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Fonio, Chiara, e Stefano Agnoletto. "Surveillance, Repression and the Welfare State: Aspects of Continuity and Discontinuity in post-Fascist Italy". Surveillance & Society 11, n. 1/2 (27 maggio 2013): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i1/2.4449.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper seeks to explore political, cultural, legal and socio-economic legacies of the Fascist regime (1922-1943) in Italy. With the fall of the regime, in fact, the overall surveillance apparatus did not fade away. Former fascists were not purged from political and cultural life and very few were found guilty. The transition to democracy was thus marked by a substantial continuity of men and institutions (Della Porta and Reiter 2004) due to the active involvement of ex-OVRA (Organization of Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) officers in public institutions (Author 2011). It comes as no surprise that forms of pervasive non-technological social control continued for more than twenty years after the fall of the duce. Moreover, police state surveillance was combined with a meaningful continuity in other areas. For instance, the welfare state immediately after World War II was actually based upon the model built during Fascism. The “Fascist Social State” (Silei, 2000) had a corporative and authoritarian inspiration and was a strategy of social control and a tool to create consensus. In the 1950s and 1960s the institutional features of the Italian social security system remained fundamentally unchanged (Giorgi, 2009; Silei, 2000): an excess of bureaucracy and discretionary power; a system based on specific categories of people needing assistance and not on a more universal approach. The Italian post-fascist experience is a paradigmatic case-study that allows us to deal with ambiguities of the welfare state experience, described either as a tool of social control or as a vector of social justice. This paper is an attempt to analyze “social control strategies” in post-Fascist Italy with a focus both on aspects of continuity and on crucial socio-political discontinuities that are often overlooked in the literature.
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Grasso, Mirko. "Salvemini, militant historian, and his publications on Fascism". Modern Italy 28, n. 4 (19 ottobre 2023): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2023.44.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis essay analyses Salvemini's major works on Fascism, namely The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1927), Mussolini Diplomate (1932) and Under the Axe of Fascism (1936). The focus of this analysis is twofold: to explore both Salvemini's methodology and the events leading to the publication of these works. In The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy, Salvemini examines the origins and the rise of Mussolini's movement, highlighting the complicity of the monarchy, the army, and industrial magnates. In Mussolini Diplomate, he analyses Fascist foreign policy from 1922 to 1932, in which Salvemini is unable to identify a consistent strategy, but only a propagandistic approach aiming to foster diplomatic relations. In Under the Axe of Fascism, Salvemini dissects Fascist economics, debunking the idea that the corporate state was an original and equitable compromise in the conflict between capital and labour, as was being portrayed abroad. An analysis of these three volumes brings into focus some noteworthy aspects of Salvemini's so-called ‘historiographical workshop’, which have hitherto been overlooked by historians (such as his adept use of sources and his endeavour to combine social sciences and economics), as well as underscoring his ability to forge cultural and intellectual networks, an essential element for undertaking such a complex task.
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Jacoby, Tim. "Global fascism: geography, timing, support, and strategy". Journal of Global History 11, n. 3 (11 ottobre 2016): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article considers four aspects for understanding the greatly over-used term ‘fascism’: its place in space and also in time, the basis of its social support, and its modus operandi. While agreement exists on where and when fascism reached its apogee, there is little concurrence of opinion over the extent to which the world wars were determinative in its birth and death, and how far beyond European boundaries it has ventured. There are also wide-ranging discussions concerning the identity and extent of its backers, with some writers pointing to the formative role of the lumpen body politic, or various class fractions, and others to that of an elite vanguard, or even individual alienation. A similar spectrum of opinion over the basis of fascism’s appeal extends from studies emphasizing, and elucidating, its ideational content to those that focus on the pragmatic value of action. Such a great diversity of analyses brings both considerable empirical richness and the challenge of fragmentation. This article responds by reflecting on fascism as both a social phenomenon and a field of study, in the hope of bringing some analytical structure to what remains a vast, and continuously developing, literature.
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Hammar, Emil L., Carolyn Jong e Joachim Despland-Lichtert. "Time to stop playing". Eludamos: Journal for Computer Game Culture 14, n. 1 (14 dicembre 2023): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/23.7109.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article highlights the interrelated crises that the games industry, its digital game consumers, and the academic field of game studies are embedded in and responsible for reproducing. By couching our analysis in Marxist, feminist, anti-fascist, and anti-imperialist understandings of how our social relations arise from the historical-material basis of society, we identify several different conditions of modern digital games that everyone working in and around games should confront and take seriously, especially regarding contemporary and future impacts and restrictions on the type of research and education we are able to conduct. These crises emerge from social and economic structures including imperialism, racism, militarism, fascism, and patriarchy. To better confront them, we broadly define the causes from which the morbid symptoms we witness arise in primarily Western societies and how they manifest in the games industry, its consumers, and its academic institutions. Based off these aspects, we extrapolate their trajectory in how they will change and adapt to the future of games and of their study, as the ecological and social crises intensify and reverberate. This allows us to propose potential strategies for radically confronting and potentially overcoming the looming crises related to war, patriarchy, white supremacy, famine, destitution, fascism, and climate apocalypse.
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Elias Garcia, Tatiane. "POWER RELATIONS, HEGEMONY AND IDEOLOGY". Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade 5, n. 02 (4 maggio 2024): 234–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51249/gei.v5i02.2032.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research aims to explore three fundamental works that address interconnected aspects of political, philosophical and social thought. “Fascism”, by Evguiéni B. Pashukanis, released in 2020, offers a critical analysis of the ideological roots and social implications of fascism. Then, “Philosophy, Ideology and Social Science - Essays on Denial and Affirmation”, by István Mészáros, published in 1993, highlights the contradictions of the capitalist system and potential social transformations. Finally, “The German Ideology”, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, written in the 19th century, provides a theoretical basis for understanding historical materialism and criticizing the dominant ideology. The research seeks to draw connections between these works to enrich the understanding of contemporary social and political dynamics.
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Kurasov, Sergey. "Socio-Economic and Legal Aspects of the Formation of Italian Fascism in the First Half of the XX Century". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2023, n. 3 (2 ottobre 2023): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2023-7-3-350-358.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The economic and social development of Italian fascism lasted from 1913 to the early 1940s. It was fueled by the common economic interests of business elite and right-wing organizations, who combined their efforts to exploit the working class, reduce production costs, and maximize profits. The big business provided financial support for fascist organizations, thus shaping their policy. The legal acts adopted during the transitional period declared the inter-class peace, the mediating role of the state between employees and private business, and the supremacy of national interests. However, the same laws strengthened the economic monopolization, prevented trade unions, and limited economic, political, and social rights of the working class. The resulting corporate state model established a rigid framework for medium and small business, as well as hired workers. Although the state propaganda portrayed the state as a mediator between the worker and the employer, Italian state institutions actually protected the interests of the big business and were formed by it.
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Surguladze, V. Sh. "Many Faces of Fascism: Attempt of Comprehension of the Concept". Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, n. 4 (4 dicembre 2019): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-57-62.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.
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Pinheiro, Maxmiliano Martins. "POSITIVISM AGAINST FASCISM: THE BIFURCATIONS OF CONSERVATIVE POLITCS". REVISTA FOCO 17, n. 2 (15 febbraio 2024): e4353. http://dx.doi.org/10.54751/revistafoco.v17n2-069.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Faced with the polysemy imputed to the terms positivism and fascism, this article aims to highlight, in the political aspect, the differences between the first and the second, although both are considered by many scholars to be expressions of an authoritarian conservative thought. Thus, it is necessary to present three specific objectives that elucidate two singularities and divergences, namely: the emphasis on the centralism of political leaderships, the quarrels regarding communist and socialist prerogatives, and the examination of the entry of the masses into the political context. Such objectives will be unfolded based on some aspects of Augusto Comte's political sociology and some vectors that characterize the modus operandi of fascism. It is hoped that this analysis will clarify that, while Comte's positivism is based on rationality, on the functionalism of ideas and on the limited participation of social strata, fascism is based on the excessive idealization of the historical context, on the intolerance of opposing political currents and in the political and manipulated empowerment of the masses.
