed a policy based on strong identity affirmation, on both a collective and individual level. The goal was to beat the French integration system deeply imbued with republican ideals, where the drifts of an abstract universalism had produced blindness towards inequalities therefore the central issue investigated in this research is how this pink activism arose in a French context of opposition to identity-based politics.Moreover, the phenomena of reception and appropriation of queer feminism into the French context must be understood beyond the sole linguistic translation – in all their dimensions, cultural political, theoritical, artistic, etc. This study aims to understand the special features of this activism, from its sometimes uneasy integration among feminist and LGBT movements to its specific applications in terms of cultural and artistic practices, thus questioning the phenomenon of aestheticism of resistance techniques
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Dornelles, Kelly Nishimura [UNESP]. "Um estudo sobre Projovem Adolescente e seus impactos sobre as condições de trabalho e vulnerabilidade das jovens do sexo feminino no município de Barretos/SP". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/123194.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T16:53:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2013-08-05Bitstream added on 2015-05-14T16:59:26Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
000826051.pdf: 475134 bytes, checksum: cd8b3fe0055d8826eafd81843e12ab4d (MD5)O Programa Projovem adolescente inaugura com a Lei nº 11.129 de 30 de junho de 2005 uma perspectiva importante no cenário Nacional da Política para a juventude, onde a prioridade é a formação cidadã e o caráter participativo. Neste sentido a pesquisa possui como foco principal estudar a situação de vulnerabilidade das jovens do sexo feminino inseridas no Projovem Adolescente no município de Barretos. Entendemos que a inserção no mercado de trabalho ou a ausência dela pode contribuir para a situação de vulnerabilidade social. Conforme consta na NOB/ SUAS (2005, p. 18) A proteção social de assistência social se ocupa das vitimizações, fragilidades, contingências, vulnerabilidades e riscos que o cidadão, a cidadã e suas famílias enfrentam na trajetória de seu ciclo de vida por decorrência de imposições sociais, econômicas, políticas e de ofensas à dignidade humana. A PNAS/2004 aborda a questão da proteção social em uma perspectiva de articulação com outras políticas do campo social que são dirigidas a uma estrutura de garantias de direitos e de condições dignas de vida. Neste sentido a NOB/ SUAS 2005 e 2012, reforça o caráter universalizante da Política Pública e da centralidade na família, incluindo a juventude. Como metodologia utilizamos, o método hermenêutico- dialético, com abordagem qualitativa, entendemos que, tais recursos permitiram uma análise mais profunda e fiel as falas dos sujeitos entrevistados. O Monitoramento e a Avaliação compõem a vigilância socioassistencial esta por sua vez é norteadora para o aprimoramento da Gestão de Programas e da Gestão Pública como um todo neste sentido foi de suma importância fomentar esta discussão
The program Projovem teen opens with Law No. 11,129 of June 30, 2005 to gain a perspective on the important scenario of the National Policy for Youth , where priority is civic education and participatory nature . In this sense the research has focused primarily study the situation of vulnerability of young female teenager Projovem inserted in the city of Barretos. We believe that the inclusion in the labor market or lack of it can contribute to social vulnerability . As listed in the NOB / ITS (2005, p. 18) The social protection welfare is concerned victimization , weaknesses , contingencies , vulnerabilities and risks that the citizen , the citizen and their families face in the course of its life cycle as a result of social impositions by economic, political, and offenses against the dignity humana. the PNAS/2004 addresses the issue of social protection in a perspective of articulation with other policies of the social field that are directed to a structure of rights and guarantees of decent of life. In this sense the NOB / SUAS 2005 and 2012 , reinforces the universalizing character of Public Policy and the centrality of the family , including youth. The methodology used , the hermeneutic-dialectic method , qualitative approach , we believe that such resources allowed a deeper analysis of the speech and faithful subjects interviewed . The Monitoring and Evaluation make up surveillance socioassistencial this in turn is guiding towards the betterment of Program Management and Public Management as a whole in this sense was of paramount importance to foster this discussion
