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1
Fonio, Chiara, e Stefano Agnoletto. "Surveillance, Repression and the Welfare State: Aspects of Continuity and Discontinuity in post-Fascist Italy". Surveillance & Society 11, n. 1/2 (27 maggio 2013): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i1/2.4449.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper seeks to explore political, cultural, legal and socio-economic legacies of the Fascist regime (1922-1943) in Italy. With the fall of the regime, in fact, the overall surveillance apparatus did not fade away. Former fascists were not purged from political and cultural life and very few were found guilty. The transition to democracy was thus marked by a substantial continuity of men and institutions (Della Porta and Reiter 2004) due to the active involvement of ex-OVRA (Organization of Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) officers in public institutions (Author 2011). It comes as no surprise that forms of pervasive non-technological social control continued for more than twenty years after the fall of the duce. Moreover, police state surveillance was combined with a meaningful continuity in other areas. For instance, the welfare state immediately after World War II was actually based upon the model built during Fascism. The “Fascist Social State” (Silei, 2000) had a corporative and authoritarian inspiration and was a strategy of social control and a tool to create consensus. In the 1950s and 1960s the institutional features of the Italian social security system remained fundamentally unchanged (Giorgi, 2009; Silei, 2000): an excess of bureaucracy and discretionary power; a system based on specific categories of people needing assistance and not on a more universal approach. The Italian post-fascist experience is a paradigmatic case-study that allows us to deal with ambiguities of the welfare state experience, described either as a tool of social control or as a vector of social justice. This paper is an attempt to analyze “social control strategies” in post-Fascist Italy with a focus both on aspects of continuity and on crucial socio-political discontinuities that are often overlooked in the literature.
2
Grasso, Mirko. "Salvemini, militant historian, and his publications on Fascism". Modern Italy 28, n. 4 (19 ottobre 2023): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2023.44.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis essay analyses Salvemini's major works on Fascism, namely The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1927), Mussolini Diplomate (1932) and Under the Axe of Fascism (1936). The focus of this analysis is twofold: to explore both Salvemini's methodology and the events leading to the publication of these works. In The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy, Salvemini examines the origins and the rise of Mussolini's movement, highlighting the complicity of the monarchy, the army, and industrial magnates. In Mussolini Diplomate, he analyses Fascist foreign policy from 1922 to 1932, in which Salvemini is unable to identify a consistent strategy, but only a propagandistic approach aiming to foster diplomatic relations. In Under the Axe of Fascism, Salvemini dissects Fascist economics, debunking the idea that the corporate state was an original and equitable compromise in the conflict between capital and labour, as was being portrayed abroad. An analysis of these three volumes brings into focus some noteworthy aspects of Salvemini's so-called ‘historiographical workshop’, which have hitherto been overlooked by historians (such as his adept use of sources and his endeavour to combine social sciences and economics), as well as underscoring his ability to forge cultural and intellectual networks, an essential element for undertaking such a complex task.
3
Marcello, Flavia. "Mussolini and the idealisation of Empire: the Augustan Exhibition of Romanità". Modern Italy 16, n. 3 (agosto 2011): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.586497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Augustan Exhibition ofRomanità, held in Rome's Palazzo delle Esposizioni between 1937 and 1938, exemplifies the aestheticisation, ritualisation and sacralisation of politics during the Fascist era in Italy. This article conducts a multi-layered spatial analysis of the exhibition that considers space as passively experienced, as an agent to re-map memory, as a mediator between intention and reception and as having both physical and mental characteristics. The relative sizes of the spaces, their sequence and their axial placement within the Palazzo's plan were the most powerful forces that conveyed the exhibition's overall political and social aims. TheMostra Augustea della Romanità(MAR) is here analysed as a form of historical representation with a specific narrative which is played out within an orchestrated space in order to create and reinforce a (Fascist) political identity. The idea of Rome took on material aspects through a kind of ‘recognition effect’ for the visitor by presentingRomanitàas a collective mirror in which to view an image of their own social visage. Thus an active connection would, according to the organisers, be forged between a Roman past and a Fascist present, and its two leaders and creators, Augustus and Mussolini, as well as between the individual and society. TheMARalso demonstrates the prevalence of the cult of Il Duce in Fascist society and its importance for maintaining high levels of consent. With its focus on a particular view of the ancient world, theMARwas an ephemeral event that acted as teleological justification for the advent and supposed permanence of Fascism, which at the same time presented itself as a unique archaeological, scientific and educational document of the Roman world.