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Marcello, Flavia. "Mussolini and the idealisation of Empire: the Augustan Exhibition of Romanità". Modern Italy 16, n. 3 (agosto 2011): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.586497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Augustan Exhibition ofRomanità, held in Rome's Palazzo delle Esposizioni between 1937 and 1938, exemplifies the aestheticisation, ritualisation and sacralisation of politics during the Fascist era in Italy. This article conducts a multi-layered spatial analysis of the exhibition that considers space as passively experienced, as an agent to re-map memory, as a mediator between intention and reception and as having both physical and mental characteristics. The relative sizes of the spaces, their sequence and their axial placement within the Palazzo's plan were the most powerful forces that conveyed the exhibition's overall political and social aims. TheMostra Augustea della Romanità(MAR) is here analysed as a form of historical representation with a specific narrative which is played out within an orchestrated space in order to create and reinforce a (Fascist) political identity. The idea of Rome took on material aspects through a kind of ‘recognition effect’ for the visitor by presentingRomanitàas a collective mirror in which to view an image of their own social visage. Thus an active connection would, according to the organisers, be forged between a Roman past and a Fascist present, and its two leaders and creators, Augustus and Mussolini, as well as between the individual and society. TheMARalso demonstrates the prevalence of the cult of Il Duce in Fascist society and its importance for maintaining high levels of consent. With its focus on a particular view of the ancient world, theMARwas an ephemeral event that acted as teleological justification for the advent and supposed permanence of Fascism, which at the same time presented itself as a unique archaeological, scientific and educational document of the Roman world.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“". Historijski pogledi 3, n. 4 (30 dicembre 2020): 133–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.133.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
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Hutin, Anatoly F., e Marina V. Bryantseva. "Nazism, fascism, nationalism: analytical approach to conceptual historical categories in the study of humanitarian discipline". Problems of Modern Education (Problemy Sovremennogo Obrazovaniya), n. 2, 2020 (2020): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2218-8711-2020-2-66-76.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article discusses some theoretical aspects of the social policy of the state, conceptual categories from the perspective of teaching humanitarian historical disciplines at the university, shows the negativity of Nazism, fascism and nationalism as unacceptable socio-political phenomena for the development of a civilized society, social structure, which is relevant not only in a cognitive sense, from the point of view of the analytics of the problem, which is extremely important, but necessary in order to form a historical and genetic memory of the people, a correct assessment of the events of the historical past and present, analysis and forecasting of the near future in terms of preventing social and political conflicts in society, as well as with the aim of increasing the general level of training of highly qualified personnel in the direction “Pedagogical Education”.
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Sawicky, I. M. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE OF WORKERS AND EMPLOYEES OF DEFENSE INDUSTRY IN WESTERN SIBERIA DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, n. 2 (29 giugno 2017): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-95-103.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article considers the socio-political life of the workers and employees of the military-industrial complex in Western Siberia, which is one of three such complexes in the USSR that supplied the Red Army with military equipment and ammunition. It was established that the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (CPSU (b), giving great attention to the regions of their location, in the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee added some new structural units, whose influence embraced all aspects of socio-political life of the workers and employees in these regions. Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee promptly controlled and supervised the work of local Party and Soviet bodies, organizations and institutions in this direction.The major focus is on the study of the activities of the Soviet Information Bureau (Sovinformbureau), press, radio, cinema, lecturers, propagandists and agitators, who informed the workers and employees about the most important events at the front and in the rear, formed the social and political attitudes. It was found that the greatest role was played by outstanding artists, theatrical, musical and artistic intelligentsia who, through their presentations, shows and performances of the anti-fascist orientation raising the spiritual forces of workers, engineers and technicians, inspired people to labor feats. Through the combination of these events, organized by the central and local Party authorities, the government and local executive authorities shaped social and political consciousness, patriotism of workers, engineers and technicians, to forge the weapon of victory over fascism.
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Notari, Marcio. "O Discurso de Ódio e o Fascismo na Sociedade Brasileira: uma Análise a Partir do Pensamento de Wilhelm Reich". Revista de Ciências Jurídicas e Empresariais 22, n. 1 (25 giugno 2021): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17921/2448-2129.2021v22n1p27-36.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumo A Psicologia de Massas e do Fascismo (1932) é uma obra que tem como discussão elementar em saber o que impede a correspondência saudável entre a situação econômica e a estrutura psíquica dessas massas populares. Qual a essência da estrutura psicológica das massas e a sua relação com a base econômica da qual se origina? O autor partindo dessa premissão busca refletir sobre questões ligadas aos aspectos morais, políticos, sociológicos e psicológicos para esclarecer a adesão e o comportamento das massas diante do movimento fascista, a partir de seus conhecimentos clínicos sobre a estrutura do caráter humano no cenário político e social. A intenção é demonstrar nas linhas que se seguem, como os elementos economicos não tem influência sobre as massas, em sentido contrário ao pensamento marxista, cuja idéia central era que a fome e a miséria (teoria economica do socialismo) levaria as massas proletárias ao processo revolucionário de ruptura com o capitalismo. No pensamento Reichiano, em contraponto as idéias de Marx, o autor busca demonstrar que o movimento facista e o nacional socialismo alemão, em especial, seria a expressão da estrutura de caráter irracional do homem médio, cujos impulsos sexuais foram reprimidos tendo analisado o papel da família e da igreja como misticismo organizado no campo da sociedade. Reich entende que a existência humana seria determinada não apenas pelos processos econômicos, mas também pelos processos institivos dos seres humanos determinados no ambito da família autoritária, cuja figura do pai, representa a ideia de autoridade, e por outro lado, a ideia de nação e pátria mãe, está configurada na figura da mãe paterna, protetora dos filhos. Desse modo, na psicologia política de Reich, o que se estuda é o fator subjetivo da história, a estrutura do caráter do homem numa determinada época e a estrutura ideológica da sociedade que ela forma. Será analisado essas premissas são aplicadas na sociedade brasileira, buscando compreender o fascismo e o discurso de ódio. Palavras-chave: Discurso de Ódio. Psicologia de Massas. Sociedade Brasileira. Abstract The Psychology of the Masses and Fascism (1932) is a work that has the elementary discussion of knowing what prevents the healthy correspondence between the economic situation and the psychic structure of these popular masses. What is the essence of the psychological structure of the masses and its relation to the economic base from which it originates? Based on this premise, the author seeks to reflect on issues related to moral, political, sociological and psychological aspects to clarify the adhesion and behavior of the masses towards the fascist movement, based on their clinical knowledge about the structure of human character in the political and social scenario. . The intention is to demonstrate in the following lines, how the economic elements have no influence on the masses, in a sense contrary to Marxist thought, whose central idea was that hunger and misery (economic theory of socialism) would lead the proletarian masses to the process revolutionary break with capitalism. In Reichian thought, in contrast to Marx's ideas, the author seeks to demonstrate that the facist movement and the German national socialism, in particular, would be the expression of the irrational character structure of the average man, whose sexual impulses were repressed having analyzed the role of family and church as organized mysticism in the field of society. Reich understands that human existence would be determined not only by economic processes, but also by the institutional processes of human beings determined in the context of the authoritarian family, whose father figure represents the idea of authority, and on the other hand, the idea of nation and mother country, is configured in the figure of the paternal mother, protector of the children. Thus, in Reich's political psychology, what is studied is the subjective factor of history, the structure of man's character at a given time and the ideological structure of the society it forms. These premises will be analyzed and applied in Brazilian society, seeking to understand fascism and hate speech. Keywords: Hate Speech. Mass Psychology. Brazilian Society.
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Fávaro Garrossini, Daniela, Fatima Aparecida dos Santos, João Victor Alves Tonhá e Pedro Henrique Elias Guimarães. "Social networks, the fabrication of popular manifestations and attacks against democracy on January 8, 2023 in Brazil". Journal of Latin American Communication Research 11, n. 1 (6 luglio 2023): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55738/journal.v11i1p.34-48.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article investigates how social networks have transformed themselves from the political power of popular expression to algorithmic bubbles and the fabrication of fascism in Brazil. It analyzes the spectacular aspects that led to the attacks of January 8 in Brasilia. This article is based on Paul Virilio's studies on space construction, Castells' assumptions about the advent of networks, and Yann Moulier-Boutang's studies on capitalism and cognitive capitalism. Possible semiotics of the discourse is also discussed based on the provisions of narratives built on the networks in manufacturing the terrorist acts of January 8, 2023. In the end, a panorama was constructed from which, with the distancing of time and verification of layers of meaning, we may develop machinations that perpetuate political and mediatic models that weaken the potential of social groups and of democracy itself.
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Palermo, Eduardo. "PRENSA Y POLÍTICA AFRO URUGUAYA: NUESTRA RAZA Y EL PARTIDO AUTÓCTONO NEGRO - PRIMERA MITAD DEL SIGLO XX". Revista Prâksis 1 (15 febbraio 2019): 07. http://dx.doi.org/10.25112/rpr.v1i0.1740.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
En 1933 se fundó la Revista Nuestra Raza, órgano de prensa afro uruguayo que denunció la situación social de los mismos, marcada hasta mediados del siglo 20 por el analfabetismo, dificultades de acceso laboral, la prostitución de la mujer “negra”, la falta de acceso a los trabajos públicos, bajas remuneraciones, negación de los derechos jubilatorios, la vida en zonas suburbanas y muy pobres, la discriminación y el racismo. Fue un portavoz en el combate al fascismo internacional, a las dictaduras, al racismo y aportó a la unidad cultural afro uruguaya, fundando la Casa de la Raza. Entre las acciones más importantes aporto a la creación, en 1936, del Partido Autóctono Negro con el objetivo de obtener un diputado que los representara. En todos los aspectos la revista fue pionera en las acciones de resistencia y acción militante de los afro- uruguayos.Palabras-clave: Prensa afro uruguaya. Nuestra Raza. Partido Autóctono Negro.AbstractIn 1933, the magazine Nuestra Raza, an Afro-Uruguayan press body, was denounced, denouncing the social situation of the same, marked until the middle of the 20th century by illiteracy, labor access difficulties, the prostitution of "black" women, the lack of access to public works, low wages, denial of pension rights, life in suburban and very poor areas, discrimination and racism. He was a spokesman in the fight against international fascism, dictatorships, racism and contributed to the Afro-Uruguayan cultural unity, founding the Casa de la Raza. Among the most important actions contributed to the creation, in 1936, of the Partido Autoctono Negro (Black Autochthonous Party) with the aim of obtaining a deputy to represent them. In all aspects, the magazine pioneered the actions of resistance and militant action of Afro-Uruguayans.Keywords: Uruguayan afro press. Our Race. Black Autochthonous Party.