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Zanzottera, Lucrezia. "Carrières de renards : la voix dissonante des personnages d'esprit-renard dans deux romans en langue vernaculaire de la fin des Qing". Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020INAL0022.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La thèse analyse la carrière de deux personnages d’esprit-renard dans deux romans fantastiques en languevernaculaire de la fin des Qing : le Yaohuazhuan 瑤華傳 de Ding Bingren 丁秉仁 (1803) et le HuliyuanQuanzhuan 狐狸緣全傳 (1888) de l’auteur qui signe du pseudonyme de Zuiyue shanren 醉月山人. Les étudesprécédemment consacrées à de tels personnages n’avaient jamais encore analysé globalement leur parcourslorsqu’ils évoluent dans l’espace d’un récit long. On étudie notamment la voix de ces protagonistes renards, queje définis comme démoniaque, et des personnages féminins et hybrides qui les côtoient. Cette voix, qui s’opposeà la morale officielle et qui dément, ridiculise et délégitime l’autorité patriarcale, se situant ainsi du côté del’hétérodoxie, est abordée par le biais d’outils psychanalytiques freudiens et lacaniens, qui se concentrent sur laspécificité du langage utilisé, à la recherche des nœuds signifiants dans le texte. Du côté freudien on remarquel’inquiétante étrangeté de la renarde comme révélatrice des complexes refoulés de l’individu vampirisé et de lasociété en général. La thèse propose un grand nombre d’extraits traduits pour la première fois, extraits quimettent en relief des caractéristiques essentielles des protagonistes et de leur entourage. Nous étudions lamanière dont une notion fondamentale, la féminité, se décline de plusieurs manières, mais toujours selon unaxe principal: celui du talent. La thèse veut donc prouver la valeur socio-politique du fantastique dans ces textes,dans lesquels les esprits-renards présentés seraient des allusions aux femmes de talent du monde réel del’époque des récits (nonnes, courtisanes, guixiu poètes, performeuses)This dissertation concerns two fox-spirit characters in two fantastic vernacular novels at the end of Qing period:Yaohuazhuan 瑤華傳 by Ding Bingren 丁秉仁 (1803) and Huliyuan Quanzhuan 狐狸緣全傳(1888) by Zuiyueshanren 醉月山人. I study in particular the demonic voice of these protagonists and the other feminine andhybrid characters in the text, which defies and delegitimizes patriarchal authority. This analysis uses Lacanianand Freudian psychoanalytical tools, trying to find signifiants in the text. The dissertation offers a great numberof excerpts translated for the first time. The fundamental concept which emerges is femininity linked to talent.The dissertation aims so to prove the socio-political value of fantasy in these texts, which takes vixens as beingallusions to real talented women of the time (nuns, courtesans, guixiu poets, performers)
本文的研究对象是中国清末民俗小说《瑶华传》(丁秉仁著,1803)和《狐狸缘全传》(醉月山人著,1888)中的两个狐狸精人物。特别研究了小说中被称为狐狸精的女主角的性格和语言特征,以及文中其他女性、其他人物的不同特点。分析了在当时的社会状况下,这些女性人物在社会活动中对男权制的反抗和抵制,该分析使用拉康和弗洛伊德的心理分析工具,在原文中进行了有意义的查询和研究。论文提供了大量的摘录,是第一次翻译。本文旨在证明这些文本中幻想的社会政治价值,基本概念是对有才华的女性的赞美,认为坦率、有见识、有能力的女性是当时真正才华横溢的女性。
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Freytag, Sylvie. "Art et politique en Autriche : l'impact des oeuvres d'Alfred Hrdlicka, de Friedenreich Hundertwasser, de Günter Brus et de Valie Export sur l'Autriche de la Seconde République". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAC007/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La recherche porte sur les relations entre les acteurs politiques et l’art subversif et leur positionnement face à des thèmes récurrents tels l’antisémitisme, l’oubli du passé, la condition de la femme, l’écologie. Partant des théories existantes sur les rapports entre l’art engagé et le politique, il s’agit d’étudier les œuvres de quatre artistes représentatifs à la fois de l’évolution des positions politiques et des techniques nouvelles à travers l’histoire de 1945 à nos jours, dans la IIe République d’Autriche : le sculpteur Alfred Hrdlicka, le peintre et architecte Friedensreich Hundertwasser, l’actionniste