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Cecchinato, Eva. ""Fascismo garibaldino" e garibaldinismo antifascista. La camicia rossa tra le due guerre di". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n. 32 (dicembre 2009): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
- The essay analyzes the recoveries of the garibaldian tradition in the period among the two world wars. The levels are manifold: the political dimension and the generational aspects, the family genealogies of the garibaldinism and the imaginary genealogies, sometimes interwoven and contrasted. Particular attention has been therefore reserved to the pages of "Camicia rossa", in which take form the perspectives and the claims of the "garibaldian fascism", but some contrasts also manifest themselves among the public use of the history promoted by the regime and the position of Ezio Garibaldi. On the long period the antifascist declination of the garibaldian tradition has in the French context its ground of fundamental development. The diplomatic relationships between Italy and France constitute the background to the dynamics in which the refugees try to create or to preserve a social and political role. The political emigration doesn't give up at all valorizing the patrimony of the Risorgimento in antifascist key. In the environment and on the pages of "Giustizia e Libertŕ" the dispute on the Risorgimento is faced in more systematic way. The recoveries of the garibaldian tradition - fascists and antifascists - concern a fundamental historical knot: the inheritance of the Great War and the choice of the Italian volunteers of the 1914. Recovering a constitutive and native aspect of the camicia rossa, the stories of the garibaldinism in this phase have therefore an international dimension and they are subscribed in a triangular perimeter that has Italy, France and Spain as vertexes.
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TUROLDO, FABRIZIO. "Aiding and Abetting Suicide: The Current Debate in Italy". Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 30, n. 1 (29 dicembre 2020): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180120000626.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe article analyzes the recent ruling of the Italian Constitutional Court amending article 580 of the Italian Criminal Code, relating to aid and incitement to suicide. According to the first Assize Court of Milan, article 580, conceived in 1930, reflects the fascist culture of its author. The problem of the Constitutional Court was therefore to establish whether a democratic state can still place limits on aid for suicide and in what terms it can do so.
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Archambault, Fabien. "Football and fascism in Italy". Soccer & Society 21, n. 6 (31 maggio 2020): 639–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2020.1775041.
Testo completo
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Mammone, Andrea. "A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy". Modern Italy 11, n. 2 (giugno 2006): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709338.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Recent cultural and political debate in contemporary Italy, which has often been focused on Fascism and the Resistance, has seen an attempt to reconsider the importance of the constitutive moment of the Republic, namely the Liberazione from Nazism–Fascism, and to equate the memories of Fascism and anti-Fascism. The direct consequence of these confused revisionist approaches is either to rehabilitate many aspects of the Duce's regime, or on the contrary to assign this shady page of history to oblivion. The effect of this would be to marginalize anti-Fascism, and even to depict Fascism as relatively ‘harmless’ or ‘apolitical’. The danger is that this trend may construct an artificial and distorted history and thus a ‘manipulated’ public memory for Italian society. The purpose of this article is not to defend anti-Fascism but to restore the reality of ‘Fascism in action’, and to challenge distorted revisionist perceptions of the past.
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Martin, Simon. "Football, Fascism and Fandom in Modern Italy". Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, n. 116 (1 settembre 2018): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rccs.7291.
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Ziliotto, Anna. "Cultural Expertise in Italian Criminal Justice: From Criminal Anthropology to Anthropological Expert Witnessing". Laws 8, n. 2 (19 giugno 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws8020013.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article traces the rise and fall of psychiatric evaluation in criminal trials from the School of Criminal Anthropology of the late nineteenth century to the current Italian justice system. Influenced by positivism and by specific theories on human evolution, Cesare Lombroso considered criminal action as the result of organic causes excluding any kind of legal autonomy and responsibility of the accused. The Positive School of Penal Law he founded with Enrico Ferri and Raffaele Garofalo profoundly inspired the Rocco Code, on which the current Italian Penal Code is still based, albeit with revisions and repeals. Drafted in 1930 during the fascist government (1922–1943), the latter has also suffered from racial ideology. In order to assess potential mental illnesses that would exclude the responsibility of the accused, to determine their level of dangerousness and to establish the corresponding security measures introduced by the Rocco Code, Italian criminal justice consolidated the link between penal law and psychiatric instruments. Such faith in psychiatric evaluation, however, has been particularly questioned by the increasing frequency of judicial processes involving members of different cultural communities in Italy since the 1970s. Thus, the predominantly pathological aspects evaluated by forensic psychiatrists have often proved to be conceptually and methodologically inadequate to take fully into account the differences between cultures, as well as the different social and cultural conditions affecting the defendant’s behaviour. This paper argues that cultural anthropology is particularly suited as an instrument capable of disclosing the cultural implications of the legal process and encourages the use of cultural expertise as an important tool for the inclusiveness and understanding of diversity.