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ANTONOVA, Olena. "THE DANGER OF THE PHENOMENON OF ″RASHISM″ BY SIGNS OF IMPACT ON SOCIAL AND CULTURAL LIFE: STATE AND LEGAL NATURE". Scientific Bulletin of Flight Academy. Section: Economics, Management and Law 7 (2022): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33251/2707-8620-2022-7-107-115.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract. The author of the article determined the state-legal nature of the danger of the phenomenon of ″rashism″ and made attempts to systematize the state-legal aspects of threats based on the effects on cultural and social life. It was established that the main factors of danger in social and cultural life are: inviolable anti-humanistic socio-cultural policy; there is no culture of international law; a developed policy of distorting real events; lack of culture of high-tech production; self-reliance due to nuclear weapons; socially dangerous orientation of the aggressor country. All these factors reveal the state-legal nature of the danger of the phenomenon of ″racism″ in terms of its impact on social and cultural life. Such a policy is oriented towards the neglect of human and children's rights; ignoring norms of international humanitarian law and basic constitutional principles; the growth of innovative parasitism; violation of international rules of nuclear and radiation safety; the development of policies aimed at socially dependent, low-culture people. All examples of ″rashism″ given in the article confirmed the existence of a powerful mechanism of state influence, which operates in two directions: against one's own people (in the country of the aggressor); against other nations (outside the aggressor country). Such a policy of Russia contradicts the ascending legal principles, universal human values and, accordingly, threatens the security of mankind. At the same time, if the aggressor state uses violence against its citizens, cultural figures do not react to it, or find all kinds of excuses for it. In the case of criminal acts against other peoples, cultural figures direct their efforts to support the misanthropic policy of their state. In this matter, the study of the national legislation of Ukraine through the prism of its provisions that make it possible to effectively fight against manifestations of fascism is promising. Elucidation of these issues will make it possible to distinguish responsibility for crimes characteristic of rashism. Key words: state, legal nature, security, fascism, rashism, human and citizen rights and freedoms, international humanitarian law, rule of law, war crimes, aggressor country, social and cultural life.
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Streletsky, Yakov Ilyich. "The Causes of the Great Patriotic War: Lies and Historical Truth (philosophical and political analysis)". KANT 39, n. 2 (15 giugno 2021): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2222-243x.2021-39.43.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The scientific failure and reactionary political essence of the concept of "preventive war" of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union are presented through the analysis of the philosophy of Nazism in its ontological, axiological and anthropological aspects. The conditions created by the leadership of the leading Western states for the attack of the Third Reich on our country are considered in the main areas of general military life - political, diplomatic, military-technical and spiritual. The purpose of the study is a philosophical and sociological understanding of the causes of the Great Patriotic War, a critical analysis of the politically biased concept of "preventive war" and the goals pursued by its authors and modern Russophobes. The scientific novelty of the article is represented by the original author's analysis of the quintessence of German Nazism – its philosophical basis in its various aspects. The relevance of the study is due to the need for: first, the philosophical understanding of the causes of the Great Patriotic War; secondly, the formation of a scientific worldview and historical memory among Russian youth; third, the protection of historical truth. As a result of the undertaken analysis, the ontological, axiological and anthropological aspects of the philosophy of Nazism are identified, as well as the conditions in various spheres of the social life of the Western countries that made it possible for German fascism to unleash a war against the Soviet Union.
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Vasiliev, V. "German Social Democracy in Uncertain Reality". World Economy and International Relations 67, n. 9 (2023): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-31-47.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes new aspects of the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) against the backdrop of the situation in Europe and in the world, confirming the forecasts made in the author’s previous publications. The party remains an important political force in Europe and globally, influences the development of European social-democratic thought, actively participates in reforming the European Union. The German Social Democrats uphold the principles of liberal democracies, entering into disputes with Budapest and Warsaw in view of their heightened sense of national exclusiveness. The updated conceptual guidelines of the party testify to further tightening of the SPD’s course in the Russian direction. The party does not give an answer to the fundamental questions: how the outlines of a new world order in Europe can be built without the participation of Russia, especially against it; to what extent the turn of the SPD’s top meets the interests of ordinary party members and citizens of the country. The approach of the German Social Democrats may exacerbate the already tense situation. The SPD has forgotten Willy Brandt’s warnings about the inadmissibility of exporting the FRG’s and other Western countries’ model, of imposing certain rules. The military-political choice made by O. Scholz and L. Klingbeil, their definition of February 24, 2022 as drawing a line under the moral and historical responsibility of Berlin for the atrocities of the Nazis, depreciating the important role of Moscow in the defeat of fascism and the reunification of Germany, have become the milestone ideological imperatives of modern Germany. These and other factors will go down in the history of Moscow–Berlin relations as a major mistake of the German Social Democracy. Moscow should not negotiate with those leaders of the SPD who will certainly bring the content of conversations to the attention of Washington, Brussels, Kyiv, Warsaw, Vilnius, Riga. The German ruling class without the sovereignty of its country does not inspire confidence. The trend of expanding hostilities in Ukraine with the use of new types of weapons, a possible direct intervention of NATO countries in the conflict continues. Moscow should clearly analyze the reasons for the rise and fall of the RF–FRG relations, Russia’s miscalculations, and sketch out various scenarios. Despite everything, in Germany, especially in the new federal states, in a part of the SPD, German business and civil society, hopes for normalizing relations with Russia have not been lost completely. Their cautious statements about the common roots of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany belonging to the European civilization cannot but inspire restrained optimism in terms of preserving the experience of dialogue between the two countries.
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Cecchinato, Eva. ""Fascismo garibaldino" e garibaldinismo antifascista. La camicia rossa tra le due guerre di". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n. 32 (dicembre 2009): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
- The essay analyzes the recoveries of the garibaldian tradition in the period among the two world wars. The levels are manifold: the political dimension and the generational aspects, the family genealogies of the garibaldinism and the imaginary genealogies, sometimes interwoven and contrasted. Particular attention has been therefore reserved to the pages of "Camicia rossa", in which take form the perspectives and the claims of the "garibaldian fascism", but some contrasts also manifest themselves among the public use of the history promoted by the regime and the position of Ezio Garibaldi. On the long period the antifascist declination of the garibaldian tradition has in the French context its ground of fundamental development. The diplomatic relationships between Italy and France constitute the background to the dynamics in which the refugees try to create or to preserve a social and political role. The political emigration doesn't give up at all valorizing the patrimony of the Risorgimento in antifascist key. In the environment and on the pages of "Giustizia e Libertŕ" the dispute on the Risorgimento is faced in more systematic way. The recoveries of the garibaldian tradition - fascists and antifascists - concern a fundamental historical knot: the inheritance of the Great War and the choice of the Italian volunteers of the 1914. Recovering a constitutive and native aspect of the camicia rossa, the stories of the garibaldinism in this phase have therefore an international dimension and they are subscribed in a triangular perimeter that has Italy, France and Spain as vertexes.