viennois Günter Brus, la féministe Valie Export. Ces artistes bousculent l’ordre établi à travers leur art agressif et leurs écrits. Le but est de définir la nature et le degré de leur protestation et de déterminer dans quelle mesure ils ont participé au débat démocratique et à la modernisation de la société autrichienne ainsi qu’à la construction identitaire de l’Autriche après 1945The research relates to the relation between the political actors and subversive art and their respective position on dominant themes such as anti-Semitism, the denial of the Nazi past, the status of women, ecology. From existing theories on relations between engaged art and politics, it is a question of studying the works of art of four artists representative on both policy statements and newer technologies through history from 1945 up to now, in the Second Republic of Austria : the sculptor Alfred Hrdlicka, the painter and architect Friedensreich Hundertwasser, the Viennese actionist Günter Brus, the feminist Valie Export. Each one, in his own way, shakes up the established order through his aggressive art and writings. The aim is to specify the type and level of protest of these artists and to assess to what extent they have participated in the democratic debate and modernisation within Austrian society as well as in the identity building of Austria after 1945
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Ferrando, Stefania. "La liberté comme pratique de la différence : philosophie politique moderne et sexuation du monde : Rousseau, Olympe de Gouges et les saint-simoniennes". Doctoral thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0064.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Pour la saint-simonienne Suzanne Voilquin, la vie sociale laissait place à un « inconnu », dès lors que la liberté et l'égalité des femmes avaient commencé à la transformer. La thèse vise à analyser les manières dont cet inconnu a été pensé et pratiqué, au moment où il fait irruption dans les discours politiques et les réflexions philosophiques révolutionnaires ou postrévolutionnaires. Par l'analyse du « dispositif Rousseau » on repère d'abord le point ultime des argumentaires excluant les femmes du savoir et de la politique : assurer la certitude de la transmission entre le père et ses enfants au sein d'un monde dans lequel doivent se former des individus libres. La thèse se concentre ensuite sur les écrits d'Olympe de Gouges trouvant dans sa position « placée et déplacée » par rapport au savoir et à la politique de son siècle un levier pour élaborer une pensée nouvelle de la société révolutionnaire. On suit enfin les aventures des femmes saint-simoniennes qui avaient fondé le périodique La femme libre, en retraçant ainsi les pratiques politiques collectives par lesquelles se réalisait leur travail symbolique autour de l'« inconnu », des aspirations personnelles et collectives, accompagnant leur recherche de liberté. Si, au sein de ces pratiques, la liberté connaît une intensification de son sens et l'égalité un approfondissement de ses formes, c'est qu'elles aménagent, au sein de la vie sociale, des expériences nouvelles, par lesquelles des femmes peuvent ne plus être des « somnambules de la société », mais agir en elle pour sa transformation comme des sujets à part entièreThe Saint-Simonian Suzanne Voilquin writes that an "unknown" appeared in social life with women's equality and freedom. This research aims to analyze how this "unknown" of social life was thought and practiced as it became part of political discourses as well as revolutionary and post-revolutionary philosophical reflections. First, by analyzing th "Rousseau dispositif" - a set of texts dealing with the problem of the " women's position" and discussing Rousseau's thesis - we examine the discourses that exclude women from knowledge and politics as well as the need to secure the transmission between the father and his children in a world of free individuals. Afterwards, we focus on the writings of Olympe de Gouges and her development of a new political approach to revolutionary society, based on her position as a "placee et deplacee" in both knowledge and politics. Finally, we follow the Saint-Simonian women who created the periodical La femme libre. We examine their collective political practices and the "symbolic work" on the "unknown" that came with their research for freedom. These practices allow, within social life, new experiences, through which women can cease to be "social life sleepwalkers" and act in it to change it, as full-fledged subjects