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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)". Modern Italy 16, n. 3 (agosto 2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and this article gives an account of the different views of the issues of democracy and corporatism that were held by fascist loyalists. An extensive number of articles published in the period 1945–1953 are used as primary sources.
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Dogliani, Patrizia. "Environment and leisure in Italy during Fascism". Modern Italy 19, n. 3 (agosto 2014): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.940152.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
While vacation colonies, camps for children and young people, well-equipped beaches and playgrounds, and the first national parks were conceived in Italy during the Liberal period, it was not until the late 1920s/1930s that they were created and transformed by the Fascist regime. This article will analyse the purposes of the use of the environment and protected areas by Fascist organisations during the Fascist regime by different social groups and classes. It will try to answer several questions: how did Fascist mass organisations (youth organisations such as the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB) and Gioventò Italiana del Littorio (GIL), leisure organisations like the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND), sports associations) relate to environmental space? Which popular activities were conceived for open-air, urban and national parks? How did the relationship between outdoor leisure and the environment develop in the ‘new’ middle class in the 1930s? How did Fascism conceive of the relationship between human beings and nature? The Nazi regime and the US New Deal were the strongest models at that time in terms of the politics of land conservation and leisure time. Did Fascism look to those experiments; did Fascism find its own modern ‘conservative’ relationship with the environment? This article will try to answer some of these questions, mindful of the lack of studies on Italy in comparison with the expanding historiography on the German and American cases.
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Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution". Radical History Review 2020, n. 138 (1 ottobre 2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and the first to view it as a discrete phenomenon. Queer anti-fascists showed what a radical and inclusive anti-fascism should look like, while their structural analysis of everyday fascism demonstrated why anti-fascism must mean social revolution. For them, queerness was necessarily antifascist: queer people’s common experience of oppression enabled them to understand and overthrow fascism and the existing order. Although they never disappeared, their marginalization by cisgender-heterosexual antifascists should warn antifascists today.
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Corner, Paul. "The Road to Fascism: an Italian Sonderweg?" Contemporary European History 11, n. 2 (maggio 2002): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002059.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article argues that many of the factors which eventually produced Italian fascism should be identified not in the divisions of the war years nor in the conflicts of the immediate postwar period but in the period 1900–15 and in the failure of Giovanni Giolitti's reformist strategy. The increasing popular disaffection with parliamentary politics before the war reflected the inability of Giolitti to widen the political base of liberalism through significant social reform. It was this failure which made the experience of the First World War especially disastrous in Italy. In particular, it is argued that liberal governments totally failed to understand the kind of social conflict which was developing in the large estates of the Po valley – the area which would provide the specific context for the explosion of Fascism in late 1920. The essay links Fascism, therefore, less to an often cited ‘working class revolutionary threat’ in 1919–20 than to unresolved long-term structural problems in certain areas of rural Italy. Alexander De Grand offers a critical commentary on Paul Corner's conclusions and the author gives his response.
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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945". Contemporary European History 25, n. 4 (14 ottobre 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.
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Maccaferri, Marzia, e Andrea Mammone. "Global populism and Italy. An interview with Federico Finchelstein". Modern Italy 27, n. 1 (febbraio 2022): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2021.69.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Federico Finchelstein is Professor of History at the New School for Social Research and Eugene Lang College, New York. He is one of the leading scholars on fascism and populism. Professor Finchelstein is the author of many books that have been translated into several languages, including the successful From Fascism to Populism in History (University of California Press, 2017). His new monograph, Fascist Mythologies. The History and Politics of Unreason in Borges, Freud, and Schmitt, is forthcoming in June 2022 from Columbia University Press. Given this, he is a natural starting point to discuss the global dimension of populism and its historical experiences from Latin America to Italy. Andrea Mammone, co-editor of Modern Italy, interviewed him in December 2021.
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Arvidsson, A. "Between Fascism and the American Dream: Advertising in Interwar Italy". Social Science History 25, n. 2 (1 giugno 2001): 151–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-25-2-151.