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Grube, Norbert. "A “New Republic”? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany". Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (27 ottobre 2009): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
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Hearn, Jeff. "So What Has Been, Is, and Might Be Going on in Studying Men and Masculinities?: Some Continuities and Discontinuities". Men and Masculinities 22, n. 1 (12 marzo 2019): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18805550.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Following introductory remarks on how the terms “masculinities” and “men” have been used differentially in recent critical studies on men and masculinities (CSMM), the article reviews some key aspects of CSMM - past, present and future. The diverse influences on CSMM have included various feminisms, gay studies, anti-imperialism, civil rights, anti-racism, green and environmental movements, as well as LGBTIQ+ movements, Critical Race Studies, Globalization/Transnational Studies, and Intersectionality Studies. In the present period, the range of theoretical and political approaches and influences on studies continues to grow, with, for example, queer, post-, post post-, new materialist, posthumanist, and science and technology studies, making for some discontinuities with established masculinities theory. In many regions, there are now more women working explicitly and long-term in the area, even if that is itself not new. CSMM have also become more geographically widespread, more dispersed, more comparative, international, transnational, postcolonial, decolonializing, globally “Southern”, global, globalized and globalizing; this diversifying feature is transforming CSMM. Key areas for future research are identified, including the relations of men and masculinities to: first, ecology, environment and climate change; second, ICTs, social media, AI, robotics and big data; third, transnational/global, transnational institutions and processes; and, fourth, nationalism, racism, authoritarianism, neo-fascism and political masculinism. Together, these make for a “lurking doom”. At the same time, there is a whole range of wider theoretical, methodological, epistemological and ontological questions to be taken up in CSMM much more fully in the future.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Gospodarski in družbeni nazori v slovenskem naprednem taboru, 1930-35. II. del – idejnozgodovinski vidiki". Contributions to Contemporary History 56, n. 2 (9 novembre 2016): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.03.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL VIEWS IN THE SLOVENE PROGRESSIVE CAMP, 1930–35. PART II – THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORICAL ASPECTSIn the period between 1933 and 1935 the ideas about an extended and stronger role of the state in the economic life were inrepressibly spreading throughout Yugoslavia and thus also among the politicians of the Slovene progressive camp. This fact was evident not only from the changed rhetoric, revealing a shift in the political-economic paradigm, but also from the programme documents of the Yugoslav National Party (JNS), which demonstrated a substantive deviation as well as a clear programmatic departure from the liberal principles of the socio-economic order. The aforelying second part of the treatise deals with the following questions: in what way and to what extent did the popular ideas of that time – about building a “new order” and “man” – resonate in the Slovene progressive camp; and whether the economic doctrines were in fact adopted or newly formed (including the ideas about “planned economy” and “corporatist state”). The discussion transcends the framework of party politics and attempts to encompass, from a wider intellectual historical aspect, the various viewpoints which emerged inside the broader ideological camp. These viewpoints ranged from the indisputably liberal to the entirely socialist ones, while also including such which criticised the unbound economy from explicitly liberal positions. Intellectual heterogeneity also manifested in diverse understandings and assessments of the so-called corporatist state. It can be claimed that the “corporatist state” and “planned economy” represented nothing more than fancy slogans and a rhetorical adaptation to the spirit of the age. Kramer's circle was thereby distinctly characterised by a categorical rejection of Nazism, fascism and communism, while the younger generation was more susceptible to certain aspects of the non-liberal “socio-economic models”.
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Adeng, Adeng. "SEJARAH SOSIAL KOTA BEKASI". Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 6, n. 3 (1 settembre 2014): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/ptj.v6i3.171.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstrakKegiatan penelitian dan penulisan sejarah sosial baru dilakukan sekitar tahun 1950-an, baik di negara-negara maju maupun di negara-negara yang sedang berkembang. Di negara-negara yang sedang berkembang seperti Indonesia, kegiatan penelitian dan penulisan Sejarah Sosial masih sedikit dilakukan terutama yang bercorak sejarah sosial daerah. Penelitian dan penulisan sejarah yang sering dilakukan bercorak Sejarah Politik dan Sejarah Militer. Sejarah politik isinya menguraikan tentang pemerintahan kerajaan-kerajaan di Indonesia, pada masa pemerintahan Belanda, dan pendudukan Jepang. Sejarah Militer isinya tentang pertempuran-pertempuran baik melawan agresi Belanda maupun facisme Jepang. Dengan tersusunnya Sejarah Sosial Kota Bekasi diharapkan dapat diperoleh gambaran atau potret seluruh aspek kehidupan sosial daerah Kota Bekasi pada masa kini, dengan latar belakang masa lampau untuk memberikan proyeksi pada masa yang akan datang. Untuk merekontruksi digunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahap, yaitu: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Kota Bekasi sebelumnya sebuah kecamatan dari Kabupaten Bekasi. Pada tahun 1982 Kecamatan Bekasi ditingkatkan statusnya menjadi kota administrasi. Pada tahun 1996 kembali ditingkatkan statusnya menjadi kotamadya. Dalam perkembangannya Kota Bekasi menjadi kawasan industri dan kawasan tempat tinggal kaum urban. Kota yang berada dalam lingkungan megapolitan ini merupakan salah satu kota besar urutan keempat di Indonesia yang terdapat di Provinsi Jawa Barat. AbstractThe Research and writing of the new social history made around the 1950s, both in developed countries and in emerging countries. In countries like Indonesia as one of the emerging countries, research and writing of Social History is few, especially about the history of social region. Research and writing of history is often done patterned with Political History or Military History. The contents of Political history usually outlining with the era of kingdoms, and the governments in Indonesia at the time of Dutch and Japanese occupation. The contents of Military History usually discussed the battles either against the aggression of the Dutch and Japanese fascism. With the completion of the Social History of Bekasi City, hopefully it can get a photograph all aspects of the social life of the city of at present, with a background in the past to provide projections of future. This research used historical method which includes four phases: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. In the past Bekasi well known as sub-district of Bekasi District. In 1982 the sub-district of Bekasi upgraded to municipality or administration city. Bekasi become a city in 1996. In their development, Bekasi become a central of industrial area and as residence of urban society. The town is located in a megapolitan city of Jakarta, and one of the biggest cities in in the province of West Java.
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Vasconcellos, Caio. "Theodor Adorno e as tendências fascistas na democracia". Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 22 (16 maggio 2022): e41422. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2022.1.41422.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A partir da reconstrução de aspectos da teoria social de Theodor Adorno, o objetivo deste artigo é uma interpretação de sua crítica à mecânica de sedução fascista em democracias. Se elementos de continuidade entre o nazifascismo e o imediato pós-guerra nos países centrais já foram ressaltados em Dialética do esclarecimento, Adorno aprofunda suas reflexões sobre condições objetivas e os pressupostos subjetivos que mantinham o fascismo como uma tendência imanente nas chamadas décadas de ouro do capitalismo. Mais do que uma tradicional historiografia das ideias, o propósito deste artigo é também sublinhar contribuições que as interpretações do frankfurtiano podem trazer ao debate sobre a ascensão de líderes e movimentos de direita radical contemporâneos.
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Burrin, Philippe. "Politique et société : les structures du pouvoir dans l'Italie fasciste et l'Allemagne nazie". Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 43, n. 3 (giugno 1988): 615–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1988.283510.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'historiographie des regimes fasciste et nazi montre combien l'histoire comparée demeure une recommandation d'école. En vain chercherait-on parmi les innombrables études publiées dans les trente dernières années un ouvrage abordant de façon comparative l'histoire de ces regimes, ou explorant l'un ou l'autre de leurs aspects, à l'exemple du remarquable travail que Jùrgen Kocka consacra aux cols blancs allemands et américains. Emprise du cadre national sur les études historiques, sans aucun doute, mais aussi peut-être réticence des historiens envers une démarche accaparée dans les années 1960 et 1970 par des politologues à qui seul importait de fixer la formule d'un fascisme générique. Attaché au respect des singularités, l'historien ne pouvait que voir dans des interprétations faisant des regimes allemand et italien l'expression politique d'un stade du capitalisme ou d'une étape de la modernisation, des généralités peu éclairantes, grevées au surplus d'omissions ou de méconnaissances considérables. Ainsi pour ce qui est de l'extermination des juifs, un événement où culminent et se condensent les différences de tous ordres que l'on peut constater entre les deux regimes et que le carcan d'un modèle explicatif global amène presque immanquablement à ignorer ou à aplatir. Même si leur gravité a été longtemps méconnue, les actes de barbarie commis par l'Italie fasciste en Ethiopie sont bien éloignés d'une entreprise de génocide dont la spécificité est d'avoir été idéologiquement motivée, administrativement planifiée et industriellement accomplie.
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Leslie, Esther. "On making-up and breaking-up: woman and ware, craving and corpse in Walter Benjamin's Arcades Project". Historical Materialism 1, n. 1 (1997): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920697100414104.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractWalter Benjamin's writings on the Paris shopping arcades and nineteenth- century urban industrial culture are frequently referenced in contemporary examinations of ‘modernity'. In current cultural studies Benjamin's investigation of the aesthetics of merchandise and his insights into the social fact of mass consumerism are repeatedly invoked. Indeed these investigations may be alluded to even more frequently than reference is made to Benjamin's once much reproduced essay ‘The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction'. A decade and a half ago Benjamin's ‘Artwork’ essay (1935—9) was one of the most frequently cited essays in new art history and cultural studies academic textbooks. To put it crudely, a turnaround has occurred. In the 1970s academic (and non-academic) attention spotlit Benjamin's materialist history of artistic production, distribution and reception as presented in the ‘Artwork’ essay and in ‘The Author as Producer’ (1934). The political events of 1968 had made Benjamin extremely readable. His thoughts discharged after some years delay. Most alluring to the German 68ers were the statements on political art and Benjamin's dissections of fascism. Also entrancing were Benjamin's analyses of experience. Benjamin wrote extensively, and from early on, about ways of expanding the conceptualisation of experience: sometimes philosophically - by means of Kant-critique, sometimes aesthetically — by a probing of surrealism and psychoanalysis, and sometimes practically – through experiments with hashish, which were later written up as protocols. John Berger's Ways of Seeing (1972) represented an original attempt to introduce Benjamin to an English audience, via the appropriately mass mediation of television. Benjamin was adopted as a leftist mascot, and a materialist who could recommend directions for art interpretation and more importantly, cultural practice. The approaches of the 1980s and 1990s, inflected by the priorities of feminist and postmodernist scholarship as they have loomed in cultural studies, art history and sociology, increasingly turned to those aspects of Benjamin's work that appear to illuminate a burgeoning interest in urbanism and consumerism. Interest has shifted away from cultural production and critique towards consumption and characterization. These days, Benjamin is regularly served up as one of the theorists who can vindicate a feel-good consumerism, lending a glamourizing and theoretical loftiness to the activity of shopping. Indeed, far from blasting the chimeras of commodity fetishism, Benjamin becomes the commodity's high-priest.