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Krichen, Hana. "Un vêtement pour la femme tunisienne d'aujourd'hui : intervention plastique pour une réinterprétation de la mode traditionnelle tunisienne". Thesis, Rennes 2, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020REN20021.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Après la révolution de Janvier 2011, la société tunisienne a connu un retour excessif des islamistes extrémistes sur la scène politique et sociale. Ainsi, les partis politiques, les associations et la société civile ont retourné autour des questions qui concernent les libertés publiques, le Code du Statut Personnel et les droits des femmes. Tout débat concernant le statut du féminin en Tunisie est revenu un sujet d’actualité. La femme tunisienne s’est retrouvée, par conséquent, face aux mêmes problèmes que ses ancêtres. En dépit de son éducation, ses acquis sociaux et sa forte présence dans les administrations publiques et les différents secteurs culturels et économiques, elle doit lutter de nouveaux pour sa liberté, ses acquis, sa condition sociale, mais aussi pour son identité menacée et sa culture territoriale. Le sujet de réflexion de ma recherche a été soulevé suite à ces événements sociopolitiques, qui ont secoué le quotidien de la société tunisienne. Il est ainsi structuré autour des articulations possibles, entre l’appartenance culturelle arabo-musulmane et la société mondialisée d’aujourd’hui, et basé particulièrement sur l’apparence vestimentaire de la femme tunisienne. Mon projet de recherche articule donc la création vestimentaire avec une étude sur la place des femmes dans la société tunisienne aujourd'hui, dans un questionnement sur l’héritage de la tradition et ses interprétations. J’essaie en effet de mettre en évidence un vêtement féminin tunisien, qui pourrait apparaître comme authentique, dans le contexte complexe et conflictuel de l’après-révolutionAfter the January 2011 revolution, Tunisian society has seen an excessive return of extremist Islamists to the political and social scene. Thus, political parties, associations and civil society have returned to issues concerning public freedoms, the Personal Status Code and women's rights. Any debate concerning the status of women in Tunisia has become a topical issue. As a result, Tunisian women found themselves facing the same problems as their ancestors. Despite its education, its social achievements and its strong presence in public administrations and in the various cultural and economic sectors, it must fight for new ones for its freedom, its achievements, its social condition, but also for its threatened identity and its territorial culture. The subject of reflection of my research was raised following these socio-political events, which shook the daily life of Tunisian society. It is thus structured around possible articulations, between Arab-Muslim cultural affiliation and today's globalized society, and based particularly on the clothing appearance of Tunisian women. My research project therefore combines clothing design with a study on the place of women in Tunisian society today, in a questioning on the heritage of tradition and its interpretations. I am trying to highlight a Tunisian women's clothing, which could appear authentic, in the complex and conflictual context of the post-revolution period
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Papadelos, Pam. "Derridean deconstruction and feminism: exploring aporias in feminist theory and practice". 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/39506.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the politics of deconstruction within the interdisciplinary field of Women’s Studies and the question as to whether deconstruction has a politics, or can enhance the political goals of western feminism. This thesis argues that philosophy, and deconstruction in particular, is extremely useful for re-thinking feminist issues, especially around subjectivity and agency, but is not always seen to be so by some Australian feminists. As a result, Australian feminism, like feminism in other Anglophone countries, founded on the dichotomy of sameness-difference, has run out of theoretical and political steam. This thesis explores deconstruction within