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Daly, Selena, Hannah Malone e Vanda Wilcox. "Teaching the difficult heritage of Italian Fascism". Modern Italy 29, n. 1 (29 novembre 2023): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2023.60.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn recent years, the architectural legacy and so-called ‘difficult heritage’ of Fascist Italy has become a flourishing field of research. These topics have also begun to make their way into the undergraduate classroom. To date, however, there has been little research carried out into the methods we use to teach the history of Fascism in particular. In this short article, we outline how we have applied problem-based learning and scenario-based learning approaches to tackle this topic. After presenting three assignments, we explain the benefits associated with a PBL/SBL approach, summarised under the headings of interdisciplinarity, creativity and authenticity, before highlighting some aspects on which colleagues may wish to reflect if they are considering adopting a similar approach in their teaching.
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Antic, Ana. "Fascism under Pressure". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, n. 1 (19 novembre 2009): 116–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409347329.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.
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Morris, Jonathan. "Retailers, Fascism and the Origins of the Social Protection of Shopkeepers in Italy". Contemporary European History 5, n. 3 (novembre 1996): 285–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003891.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1926 the Fascist regime instituted a restrictive shop-licensing system which accounts for the continued prominence of small shopkeepers in Italy today. Retailers' interests were represented on the licensing panels by the Fascist Confederation for Commercial Traders in an apparently genuine grant of corporate authority. The confederation swiftly reconstituted itself after the fall of the regime and retained its power within the post-war licensing structure. This article will analyse the background to the introduction of the system as a way into debates about the relationship between the Fascist state and the petite bourgeoisie.
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Wien, Peter. "Arabs and Fascism: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives". DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, n. 3-4 (2012): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.
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The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.
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Malovic, Ilija. "Eugenics as ideological component of fascism in Serbia in the 1930s". Sociologija 50, n. 1 (2008): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0801079m.
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The article presents an overview of racist ideas publicized in the nationalistic journal Ideas, the organ of the extreme right in Serbia in the 1930s. Inspired by the theories of inferior and superior races and nations very popular at the time, some intellectuals in Serbia tried to prove the Aryan origin of Serbs and Yugoslavs, but also to suggest how "racial hygiene" and "people's health" might be preserved. The article discusses especially the historical and social context in which such reactionary theories emerged, as well as the influence of leading racist ideologists from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany on conservative intellectuals in Serbia.
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Elias Garcia, Tatiane. "POWER RELATIONS, HEGEMONY AND IDEOLOGY". Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade 5, n. 02 (4 maggio 2024): 234–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51249/gei.v5i02.2032.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research aims to explore three fundamental works that address interconnected aspects of political, philosophical and social thought. “Fascism”, by Evguiéni B. Pashukanis, released in 2020, offers a critical analysis of the ideological roots and social implications of fascism. Then, “Philosophy, Ideology and Social Science - Essays on Denial and Affirmation”, by István Mészáros, published in 1993, highlights the contradictions of the capitalist system and potential social transformations. Finally, “The German Ideology”, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, written in the 19th century, provides a theoretical basis for understanding historical materialism and criticizing the dominant ideology. The research seeks to draw connections between these works to enrich the understanding of contemporary social and political dynamics.
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Forti, Steven. "Partito, rivoluzione e guerra. Il linguaggio politico di un transfuga: Nicola Bombacci (1879-1945)". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n. 31 (settembre 2009): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion
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Falassi, Alessandro. "A PIRANDELLIAN DECADE: Social History, Intellectuals and Fascism in Italy in the 1920's". Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 26, n. 1 (marzo 1992): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458589202600109.
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Surguladze, V. Sh. "Many Faces of Fascism: Attempt of Comprehension of the Concept". Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, n. 4 (4 dicembre 2019): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-57-62.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.
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Augschöll, Annemarie. "Totalitarian school politics during fascism in Italy and their transgenerational effects". History of Education Review 47, n. 2 (1 ottobre 2018): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-03-2018-0010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose The research is rooted in the interest in educational biographies of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Europe during the twentieth century. The purpose of this paper is to give an answer to the question of how the nationalistic educational norms during the period of totalitarian regimes manifested themselves in the educational biographies of minorities, and how much individuals and collectives transferred their scholastic denationalisation experiences (e.g. prohibition of alphabetisation in their mother tongue) to the following generations. In other words, if and how traces of the previously named experiences, for example the attitude towards education, can be found in insecurities and attitudes of the first or even the second follow-up generation. Design/methodology/approach The theoretical foundation used for this research is the conception of school as “institutional actor” theorised by Helmut Fend (2006). Fend used a widened concept based upon Weber’s (1922/1988) action-theoretical, Luhmann’s (2002) system-theoretical and Scharpf’s (2000) and Schaefers’ (2002) institution-centred approaches. This scientific background designs a theoretical concept of school fitted for the social and pedagogical research field. Specifically, in Fend’s analysis of design- and action-oriented potentials, Fend (2006) “turns his special attention to the processes in the educational field, which are implemented by actors, who themselves act in the context of institutional framework conditions” (p. 17). Findings The experience of school in totalitarian contexts manifests itself in individual and collective memories, later found in the following generations with particular emphasis on the approaches towards education. Originality/value This paper analyses the transgenerational impact of the experiences ethnical minorities had with schools.