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Chupriy, L. V. "The ideology of racism and ways of combating it through the formation of a patriotic information policy". Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, n. 29 (26 aprile 2024): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.29.2024.301799.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of the study is to analyze the key foundations of the “ideology of racism” and outline ways to counteract it, in particular, through the formation of a powerful domestic information policy. The methodology is based on the use of the following research methods: historical analysis of documents and events related to the origin and spread of racism; sociological research, analysis of literature and other sources that allow analyzing concepts and ideology of racism, comparative research method, statistical data analysis, mathematical modeling and others. The combination of various research methods provided an opportunity to achieve the set goal and objectives.. Scientific novelty. The main features of “Putinism” in political, ideological, socio-economic and foreign policy aspects are defined. It was determined that the financial and resource base of Russia is the export of raw materials, oil, natural gas, coal, and forest, and not the development of the latest technologies. The management model is revealed, which is formed in such a way that the president is responsible for the implementation of the strategic task of restoring imperial greatness and ensuring national interests in the international arena, and the bureaucratic apparatus of the central government subordinate to him includes two components – power and administrative and economic structures, which must ensure the well-being of the Russian people and their security. Research results. It is proved that racism is widely used to characterize the political ideology and social practice of the criminal regime of Russia in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. It is emphasized that Putin’s regime uses the ideas of the “special civilizational mission” of Russians, the “seniority of the brotherly people” and intolerance to the cultural elements of other nations in everyday affairs. It is noted that the key attributes of “racism” are: the cult of the leader and the cult of the dead, the corporate state (a state where the economic issues of the state are decided by large corporations controlled by the government), a mythical past, censorship, conspiracy theories, centralized propaganda, as well as war and destruction. Attention is focused on the fact that racism is becoming a threat not only to Ukraine, but also to Europe and the world as a whole, as it tries to embody updated forms of fascism and Stalinism, a peculiar symbiosis of them. As a misanthropic ideology, racism promotes any method, including the military, to destroy anyone who does not support this ideology.
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Singer, André. "REGIME AUTOCRÁTICO E VIÉS FASCISTA: UM ROTEIRO EXPLORATÓRIO". Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, n. 116 (maggio 2022): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-053082/116.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumo O artigo explora dois aspectos do triênio 2019-2021 na política brasileira. Investiga-se em qual rumo Jair Bolsonaro, desde a chefia do Poder Executivo, buscou modificar as instituições e, ao mesmo tempo, que tipo de mobilização social suscitou. Argumenta-se que, enquanto as transformações institucionais apontaram para um regime autocrático, o movimento bolsonariano utilizou metodologia fascista. Foram tomados como casos exemplares a luta em torno do controle da Polícia Federal e as técnicas de agitação e propaganda que culminaram nas manifestações de 7 de setembro de 2021.
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Vasconcellos, Caio. "De Adorno a Marx: política e fetichismo". Sociologias 21, n. 52 (dicembre 2019): 220–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/15174522-91328.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é comparar aspectos das interpretações de Karl Marx em 18 brumário de Luís Bonaparte e no ensaio Teoria freudiana e o padrão da propaganda fascista de Theodor Adorno, a respeito do caráter fetichista que se incorpora a instituições e fenômenos políticos no mundo burguês - tanto em sua aurora, quanto em seu desenlace tardio. Em ambas as interpretações há uma curiosa reincidência de personagens e certos procedimentos que estimulariam o povo a agir como massa. Se é possível sublinhar, nas análises de Marx sobre a ascensão de Luís Bonaparte, consequências para a centralização e racionalização do aparato estatal, ressalta-se, por outro lado, o aspecto mitológico e fantasmagórico que organizaria o interior da esfera política. Ao perscrutar o fenômeno do nazifascismo e do antissemitismo moderno, Adorno desenvolve uma interpretação a respeito das bases objetivas e dos mecanismos subjetivos envolvidos na dinâmica da relação entre o líder fascista e a massa de seus seguidores. Também aqui se verifica a atuação de fenômenos fetichizados.
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Milosavljevic, Olivera. "Old values for new times: Svetislav Stefanovic, once and nowadays". Sociologija 52, n. 4 (2010): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1004399m.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After the fall of communism and the collapse of Yugoslavia, the ? new? Serbian elite made a demarcation towards the former state in all aspects, including its interpretation of the past. This phenomenon is especially present in reevaluations of the fascist ideology of 1930s which is often relativized to the point of unrecognizability by adducing positive facts. A characteristic example discussed in this paper is the defense of Dr Svetislav Stefanovic?s ideological principles by his contemporary biographers.
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Серова, О. Е. "HISTORICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTION SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES OF THE PSYCHOLOGICAL INSTITUTE DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR". Институт психологии Российской академии наук. Социальная и экономическая психология, n. 1(17) (31 marzo 2020): 6–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.38098/ipran.sep.2020.17.1.001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Предметом исследования выступил Психологический институт как единый коллективный субъект интеллектуального и нравственного сопротивления в экстремальных условиях Великой Отечественной войны . Представлены результаты историко-психологической реконструкции событий его военной истории. На основании базы архивных источников воссоздан целостный континуум состояния и развития научных исследований в Психологическом институте, включающий работы по военной психологии, общепсихологической проблематике, вопросам педагогической психологии, психологии творчества и др. Приведены классификация научных направлений исследований сотрудников института и аналитическое описание всего массива изысканий, выполненных в их рамках. На основе документальных материалов доказан научный вклад Института в дело повышения боеспособности советских солдат путем совершенствования психологических методов ведения боя; создания научной системы маскировки советских городов, промышленных объектов, боевого личного состава, военной техники; разработки комплекса средств нейропсихологической и личностно ориентированной реабилитации раненых; создания системы методов информационного противостояния антигуманной идеологии фашизма; формирования комплекса психологических средств нравственно-патриотического воспитания представителей разных социальных страт - военнослужащих, руководящих работников, рабочих предприятий разного профиля, сотрудников научных учреждений, педагогов, учащихся вузов и школ; развертывания и осуществления консультативной и научно-методической помощи коллегам из всех регионов страны; проведения образовательной и просветительской работы, направленной на распространение и популяризацию научно-психологических знаний. Доказана несостоятельность гипотезы о тотальной неготовности советской психологической науки к войне, а также подтвержден паритет, существовавший в понимании значимости разработки теоретических и прикладных аспектов психологического исследования. Показана роль интеллектуально-нравственного потенциала знаний военной истории отечественной психологии в контексте современных геополитических процессов. The subject of the study was the Psychological Institute as a single collective subject of intellectual and moral resistance in the extreme conditions of the great Patriotic war. Some results of historical and psychological reconstruction of the events of its military history are presented. Based on the database of archival sources, a complete continuum of the state and development of scientific research at the Psychological Institute has been recreated, including research on military psychology, General psychological issues, issues of pedagogical psychology, psychology of creativity, and others. The classification of scientific research directions of employees of the Psychological Institute and an analytical description of the entire array of studies performed in their framework are given. On the basis of documentary materials, the scientific contribution of the Psychological Institute to improving the combat capability of Soviet soldiers by improving psychological methods of combat; creating a scientific system for masking Soviet cities, industrial facilities, combat personnel, and military equipment; developing a set of tools for neuropsychological and personality-oriented rehabilitation of the wounded; creating a system of methods for information opposition to the anti-human ideology of fascism; the formation of the complex psychological means of moral and Patriotic education of representatives of different social strata, soldiers, managers, workers of the enterprises of different profile, academics, teachers, students, universities and schools; the deployment and implementation of Advisory and methodological assistance to colleagues from all regions of the country; carry out educational work aimed at the dissemination and popularization of scientific psychological knowledge. The author proves the failure of the hypothesis about the total unpreparedness of Soviet psychological science for war and the parity that existed in understanding the importance of developing theoretical and applied aspects of psychological research. The role of the intellectual and moral potential of knowledge of the military history of Russian psychology in the context of modern geopolitical processes is shown.
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TUROLDO, FABRIZIO. "Aiding and Abetting Suicide: The Current Debate in Italy". Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 30, n. 1 (29 dicembre 2020): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180120000626.
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AbstractThe article analyzes the recent ruling of the Italian Constitutional Court amending article 580 of the Italian Criminal Code, relating to aid and incitement to suicide. According to the first Assize Court of Milan, article 580, conceived in 1930, reflects the fascist culture of its author. The problem of the Constitutional Court was therefore to establish whether a democratic state can still place limits on aid for suicide and in what terms it can do so.
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Wright, Walter. "Historical Analogies, Slippery Slopes, and the Question of Euthanasia". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 28, n. 2 (2000): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2000.tb00008.x.