feminist debates and practices from the mid-1980s to present. In exploring both the contribution of deconstruction to rethinking difference and agency, and the failure on the part of most Australian women’s studies programs to apply the full potential of deconstruction, an argument is put forward for the value of deconstruction as a way of rethinking the question of woman’s subordination. While this is not a new area of study, this thesis focuses on the political efficacy of deconstruction, which is not always directly addressed in feminist texts. The first three chapters focus on the ways deconstruction has been interpreted, often negatively, by Anglo feminists or feminists in the English speaking world. It identifies the central issues taken up by feminist critics of deconstruction; argues that confusion has arisen largely due to interpretative misunderstandings of Derrida’s central tenets; and presents an elucidation of the radical potential of deconstruction for a feminist politics, especially in relation to female subjectivity. The last two chapters turn their attention to the debates over the meaning of deconstruction and the ways deconstruction entered the academy in Australia through Women’s Studies courses. They examine the specific discursive and institutional frameworks that aided or impeded the critical reception of new theoretical directions in Australia; argue that deconstruction entered Australian feminist discourse mainly in response to a dissatisfaction with the philosophy of Marxism/socialism; and detail major influences and theoretical works that made possible a more positive reception of deconstructive tenets within Australian feminism. The thesis concludes with a brief discussion of the crosscurrents between Australian and international feminist philosophy and outlines how deconstruction might continue to advance feminist understandings of subjectivity and enhance feminist practice.Thesis(Ph.D.)-- School of Social Sciences, 2007.
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Hinton, Peta Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "'To see a world in a grain of sand...': thinking universality and specificity for a feminist politics of difference". 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40773.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Sexual difference has emerged in the last three decades as an enduring question for feminism. Drawing attention to the embodied nature of subjectivity, it enables feminists to counter the more insidious presumptions of universality and the phallocentric economy of knowledge production, and makes possible feminine expressions of subjectivity. At the same time, engaging the nature of difference has opened the way to a more detailed interrogation of identity, specifically the identity of ' woman' and 'the feminine' as categories of feminist analysis. However, tensions have emerged within this field over the concept of community, and how to motivate for political change on the basis of a common identity when the identity of woman is itself contested. In tracing these arguments, this thesis raises a number of considerations about the way difference is understood. It finds that a conceptual commitment to the specificity of the body as properly constitutive of the political can run the risk of sidelining, denigrating and presuming to excise what appears as universal, masculine, or phallocentric. In doing so, it potentially leaves aside a full political engagement with the generative and implicated nature of these terms in the formation of all identity. Consequently, questions around thought, universality, virtuality, and disembodiment may not be given full consideration, with the outcome that feminism may be foreclosing its political domain from important formative concerns. The primary aim of this thesis is to open these categories of analysis to question, to understand how they have been constructed in debates around difference, and to bring to light some of the assumptions which remain axiological to what properly constitutes feminist politics. Engaging Luce Irigaray's reading of divinity for community and identity, this thesis argues that if the implicated nature of identity is taken seriously then the organising categories fundamental to notions of political action and community become a general field of difference which exceeds the reach of feminist politics as it currently stands.