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Ridolfi, Maurizio. ""Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra"? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n. 41 (febbraio 2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social and cultural factors, contribute to overcome the dissociations between a limited political representation of an ungraspable right and the wider circulation of languages and images of identity (in the moderate and populist press, in the youth field, in the silent majority).
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Capperucci, Vera. "Alcide De Gasperi and the problem of reconstruction". Modern Italy 14, n. 4 (novembre 2009): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237540.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Starting with a quick overview of the historiography of Italy from Fascism to the Republic, this article looks at Alcide De Gasperi's establishment as a leader within both the Italian political system and within his Party–the Christian Democrats–casting new light on three aspects of his political activity: (1) his relationship with the Church and the Catholics’ new modes of participation in political life; (2) the reasons inspiring the definition of the Republican State's institutional architecture; and (3) alliance strategy in government formation and in relationships with the other parties. The originality of De Gasperi's political activity can be defined in terms of these issues, together with the development of a distinctive political leadership, for too long overlooked, that would play a critical role in carrying Italy through its postwar reconstruction.
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Gigolaev, German. "Soviet and Russian Historiography of Fascist Italy: A Brief Review". ISTORIYA 14, n. 12-1 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029435-7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of the study of fascist Italy in our country has 100 years. This period can be divided chronologically into two unequal parts. The first is Soviet, when the Marxist-Leninist approach prevailed, and the second is modern Russian, the main feature of which is the variability of approaches, as well as the access to declassified documents from Soviet archives as a result of the “archival revolution”. Over the past century, Soviet and Russian researchers have achieved great success in studying the internal and foreign policy of the fascist regime, the regime's relationship with various social strata of Italian society, it’s relations with traditional institutions such as the church, or the monarchy; the participation of fascist Italy in World War II, the resistance movement; trends in the Italian historiography of fascist Italy. The study of the phenomenon of fascism is of great practical importance, both from the point of view of the study of mass movements and totalitarian regimes of the first half of the twentieth century, as well as from the point of view of the genesis of the Second World War, but also in the context of exposing the criminal nature of fascism and countering its revival in the form of neo-fascist movements. This article does not pretend to be a comprehensive coverage of Russian historiography, but it attempts to highlight the main issues that Soviet and Russian historians have been working on for a last century.
30
Gramith, Luke. "Minders of the Clock and Starvers of the People: Everyday Fascism and the Grassroots Logic of Revolutionary Defascistization in Monfalcone, Italy, 1922–1946". European History Quarterly 52, n. 2 (30 marzo 2022): 268–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085121.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Although much is known about the political and legal contours of post-dictatorial transitions in twentieth-century Southern Europe, less is known about the process of resolving contradictory purge aspirations at the national and local levels, let alone how new social imaginaries emerged at the grassroots level informed by the everyday experiences of dictatorship. This article provides a bottom-up account of defascistization in the Italian town of Monfalcone, where a distinctly social-revolutionary logic of defascistization emerged independent of Marxism and tied to the town's everyday experiences of dictatorship. Twenty years of everyday antagonism between non-Fascist residents and local Fascists who headed workplace and marketplace power structures led to a conflation of Fascism with workplace and marketplace power structures in their entirety. Residents understood defascistization as a project to dismantle both political Fascism and local power structures that instantiated ‘everyday Fascism’. This clashed with the logic of defascistization brought to Monfalcone by Italy's post-war Allied Military Government, and incompatibilities between local and external logics concretely undermined defascistization efforts with profound political effects. As defascistization faltered, the Communist Party articulated Marxism-Leninism within the language of popular purge aspirations, fuelling a campaign for Tito's Yugoslavia to annex much of northeastern Italy, Monfalcone included. Residents participated in this battle to realize their expansive vision of defascistization and to weed out authoritarian structures characteristic of ‘Fascist’ life. The study suggests a great potential for everyday-historical approaches to uncover still-buried dynamics of post-dictatorial transitions in and beyond Southern Europe.