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The German Nazi regime has become a standard model for unspeakable things that one should reject. Contemporary people will characterize political opponents, benighted policies, and other undesirable things as “fascist” or “Nazi.” In ethics, and medical ethics in particular, this analogy arises regularly. Therefore, it is not surprising that German people are particularly sensitive about their history. For example, the German high court regularly refers to the Nazi era in its reluctance to accept lethal social activities. This sensitivity surfaced again in 1988, when influential applied ethicist Peter Singer accepted a German invitation to speak to a Symposium on “Bioengineering, Ethics, and Mental Disability.” Singer had also agreed to deliver a separate lecture on the topic “Do severely disabled newborn infants have a right to life?”
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GALÉ ARGUDO, Miguel Jesús. "Democracia y derechos humanos en la filosofía de Theodor W. Adorno". Bajo Palabra, n. 9 (30 dicembre 2014): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/bp2014.9.003.
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Si bien la cuestión relativa a los derechos humanos, a su legitimidad y función social no constituye un tema a priori decisivo en la filosofía de Theodor W. Adorno, sí es por el contrario una cuestión que aborda el autor que nos va a ocupar en las líneas que siguen. Y lo hace de tal modo que a través del tratamiento de dicha cuestión se suministran importantes claves a propósito de otros aspectos decisivos de su teoría; a saber: las relativas a la cosificación y objetivación del individuo en el capitalismo tardío y a la necesidad de articular una antropogénesis del fascismo.
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Usón Pérez, Valentín. "Karl Mannheim (1893-1947) la construcción social de la libertad". Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, n. 62 (12 marzo 2024): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.62.83.
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Karl Mannheim (1893-1947), más conocido por su Sociología del Conocimiento, expulsado de Alemania en 1933 y refugiado en Inglaterra, centra su interés teórico en un análisis de los factores sociales que han conducido al fracaso de las democracias liberales, al auge de los fascismos y, finalmente, la Segunda Gran Guerra. De ahí inferirá la necesidad de una reorganización social que, con la ayuda de las ciencias y técnicas sociales, restablezca las condiciones para un consenso básico y un proyecto de convivencia en libertad. Tal es la meta de una planificación racional de los aspectos relevantes de la vida pública, planificación democrática o "planificación para la libertad". La última etapa de este pensador tendrá un interés práctico, en respuesta a los acontecimientos traumáticos que le toca vivir
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Bigolin Neto, Pedro, e Jose Rodrigo Rodriguez. "“Quando o fascismo se tornava cada vez mais forte”: Direito e emancipação em Franz Neumann e Boaventura de Sousa Santos". Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea 1, n. 2 (25 luglio 2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21875/tjc.v1i2.5460.
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<p><strong>RESUMO:</strong></p><p>Este trabalho tem por objetivo trazer as contribuições teóricas de Franz Neumann e Boaventura de Sousa Santos no que tange ao direito e à emancipação. Primeiro são resgatados aspectos históricos das relações entre Estado, Direito e capitalismo. Em seguida são traçadas algumas características das perspectivas dos pensadores, que são posteriormente analisadas em conjunto. Com formações e vivências diversas, os dois autores contribuem para se pensar formas de emancipação social a partir do Direito, ambos polissêmicos. Constata-se semelhanças e divergências entre suas propostas, as últimas notadamente na visão a respeito do direito, que enriquecem o debate atual. Enquanto aquele trabalha primordialmente numa concepção estatal, este transita do local ao global. Ambos enxergam no capitalismo uma barreira para a emancipação e consideram imprescindível transformar os campos estatais, sociais e jurídicos nas páginas da história humana. As próximas, em branco, estão em disputa. A pesquisa é de cunho bibliográfico.</p><p> <strong>ABSTRACT:</strong></p><p>This paper aims to bring theoretical contributions from Franz Neumann and Boaventura de Sousa Santos regarding to law and emancipation. Firstly, historical aspects of relations between State, Law and capitalism are retrieved. Hereupon, some characteristics concerning the two thinkers’ perspectives are outlined and then analyzed en bloc. Having distinct formations and experiences, the two authors contribute to think forms of social emancipation through law, both polissemic terms. Similarities and divergences between their propositions are evidenced, namely in their visions concerning law, which enriches the current debate. While Neumann works mainly in a stateview, Santos transits from local to global. Both see in capitalism a hurdle to emancipation and consider vital to transform state, social and juridical fields in the pages of human history. The next ones, in blank, are in dispute. The research is bibliographical.</p>
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Miranda, Antonio. "La fiesta falsificada". Astrágalo. Cultura de la Arquitectura y la Ciudad, n. 14 (2000): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/astragalo.2000.i14.03.
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El autor imagina la gran fiesta como la nueva utopía posible o la ciudad ilustrada sin clases y sin manipulaciones del capital. El aspecto festivo de las producciones capitalistas no hace más que proporcionar evasión de fa realidad y oscurantismo sirviéndose de la falsificación y la mentira de lo estético artístico. La fiesta enmascara la opresión social bajo la forma del anarquismo en sus dos facetas: neoliberal y fascista.
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Schoijet, Mauricio. "La recepción e impacto de las ideas de Malthus sobre la población / Reception and Impact on Malthus’ Ideas on Population". Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos 20, n. 3 (1 settembre 2005): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/edu.v20i3.1210.
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En este artículo se analizan varios elementos de la obra de Thomas Malthus sobre población, en particular la recepción de su teoría y su posición política. Se resumen las críticas políticas, ideológicas y científicas que ha recibido, y se examinan asuntos hasta ahora no tratados por otros comentaristas, como es el caso de las excepciones admitidas por Malthus respecto al papel de las relaciones sociales feudales en la agricultura de Polonia y Rusia. Se sugiere que pese a que su teoría tendía a reforzar la pesada represión social y sexual existente, Malthus no fue apoyado por la burguesía británica (contrariamente a la apreciación de Marx). Se deduce que Malthus no percibió cabalmente los avances de la agricultura, y se refuta la tesis de Donald Winch de que habría sido un liberal de izquierda en política pues si bien en algunos aspectos se le puede considerar progresista, en otros, esenciales, conservador extremadamente represivo o protofascista, incluso precursor de la teoría de los golpes de Estado. AbstractThis article analyzes several elements of the work of Thomas Malthus on the population, particularly as regards the reception of his theory and political position. It summarizes the political, ideological and scientific criticisms he received and examines issues that have hitherto not been dealt with by other commentators, such as the exceptions admitted by Malthus regarding the role of feudal social relations in the agriculture of Poland and Russia. The author suggests that although his theory tended to reinforce the harsh social and sexual repression that existed at the time, Malthus was not supported by the British bourgeoisie (as opposed to what Marx thought). He also suggests that Malthus failed to grasp the extent of the advances in agriculture and refutes Donald Winch’s theory that he was a leftist liberal in politics, since although he can be considered progressive in some respects, in other essential aspects he is an extremely repressive, proto-fascist conservative, and even a forerunner of the theory of coups d’état.
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NIKIFORENKO, VOLODYMYR, YURII KURYLIUK e IGOR KUKIN. "GEOSTRATEGIC ASPECTS OF GLOBAL SECURITY (USING THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIAN AGGRESSION)". 12 12, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2022): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/1202170175.
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This article examines the issue of violation of the principle of territorial integrity (integrity) or political independence of states from 1946 to 2022. The approach is based on the study and understanding of domestic and foreign literary sources, statistics, legal acts. Russia gained the status of an independent entity in the international arena immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost immediately, it began to show signs of aggression. To promote its geopolitical ambitions, it uses gaps in international law, information and psychological measures, corruption, mercenaries, collaborators, blackmail, the law of force, and tries to rewrite history. The course of military conflicts involving Russia in the Republic of Moldova, Chechnya, Georgia, Syria and Ukraine shows that the scale of violations of international treaties, human rights and the rules of warfare has increased in line with the strengthening of its military capabilities. During the hostilities on the territory of independent Ukraine, Russia showed a complete list of signs of aggression, as defined by UN General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of December 14, 1974. This shows that before the armed attack on Ukraine, the aggressor was convinced that it could not be brought to justice and punished. It also hoped that his next victim would not be able to receive international political, economic, military and social assistance. Some actions of Russia in the international arena have signs of state terrorism. During the last ten years, a fascist regime has formed in Russia. The abuse of the veto did not lead to the expulsion of the aggressor country from the UN Security Council. To stop Russia’s aggression and prevent similar developments in the future, the issues of improving international law, bringing to justice the political and military leadership of the republic of Belarus and the Russian federation, improving the UN Charter, the powers of the UN General Assembly, depriving Russia of the right to participate in peacekeeping operations.
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De Oliveira Becker, Jean Lucca, e Renato Duro Dias. "Em tempos de fascismo social, calar é consentir: Direitos Humanos no contexto do Curso de Direito da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande/RS e a realidade denunciada por Boaventura de Sousa Santos." Revista Videre 10, n. 19 (27 giugno 2018): 350–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30612/videre.v10i19.5501.