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Lim, Seulgie Claire. "Exploring the political, social, and theoretical aspects of gender parity in Senegal". Thesis, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/41573.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How does gender-related legislation interact with the existing political, social, and religious norms? How do these interactions contribute to social changes, as well as to the theoretical discussion around gender norms and feminism in Africa? In the early 1990s, Africa saw a surge of women’s movements and activism supported by the wave of democratization on the continent. Along with discussions about women’s rights, there has been increased attention to how to improve women’s political visibility and participation in the region. Many countries have therefore turned to gender quotas and laws to remedy the relative absence of women in politics, and current research has partially shown that these legislative measures have some positive impact. Particularly, scholars have shown that gender quotas and laws have improved women’s political situation by discrediting the stereotypes that women are less capable than men, by increasing political opportunities for women, and by implementing policies directly related to women’s interests. This dissertation builds on these results and goes further by using the case of the gender parity law in Senegal to 1) examine some challenges these laws encounter, and 2) provide an African feminist framework. Based on in-depth interviews, ethnographic observation, and text analysis, the present research takes into account Senegal’s tradition, culture, and religion (Islam) to analyze the difficulties the gender parity law has had to face, including a weak legislative body and “religious justifications” as to why women should not hold the same political responsibilities as men. In a second part, the dissertation examines the discourse used by women in Senegal and highlights how the movement before and after the law, the language and the strategies used by the women can be interpreted within the larger debate in African feminist theories and traditions. Overall, the dissertation argues that 1) despite the initial success of the gender parity law, an overall consensus on the legitimacy of the law, especially from the male population, is still needed and the existing form of government (strong executive, weak legislative) and its effect on the law in the long term cannot be ignored. However, 2) the law remains part of the larger picture of the important and historical women’s movement in Senegal and contributes to the expansion of how to define gender norms specifically in Senegal and Africa.
37
George, Nicole. "Situating agency : gender politics and circumstance in Fiji". Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150791.
Testo completo
38
"「國族」統攝「性別」?: 近代中國知識分子的性別與國族論述". 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549386.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係，藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點，反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾，這成為了學者們以性別角度，批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而，本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。
本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式，開拓現代性別平等的論說空間；第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述，如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域；第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論，以及批判父權意識型態，創建女性主體性的論述模式；第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來，開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析，本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式，闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。
This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender.
According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China.
In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on “equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the “Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts’en’s(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of“ Women’s Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren’s(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the “New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And finally, in the fourth chapter, I shall explain how the discourse of the “female body (「女體」) by Zhang Jingsheng (張競生) reinstates female sexuality into the nationalism discourse and how such connection creates the site of liberation for female sexuality.
By analysis these four different intellectuals, this thesis has traced the development of these distinctive models of discourse on gender and nation, and demonstrated a mutually implicated relation between the two from the Late Qing to the May Fourth period in Modern China.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
凌子威.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-164).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Ling Ziwei.
前言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章： --- 傳統與現代性的角力：晚清「男女平等」論的開展 --- p.21
康有為的《大同書》：「男女平等」論的「聖人」模式 --- p.27
打破「內外之防」：女子獨立人格的肯定 --- p.34
推翻家庭專制：「去家界」的激進主張 --- p.38
結論 --- p.45
Chapter 第二章： --- 女權主義與國族主義之間：晚清「女權」論的催生 --- p.47
歐洲「女權」說翻譯與移植 --- p.51
金天翮的《女界鐘》：「女權」與「新中國」論的互涉 --- p.62
化私為公：塑造「國民之母」形象 --- p.65
「女權」與「民權」：建構中國女子革命論 --- p.72
結論 --- p.82
Chapter 第三章： --- 「反傳統」與主體建構：五四「女性」論的確立 --- p.88
周作人及其「靈肉一致」女性觀的探索 --- p.91
重建新性道德：貞操、自由戀愛與婚姻制度 --- p.96
打破性禁忌：「不淨觀」與「假道學」 --- p.105
結論 --- p.111
Chapter 第四章： --- 「性」與國家：五四「女體」論的爭議 --- p.113
強種與優生：由晚清「反纏足」到五四「產兒限制」 --- p.116
張競生及其「第三種水」論：女體歡愉/強種救國的另類想像 --- p.124
反客為主：女性情慾自主權 --- p.131
結論 --- p.136
Chapter 結論： --- 近代中國「性別」與「國族」論述的互動 --- p.139
徵引書目 --- p.143
39