31
Mazzucchelli, Francesco, e Mario Panico. "Pre-emptive memories: Anticipating narratives of Covid-19 in practices of commemoration". Memory Studies 14, n. 6 (dicembre 2021): 1414–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211053984.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article explores the narratives of the Covid-19 crisis in Italy, in the ways that they intersect with cultural memory processes. Moving from the hypothesis that the Covid-19 crisis, in Italy, has undergone two distinct narrative phases, we focus on the comparison between the forms taken, during the first lockdown, by an important (but also somehow divisive) memory ritual: the celebration of 25 April (the day that Italy was liberated from Nazi-Fascism) and the newly established commemorations of Covid-19 casualties. The aim is to observe the osmoses between two discursive domains (memory discourse vs emergency discourse). To do so, we propose the concept of “pre-emptive memory,” which can be defined as an act of—unwitting—anticipation, pre-figuration, and re-combination of the future cultural memory of an ongoing event in the present.
32
Donátková, Zuzana. "Futurismus a fašismus". Historica. Revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy 12, n. 2 (dicembre 2021): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/historica.2021.12.0009.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article maps the relationship between the Italian Futurist movement and fascism from a general perspective. It deals with the relationship between the leader of Futurism F. T. Marinetti and Benito Mussolini from the beginning of their cooperation in 1915 to the end of the Second World War. Throughout its era, Futurism identified itself with Italy’s social and political climate. Futurism was one of the ideological sources for fascism and it was one of the movements that formed Fasci di Combattimento in 1919. But after Mussolini came to power, fascist cultural politics aesthetically preferred traditionalism, order, and a return to the achievements of history, a contemporary rappel à l’ordre, and Futurism found itself in cultural dissent. Marinetti thus spent the rest of his life trying to improve the position of modernist artists in fascist Italy, which would earn Futurism recognition of the official state art of the fascist regime.
33
Gervasi, Paolo. "Anger as Misshapen Fear: Fascism, Literature, and the Emotional Body". Emotions: History, Culture, Society 2, n. 2 (15 novembre 2018): 312–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010025.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe article analyses two literary texts by the Italian writer Carlo Emilio Gadda: the anti-fascist satire Eros e Priapo, written between 1944 and 1945; and the novel Quer pasticciaccio brutto de via Merulana, first published in 1946. The deformed descriptions of the human figure in these texts are contextualised alongside a collection of anti-fascist caricatures from the same period, Enrico Gianeri’s Il Cesare di cartapesta (1945), and read as emotional symptoms of ongoing social conflicts. In fascist Italy, the representation of the body becomes the battlefield where a few resisting emotional communities contrast the strict management of public sentiment performed by the regime. In this context, deformations of the image of Mussolini and fascist society can be interpreted as performances of anger that deconstruct the official emotional regime and reveal the regime of fear on which fascism built its power.
34
Jacoby, Tim. "Global fascism: geography, timing, support, and strategy". Journal of Global History 11, n. 3 (11 ottobre 2016): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article considers four aspects for understanding the greatly over-used term ‘fascism’: its place in space and also in time, the basis of its social support, and its modus operandi. While agreement exists on where and when fascism reached its apogee, there is little concurrence of opinion over the extent to which the world wars were determinative in its birth and death, and how far beyond European boundaries it has ventured. There are also wide-ranging discussions concerning the identity and extent of its backers, with some writers pointing to the formative role of the lumpen body politic, or various class fractions, and others to that of an elite vanguard, or even individual alienation. A similar spectrum of opinion over the basis of fascism’s appeal extends from studies emphasizing, and elucidating, its ideational content to those that focus on the pragmatic value of action. Such a great diversity of analyses brings both considerable empirical richness and the challenge of fragmentation. This article responds by reflecting on fascism as both a social phenomenon and a field of study, in the hope of bringing some analytical structure to what remains a vast, and continuously developing, literature.
35
Malone, Hannah. "The Fallen Soldier as Fascist Exemplar: Military Cemeteries and Dead Heroes in Mussolini’s Italy". Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, n. 1 (gennaio 2022): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000384.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article aims to dissect the nature of exemplarity in Italian Fascism. The social and political structures that emerged in Fascist Italy were highly reliant on a sense of morality, largely because of the degree of violence inherent in those structures. Under Fascism, morality was founded on concrete examples rather than on abstract principles. Exemplars were idealized sources of moral strength, and figures with the capacity to inspire or persuade. In particular, the fallen soldier and those who died for the nation constituted a major category of Fascist exemplars. Thus, soldiers who fell in the First World War were awarded exemplary status in order to encourage behaviors favorable to the regime. With the goal to demonstrate the importance awarded to exemplars, this paper focuses on a group of ossuaries, or bone depositaries, that were built under Mussolini’s dictatorship, and within which the regime reburied the remains of soldiers who fell in the First World War. The main purpose of the ossuaries was to present the dead as role models that might boost support for a program of nationalism, militarism, and imperialism. Thus, while their creation drew on factors such as Romantic literature and Italy’s religious and political traditions, the ossuaries represent an ideal case study of how Fascist morality was aided by and expressed through the use of exemplars.