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Este artigo problematiza a educação superior jurídica e as potencialidades que o ensino do direito pode trazer para a pós-modernidade, especialmente as práticas em direitos humanos. Em tempos de fascismo em que índices de intolerância, violência e desagregação social se expressam de maneira acentuada, calar é consentir. Neste sentido, a educação não pode ser vista nem tratada de forma isolada e desconexa com os outros contextos, envolvendo, assim, aspectos da dupla obrigação política qual seja, vertical e horizontal, na qual nos encontramos. Igualmente, o Curso de Direito da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande – FURG, no Rio Grande do Sul, neste conjunto, parece estar comprometido com a transformação das relações sectárias que definem a sociedade contemporânea. A Universidade deve ter por responsabilidade e princípio o fomento de novas formas de ação e interação pautadas pela solidariedade e pelo trabalho colaborativo, com vistas a consolidar uma prática social que priorize o cuidado com o outro, fortalecendo os sentimentos de pertença, segurança e confiança. Um processo de democratização, descolonização e desmercadorização que objetiva, sobretudo, a construção de ensino jurídico baseado nos direitos humanos e na justiça social. A investigação de abordagem qualitativa está alicerçada em uma revisão de literatura e na análise das mensagens sociológicas expressas nos documentos curriculares, projetos políticos pedagógicos e planos de ensino.
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Piotrowski, Grzegorz. "Acting Alone Together: Reconfiguration of the Pro-Migrant and Refugee Activists’ Arena in Poland". Teoria Polityki 7 (30 giugno 2023): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.23.010.17523.
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The sphere of grassroots and civil activism became highly politicized before the 2015 elections. The introduction of the new policies has resulted in higher levels of mobilizations, both supporting and resisting the new policies of the PiS government. For instance, Poland has switched from a country with the highest acceptance rate for refugees in the EU to the one with the lowest rate within around a year sparking a number of anti-migrant and anti-refugee mobilizations and at the same time fueled the growth of initiatives opposing the trend. The narrative about masses of refugees in Poland and at its borders threatening various aspects of Polish culture, civilization, and identity started to keep heat in the bed and have provoked numerous intended and unintended consequences, political and social, so as further campaigns against LGBT community. In this paper I reflect on the development of the anti-fascist and anti-racist movements in Poland in the face of structural changes that are a result of the political shift initiated in 2015.
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Langman, Lauren. "From Virtual Public Spheres to Global Justice: A Critical Theory of Internetworked Social Movements". Sociological Theory 23, n. 1 (marzo 2005): 42–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2751.2005.00242.x.
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From the early 1990s when the EZLN (the Zapatistas), led by Subcommandte Marcos, first made use of the Internet to the late 1990s with the defeat of the Multilateral Agreement on Trade and Investment and the anti-WTO protests in Seattle, Quebec, and Genoa, it became evident that new, qualitatively different kinds of social protest movements were emergent. These new movements seemed diffuse and unstructured, yet at the same time, they forged unlikely coalitions of labor, environmentalists, feminists, peace, and global social justice activists collectively critical of the adversities of neoliberal globalization and its associated militarism. Moreover, the rapid emergence and worldwide proliferation of these movements, organized and coordinated through the Internet, raised a number of questions that require rethinking social movement theory. Specifically, the electronic networks that made contemporary globalization possible also led to the emergence of “virtual public spheres” and, in turn, “Internetworked Social Movements.” Social movement theory has typically focused on local structures, leadership, recruitment, political opportunities, and strategies from framing issues to orchestrating protests. While this tradition still offers valuable insights, we need to examine unique aspects of globalization that prompt such mobilizations, as well as their democratic methods of participatory organization and clever use of electronic media. Moreover, their emancipatory interests become obscured by the “objective” methods of social science whose “neutrality” belies a tacit assent to the status quo. It will be argued that the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory offers a multi-level, multi-disciplinary approach that considers the role of literacy and media in fostering modernist bourgeois movements as well as anti-modernist fascist movements. This theoretical tradition offers a contemporary framework in which legitimacy crises are discussed and participants arrive at consensual truth claims; in this process, new forms of empowered, activist identities are fostered and negotiated that impel cyberactivism.
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Борисов, B., e О. Левін. "PARTICIPATION OF INTELLIGENCE IN THE WORK OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES IN 1941-1943." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, n. 15 (5 febbraio 2020): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11933.
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The processes that took place in the public life of our country at those stages of its historical development, when the issue of preserving the Ukrainian statehood, were of great interest in the context of the implementation of the “decentralization” reform and the growing role of local self-government in modern Ukraine. In this context, the issues of participation of the Ukrainian intellectuals in the work of local self-government bodies (“Ukrainian subsidiary administrations”) during the difficult period of the German-fascist occupation of the territory of Ukraine in 1941-1944 are of current relevance. In the first weeks of the war with the Soviet Union, the fascist leadership decisively eliminated all attempts by Ukrainian nationalists to recreate the Ukrainian state in any form. The occupied territories were artificially divided into several administrative territorial units. On August 20, 1941, the Reich Commissariat of Ukraine was formed, which included ten occupied regions of Ukraine, including Dnipropetrovsk.On the initiative of P.T. Sokolovsky, The “Committee of Managing Propagandists” was established in the city and solemnly celebrated the second anniversary of “liberation” of Dnepropetrovsk “from the Bolsheviks” on August 25, 1943. The views of P.T. Sokolovsky were shared by many of his subordinates. Propaganda of the ideas of the new totalitarian ideology certainly met the requirements of the occupying power. Analyzing the article, we can conclude that the activities of the local intellectuals in the “Ukrainian Supplementary Authority” of Dnepropetrovsk were fully subordinated to the economic needs of the occupiers. However, the city government resolved the issues of social security of the population, preservation of the infrastructure and economic objects of the city by serving the occupying power. That is why the study of the positive aspects of the participation of the intellectuals in the work of the city government of Dnepropetrovsk in the complex historical period of 1941–1943 is a prospect for further investigation of this problem.
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Shikunova, I. A., e P. P. Shcherbinin. "Political lessons of the medical aspects of the Holocaust through the prism of the evolution of german medicine". Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, n. 3 (43) (2023): 224–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.23.
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The study of the rejection of the moral principles of medical workers and scientists, their societies and academic institutions in favor of a murderous ideology raises fundamental concerns and global implications for the education and practice of current and future medical workers. The worst-case scenario in medicine raises deeply disturbing but important questions here and now: could the Holocaust, one of the greatest evils ever committed against humanity, happen without the complicity of doctors, their societies and the scientific professional community? How did healers become murderers? Could it happen again? The political component of the perception and translation of the lessons and consequences of the Holocaust reflects the clash of universal values, concepts, ideological collisions, including the relations of power and society, the individual and the state, political institutions and everyday practices of individual citizens, political elites and party groups. The source database includes a wide range of historical evidence, including memoirs of witnesses of the Holocaust era, reviews of psychiatrists who were experts at the Nuremberg trials, as well as data from surveys of contemporaries about the political lessons of the Holocaust. The methodological base included the whole complex of historical, social and political approaches, taking into account the methods of the history of everyday life, law, and political issues. The terminology on the problems of the Holocaust was clarified through the prism of medical experiments during the Second World War of 1939-1945. A critical understanding of the historiographical and source-based traditions of the study of the topic "The Holocaust and medicine" in both domestic and foreign scientific communities has been carried out. Obvious deformations of the interpretation of the Holocaust have been revealed in a number of works by American researchers. The assessments of the outstanding psychiatrist Yevgeny Konstantinovich Krasnushkin, who represented the expert community at the Nuremberg trial of Nazi war criminals in 1945, were introduced into scientific circulation. The involvement of memoirs of Holocaust survivors and witnesses of Nazi crimes makes it possible to reconstruct and retransmit amazing pages of survival in the era of Nazism and totalitarianism. The use of private historical methods details the reliable and valuable evidence of atrocities and bullying of concentration camp prisoners under the fascist regime reflected in memoirs, preserved records of contemporaries. The modern medical community, including students, residents of medical universities, are very attentive and sensitive to the consequences of this practice of Nazi Germany, but only if they get acquainted with the medical aspects of the Holocaust during their studies. It is concluded that the Nazi racial laws were mastered, and quite successfully justified not only by the luminaries of German medicine, but often by ordinary representatives of the medical community, which often turned doctors into accomplices in criminal activities during the reign of Hitler. It is proved that memorializing the historical memory of the Holocaust tragedy, including through the prism of medical experiments on people, can hinder the development of neo-Nazi views, nationalism and extremism, antiSemitism and xenophobia in modern society. The political aspects of studying the problem of the Holocaust in modern Russia are convincingly detailed, which reflects the urgent sociopsychological, everyday, ethno-confessional needs of the development of the population of the Russian Federation, including civil society and public initiatives for the formation of tolerance, respect for human rights and ethnic integrity, and identity.