Ismail, Nadia. "Women and political participation : a partial translation of ‘Abd al-Ḥalīm Muhammad Abū Shaqqah’s Taḥrīr al-Mar’ah fī ‘Aṣr al-Risālah (The liberation of women in the prophetic period), with a contextual introduction to the author and his work". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22256.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a translation of a chapter that examines the role of Muslim women in politics during the early Islamic period and their engagement with religious and political discourses. This subject raises a combination of provocative challenges for Islamic discourse as Muslim women have had a complex relationship with their religious tradition dating back to the very inception of Islam. Despite Qur’ānic injunctions and Prophetic affirmations of the egalitarian status of Muslim women, social inequality and injustice directed at women remains a persistent problem in Muslim society. In the translated text Abū Shaqqah goes about re-invoking the normative tradition in order to affirm the role of Muslim women in politics. Furthermore the translation is prefaced by a critical introduction outlining the contours of the 20th century landscape, which attempts to describe the struggle of Muslim women in Abū Shaqqah’s time.Religious Studies and Arabic
M.A. (Arabic)
40
MÍČKOVÁ, LIŠKOVÁ Kateřina. "Sociálně etické aspekty feminismu v České republice". Master's thesis, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-51752.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis deals with the history of feminism both in the world and in the Czech Republic, its trends and waves. Some distinguished male and female feminism representatives whose works and opinions have influenced the development of feminist ideology are introduced. It also gives a survey of permeation as well as influence of feminism and gender on certain areas of private and social life in the European Union and in the Czech Republic. In the thesis legitimacy or illegitimacy of feminist demands and possibilities to meet those demands are discussed. The terms such as equality, discrimination, agenda on equality between men and women and family politics are mentioned, because they refer to areas of a prominent concern of feminism.
41
Bastalich, Wendy. "Politicising the productive: subjectivity, feminist labour thought and Foucault / Wendy Bastalich". Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21855.
Testo completo
42
Rock-Singer, Cara. "Prophetesses of the Body: American Jewish Women and the Politics of Embodied Knowledge". Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87M1MDM.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
What Stephen Shapin and Simon Schaffer’s Leviathan and the Air Pump demonstrates to be the case in early modern scientific culture is no less true of the experimental ethic of Jewish feminists today: epistemology and politics are inseparably linked and are projected onto the material of everyday life. In this study of transnational Jewish theopolitics and biopolitics, I show how women enlist their reproductive bodies to develop new forms of spiritual leadership, medical expertise, and religious knowledge and authority as they work to reshape American Judaism. I situate Jewish feminist claims to authenticity and authority within the entangled networks of bio-capital, nationalisms, the logics of classical liberalism and religious subjectivity, and scientific and Rabbinic moral economies. By contextualizing Jewish feminisms in technoscience’s politicization of the sexual body and Christianity’s elevation of the spirit over material, I elucidate how sexual, religious, and epistemic hierarchies structure formations of American religion. This dissertation contributes to growing literatures on religion and science; gender, secularism, and spirituality; transnational American studies; and feminist approaches to medicine and the body. While previous studies on religion and science have highlighted the inseparability of the categories in Euro-American Protestant history or showcased the participation of Jewish men in the development of modern science, this project draws on the “lived religion” methodology to move beyond the activities of elites in institutional spaces. In doing so, it shows how knowledge production happens in intimate, holy places and is structured by sacred and bodily cycles. By stretching the temporal and spatial boundaries of the study of American Judaism, this dissertation reveals how interconnected feminist projects are remaking Judaism as an American religion.
43
Zigira, Christopher Amherst Byuma. "Religion, culture and gender : a study of women's search for gender equality in Swaziland". Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17875.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Although Swazi women's contribution to national development has been phenomenal, they like
any other women in patriarchal societies confront an overbearing situation in which they have
been regarded and treated as minors, both in the family and most spheres of public life. This has
largely been due to the social construction of gender. Traditional gender-based attitudes, deeply
ingrained in the people's mind set, not infrequently, have limited women's access to and control
of various aspects of public life, and impinge on their rights, most especially the rights to selfdetermination
and equal participation in the decision making process. Coupled with religion
which influences "the deepest level of what it means to be human" (King, 1994:4) and zealous
cultural conservatism, the Swazi women, with a few notable exceptions, experience an asymmetry
of power due to the pervasive nature of gender. Nonetheless, the history of Swaziland bears testimony, however muted, to a legacy ofwomen's struggles to overcome gendered conditions
imposed upon them either by taking full advantage of their spiritual endowment and charisma to
overcome attitudinal barriers or by organising themselves into groups to work for the social
transformation of their conditions and status.