36
Bénit, André. "Rosa et Elise, le diptyque de Marcel Sel. Un vibrant plaidoyer contre tous les totalitarismes". Çédille, n. 25 (2024): 259–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2024.25.11.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"In his diptych Rosa (2017) and Elise (2019), which he intersperses with a number of captivating enigmas that keep the reader on the edge of his seat from one end to the other, all of which are gradually solved, Belgian novelist Marcel Sel paints a masterly fresco of some of the major totalitarianisms that bloodied Europe in the twentieth century: Fascism in Italy, Nazism in Germany and Stalinism in the USSR and its satellite countries. Our study, in which we will highlight the main aspects of this cataclysm, will show that this spectacular novelistic undertaking responds perfectly to the desire for remembrance (as opposed to the compelling duty to remember) that Vincent Engel advocates in his 2020 essay."
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Manzella, Adele, Roberto Bonciani, Agnes Allansdottir, Serena Botteghi, Assunta Donato, Silvia Giamberini, Alessandro Lenzi, Marco Paci, Anna Pellizzone e Davide Scrocca. "Environmental and social aspects of geothermal energy in Italy". Geothermics 72 (marzo 2018): 232–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geothermics.2017.11.015.
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Cau, Maurizio. "An inconvenient legacy: corporatism and Catholic culture from Fascism to the Republic". Tempo 25, n. 1 (aprile 2019): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2018v250112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: In the Italian Republic of the late 1940s, the corporatist experience was something of an antimodel. However, some political and legal currents in Italy reflected on the corporatist legacy and on the possibility to make it democratic. Certain Catholic exponents were especially sensitive to the new version of corporatism. Our analysis of the legacy of corporatist thinking in Catholic culture during the early Republican age will be fourfold: reflection on the Constituent Assembly as a potential development away from corporatism; analysis of the main social-economic documents of contemporary political Catholicism; the evolution of some leading Christian Democrats’ theoretical ideas; the debate on “democratic corporatism” in Italian Catholic circles spanning the late 1940s and early 1950s.
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Faggella, Chiara. "Lifestyle and fashion in Mario Camerini’s romantic comedies Il Signor Max and I Grandi Magazzini". Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA Postgraduate Network 11, n. 1 (30 aprile 2018): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31165/nk.2018.111.522.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Between the years 1922 and 1943, Italian Fascism revealed quite an ambivalent attitude towards lifestyle.[1] While the regime tried to impose standards of nationalistic moderation, popular entertainment of the time reveals that different aspects of culture never surrendered completely to the diktats of the regime. This article discusses the ways in which two films, Il Signor Max (Astra Film, 1937) and I Grandi Magazzini (Amato-Era Film, 1939) can provide a perspective into the consumer culture of Fascist Italy and its ambivalences. By presenting recurrent references to lifestyle commodities and fashion, the experiences of consumption in the two films take center stage in spite of the regime’s campaigns for modesty.
[1] The use of the capital ‘f’ is employed to specifically indicate the totalitarian regime led by Benito Mussolini, which occurred in Italy between the years 1922 and 1943, and to distinguish it from additional national variations (e.g. Spanish Falangism).
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Saresella, Daniela. "The Battle for Divorce in Italy and Opposition from the Catholic World (1861–1974)". Journal of Family History 42, n. 4 (24 agosto 2017): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199017725468.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The issue of divorce is a thermometer of the cultural, religious, and political sensitivity of Italy’s citizens and political caste. In the liberal period (1961–1922), Italy, a profoundly Catholic country with the Vatican City on its own territory, attempted to establish the nonreligious nature of the State, yet its ruling class never dared pose the problem of the divorce law. Subsequently, with the advent of fascism, close relations were established between the State and the Church, which prevented any challenge to the indissolubility of marriage for years to come. Not until the 1960s and 1970s, in the wake of the changes induced by the Vatican Council II and the new national and international climate in politics, did many believers start freely discussing the possibility of a divorce law in Italy.