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Almarcha Barbado, Amparo. "Bibliografía sobre sociología de la educación en España". Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, n. 2 (15 marzo 2024): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.2.115.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Se ofrece una perspectiva de la historia de la sociología de la educación en España. En ella se muestra la crisis de crecimiento que afecta a las producciones en este ámbito de conocimiento entre los años 1917 y 1940, así como el enorme aumento que tiene lugar entre los años 1940 y 1960. Se consideran los aspectos relativos al desarrollo económico, la estratificación social, las relaciones entre los profesores y el alumnado y el proceso de cambio social en el modo en que dichos aspectos afectan a la educación. En términos políticos, se distinguen tres etapas: (1) La etapa fascista, 1939-1951. (2) El intento de renovación entre los años 1951 y 1956, cuando, estando J. R. Jiménez a cargo del Ministerio de Educación, tuvo lugar una relativa liberalización intelectual que culminaría con la primera crisis de la universidad. (3) El período de la Ley General de Educación, entre 1956 y 1970. Se examinan publicaciones de organizaciones públicas y privadas, como por ejemplo el Sindicato Nacional de enseñanza y el Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Se destaca la contribución del Instituto de Opinión Pública, convertido en 1978 en el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, en el área de la investigación centrada en la educación. Finalmente se comentan tendencias y escuelas de pensamiento, entre las que destacan la escuela de Granada, comprometida con la democratización de la educación, la Fundación Moncada-Kajón, centrada en la investigación de la administración educativa y de las reformas de la enseñanza, y el Instituto de Sociología y Pastoral Aplicada en Barcelona, de influencia católica.
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Pacheco, Gabriela Santi. "Entre Plínio Salgado e Miguel Reale". Oficina do Historiador 15, n. 1 (31 gennaio 2022): e41069. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/2178-3748.2022.1.41069.
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O corporativismo foi um dos mais influentes modelos autoritários de representação da primeira metade do século XX, desenvolvendo-se tanto na Europa como em outras partes do mundo, como é o caso do Brasil, onde diversos intelectuais elaboraram teorias permeadas pela ideia do Estado corporativo enquanto forma de organização política e social. Destacam-se, dentre outros, Plínio Salgado e Miguel Reale, líderes da Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB) – movimento de inspiração fascista criado em 1932, que se baseava em preceitos nacionalistas, antiliberais e anticomunistas e tinha como objetivo central instaurar o “Estado Integral”, pautado pelo teor nacional-corporativo. Partindo da análise histórica comparativa, cujo traço distintivo é a investigação de trajetórias singulares a fim de compreender fenômenos da história mundial, tem-se o objetivo de analisar como as trajetórias individuais de Salgado e Reale influenciaram na formulação de suas teorias acerca do corporativismo, haja vista que, apesar de partilharem ideias em relação a diversos aspectos doutrinários acerca do movimento integralista, existem particularidades e divergências na elaboração do pensamento de cada um desses intelectuais.
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Chatzidimou, Konstantinos D., e Pela A. Stravakou. "The Teaching and Learning of German as a Foreign Language in Greece – A Critical Investigation and Assessment". Journal of Advances in Education and Philosophy 8, n. 01 (30 gennaio 2024): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/jaep.2024.v08i01.003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is commonplace that the knowledge and use of foreign languages contribute positively to various and diverse fields in all countries of the world as well as to many social, cultural, labour, commercial, economic, political discussions and interactions of any civil society. Their role has been decisive in the past, still is today and it is more than evident that foreign languages will continue to play a decisive role in the future, especially on the personal, collective, state and cross-border levels, due to the ever-increasing mobility of people, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, from one continent to another, from one country on the same continent to another, from one poor, war-torn, oppressive and fascist country to a peaceful, democratic one, from one democratic country to another democratic one, etc. In particular, it plays a key role in: a. the acceptance of others with different origins, culture, religion, language, etc.; b. the mutual understanding, communication and the establishment of social relations between citizens of different cultures; c. the intellectual cultivation, cultural exchange, personal, professional rehabilitation and development of people; d. the conception and understanding of citizens that education and culture are the main pillars of the economic development of a country and of each individual; e. the cultivation and promotion of interdisciplinarity and the general progress of science and research; f. the friendship between States; g. the diplomatic (inter)negotiations, commercial transactions, various agreements between States. The present paper has been written for all these reasons and a few more discussed further on. It studies in a critical-interpretative way various aspects of the teaching and learning of German as a foreign language in Greece, a language spoken by several million people all over the world.
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Goretti Rodrigues, Guilherme, Dileno Dustan Lucas de Souza e Ramofly Bicalho. "Campesinato, movimentos sociais populares e a construção da hegemonia: contribuições do pensamento de Gramsci". Perspectivas em Diálogo: revista de educação e sociedade 8, n. 18 (15 dicembre 2021): 244–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.55028/pdres.v8i18.13289.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Este artigo tem por objetivo compreender o lugar do campesinato no processo revolucionário, tomando como reflexão o protagonismo dos movimentos sociais populares no contexto brasileiro. Para tanto, o pensamento filosófico, social, político-econômico e militante de Antônio Gramsci é essencial para refletirmos e analisarmos acerca das tarefas políticas e educativas da classe trabalhadora para a construção de outra hegemonia, de homens e mulheres de novo tipo, que configure na superação do capitalismo e consequente fim da exploração humana e de classe. Tais tarefas, como possibilidade histórica real, envolvem, no pensamento gramsciano, aspectos tais como a elevação da consciência crítica das massas populares, o papel dos intelectuais orgânicos e do partido. Apesar de considerar o protagonismo operário na condução do processo revolucionário, em condições historicamente situadas e determinadas (a Itália e a Europa no início do século XX), Gramsci não se abstém de analisar a condição do/da camponês/a no contexto italiano, deixando uma importante contribuição para o atual tempo histórico. Trata-se de um trabalho de cunho teórico e qualitativo, que busca traçar aspectos do pensamento de Gramsci e atualizá-los para a realidade brasileira, utilizando também de outros autores do campo marxista. Em um momento de emergência do discurso conservador e fascista, faz-se necessário recuperar os pressupostos revolucionários, a causalidade histórica, que culmine efetivamente na construção da hegemonia do conjunto da classe trabalhadora
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Gargiulo, Marco, e Antonio Catolfi. "Lingua e spazio urbano a Roma nel racconto di Ettore Scola. Il caso di Una giornata particolare (1977)". Bergen Language and Linguistics Studies 10, n. 1 (7 novembre 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bells.v10i1.1561.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article aims to focus on two main aspects of Rome urban space vision and representation through Ettore Scola’s filmography: on the one hand, we try to decode the interconnections between languages and cinematic architectural space and, on the other hand, we intend to disclose how Scola meant to create a connection between his personal cinematic narrative and the tangled urban space in the city of Rome.
Our investigation is mainly focused on the so called “urban village” Palazzo Federici, a town within the city, which is the A Special Day and The Story of a Poor Young Man’s main location.
Palazzo Federici is an architectural complex of 400 dwellings designed by architect Mario De Renzi and built between 1931 and 1937; it is an ideal place to describe a hive shape building, with a squared structure inspired to a small fortified town, with a central courtyard and an empty fountain, that can represent the different faces of the suffocating fascist regime. The interrelation between the social and the architectural structures and between the mental and urban space anatomies are evident in these two films.
Palazzo Federici is a protagonist in the story narrated during the visit of Hitler in Rome, the 6th May 1938, the Special Day when Antonietta (Sophia Loren) and Gabriele (Marcello Mastroianni) meet, and it leads the characters as a dark set for the Story of a Poor Young Man where it describes the drama of human solitude and desperation in a labyrinthine urban environment in Rome.
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Jelušić, Iva, Anna Sidorevich e Justina Smalkyte. "Cartography of Resistance: Zagreb 1941-1945: An interview". Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 9, n. 1 (28 dicembre 2023): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2023.e1401.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of Zagreb, a few interested researchers and activists, supported by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe (RLS SEE) in partnership with Zagreb-based curatorial collective [BLOK], started to work on a project entitled Cartography of Resistance [Kartografija otpora]. The starting point is the underground networks established for the purpose of resistance to the fascist Ustasha [Ustaša] authorities during the Second World War on the territory of the Yugoslav countries (1941-1945), which were rooted in the interwar left-oriented labor movement and activism of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia [Komunistička partija Jugoslavije, KPJ]. The research has been carried out in two phases; during 2015 and 2016, and from 2020 until 2022. Both focused on spatial, organizational, political, gender and social aspects of the resistance movement. During the first phase emerged the website “kartografija-otpora.org” that mapped the resistance on the territory of the city of Zagreb. On the basis of research carried out in the second phase, the book entitled Kartografija otpora: Zagreb 1941.-1945. (ed. Josip Jagić, Marko Kostanić) was written and published. The book consists of nine chapters total, where the first three, written by Karlo Držaić, Saša Vejzagić and Josip Jagić, deal with the general institutional and social history of the resistance movement. Krešimir Zovak in his contribution tackles the Peoples’ Justice [Narodna Pravda], exploring controversial topic of Partisan courts. Barbara Blasin wrote about Antifascist Women’s Front in Zagreb, while Ana Lovreković dealt with women working for the Party’s Local Committee. Petra Šarin wrote about Agitprop and the underground printing services. Stefan Treskanica and Goran Korov, members of the team from 2015, investigated the phenomenon of Peoples’ Aid [Narodna pomoć] and explored the activities of the KPJ in the prewar period, between 1931 and 1941. The website was also updated on the basis of these findings with more than 200 locations of terror and resistance. We asked the contributors about the content and specific importance of this book.