This study examines the Swazi women's search for gender equality. It discusses the social and
cultural context of gender in Swaziland, the various moments in the Swazi women's quest for
equality and its manifestations, and the push and pull effect of religion and culture. Particular
attention is given to four organisations, namely Lutsango lwakaNgwane (loosely referred to as
women's regiments), the Council of Swaziland Churches, the Women's Resource Centre (Umtapo
waBomake) and Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse (SWAGAA). The study shows that
Swazi women have, across a passage of time, adopted different strategies, including ritual,
economic empowerment and creation of new knowledge through promotion of gender awareness
and social advocacy either in a womanist approach that accepts women's embeddedness in Swazi
culture or in the liberal feminist tradition that espouses women's individual rights. However, the
study shows that the women's movement has yet to reach the critical mass level so as to influence
public policy and come to terms with the deconstruction of the dominant gender ideology.Religious Studies and Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)
44
Langkramerová, Tereza. Master's thesis, 2002. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-366299.
Testo completo
45
Williams, Donald Murrell. "The decolonisation and africanisation of ordination in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa". Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27070.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Summaries in English, Sesotho and IsizuluThe doctrine and practices of ordination in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) were adopted from the Wesleyan Methodist Church in England when the Southern African Conference was constituted in 1882. This replication, together with the influences of colonialism and a Western epistemology, negatively impacted the ministry and mission of the church. In response to the appeals for the decolonisation and Africanisation of the denomination’s practices, aspects relating to both the doctrine and practices of ordination have been adapted from the colonial past to our southern African context. However, many elements remain Western and the food cooking in the African pot lacks the taste of authentic ingredients grown in southern African soil. The study researches whether a decolonised and Africanised model of ordination would be very different from existing understanding and practices and examines the impact that a new model would have on the MCSA. Drawing from literature and interviews with persons in leadership positions in the MCSA, the study determines those aspects of southern African culture and spirituality that would be appropriate to assimilate into the present doctrine and practices. The liturgy of the Service of Ordination forms the basis on which the contributions of southern African culture are applied to the doctrine and practices of ordination. A similar process of evaluation and assimilation follows when applying the data gained from the interviews to the doctrine and practices of ordination in the MCSA. The thesis then concludes by proposing concrete changes to both the doctrinal understanding and practice of ordination in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
46
Swanepoel, Andrew Peter. "Repositioning the problematic gender formation of a generation of white South African men through performance art". Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25347.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
An overview of global statistics on violence, country to country and worldwide, indicates that men are the main perpetrators of violence in our societies. Furthermore, the behavioural traits of risk-taking and self-harm are also associated with men. It is my contention that the formative processes involved in gender identity are at the root of these dysfunctions.
In an attempt to present a positive alternative, I focus on a group I name the X- Men: white South African Generation X males. Drawing on Judith Butler‟s theory of performativity and its allowance for agency and resistance, I argue that they are not necessarily trapped by how their gender identities were formed through Apartheid‟s gendered institutions. These included schools, sport and the military.
I posit that within the institution of art, self-aware artists may present visual representations of resistance and transformation. Acknowledging art as signifying text, the X-Men situate signs differently in an effort to accomplish a social and intersubjective raising-of-awareness. Additionally, this new identity and its associated positive performance have the potential to undermine certain stereotypical perceptions harboured by the broader society as a result of problematic behaviour associated with men.Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology
M.V.A.