41
Aloe, S. V. "Some Notes on the Reception of Dostoevsky in Italy at the Time of Mussolini". Язык и текст 8, n. 1 (2021): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2021080107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is a preliminary attempt to outline the contours of the complex reception of the creativity and ideological world of F. M. Dostoevsky in Italy during the twenty-year period of the fascist regime (1922-1943). The attempt is justified by the lack of such studies so far, in the presence of a number of interesting articles and monographs devoted to certain aspects of the perception of the Russian writer in Italy during this period. The question of whether Dostoevsky's name was used for the purposes of fascist propaganda, in other words, whether the Russian ruler of the doom was perceived as a precursor of the fascist right-wing conservative revolution, remains unresolved. The first, as yet pro-visionary observations lead to the opinion that Dostoevsky's "fascization" took place, but had an occasional character and had little influence on the reception of the writer in general in Italy, while the strongest and most lasting influence on the reception of the writer was exerted by non-fascist or even anti-fascist writers, who, consequently, interpreted his figure and creative heritage according to categories incompatible with the ideological space of fascism.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca e Gianluca Russo. "War, Socialism, and the Rise of Fascism: an Empirical Exploration". Quarterly Journal of Economics 137, n. 2 (21 gennaio 2022): 1233–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjac001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in several countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of fascism in the interwar years. In this article, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I and the subsequent emergence of fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic, and social variables before the war and had a major effect on socialist support (partly because the socialists were the main antiwar political movement). Our main result is that this boost to socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local fascist activity as measured by local party branches and fascist political violence, and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1921 and 1924 elections. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943–45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early fascist activity.
43
Kiwior-Filo, Małgorzata. "„La bataglia per la libertà” — antyfaszystowska opozycja braci Carlo i Nello Rossellich w latach 1926–1937". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, n. 1 (8 settembre 2017): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.1.6.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
LA BATTAGLIA PER LA LIBERTÀ — THE ANTI-FASCIST OPPOSITION OF THE BROTHERS CARLO AND NELLO ROSSELLI IN 1926–1937 The opposition activities of the Rosselli brothers, brutally killed on 9 June 1937 in Bagnoles-de-l’Orne, France, by the French cagoualards, were rooted in their deep conviction concerning the necessity of fighting for freedom in fascist Italy, fighting that brought together Italian, Jewish and French anti-fascist circles. This was manifested in numerous initiatives and various kinds of opposition activities undertaken by Carlo Rosselli b. 1899 — a writer, economist and politician — and his younger brother Sabatino Enrico b. 1900, known as Nello — a historian and journalist. Their collaboration with the opposition periodicals Noi giovani and Non Mollare, their work in the “L’Italia Libera” society, and, above all, in the social-liberal movement “Giustizia e Libertà”, founded by the Rosellis in August 1929, the political programme of which was based on ideas included in Socialismo liberale published by Carlo, were an attempt to unite all non-communist forces that would be willing to fight together to put an end to the fascist regime. “Giustizia e Libertà” played an important role in sensitising the public, especially outside Italy, to and informing it about the true fascist reality, the image of which was usually distorted by the regime’s propaganda or simply created by it. In Carlo Rosselli’s interpretation, fascism appeared as an anti-freedom and anti-liberal movement, “the most passive product of Italian history”, a manifestation of reaction and not revolution. In an article entitled La lotta per la libertà C. Rosselli concluded that fascism was, in a way, an “autobiography of the nation”. It took root in Italy thanks to some favourable circumstances, among which C. Rosselli listed a lack of moral formation of Italian society and conviction of the masses that they should become involved in political life, but also bias, romantic tastes, petit bourgeois idealism, nationalistic rhetoric, sentimental post-war reaction, and restless desire for “novelty” regardless of what was behind it. Carlo Rosselli saw one of the causes of the “triumph of fascism” in a degeneration of parliamentarism” and “inability to rally society around a constructive programme and create a uniform force” that would be capable of standing up to Mussolini. The contribution of the Rosselli brothers to the fight for freedom — encouragements to become involved, attempts to make people aware of the real problems exposed by fascism in Italian society — is unquestionable. Their intellectual legacy, political engagement and commitment, and anti-fascist opposition certainly deserve to be reflected upon by generations for whom the idea of freedom still remains invaluable.
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Pinheiro, Maxmiliano Martins. "POSITIVISM AGAINST FASCISM: THE BIFURCATIONS OF CONSERVATIVE POLITCS". REVISTA FOCO 17, n. 2 (15 febbraio 2024): e4353. http://dx.doi.org/10.54751/revistafoco.v17n2-069.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Faced with the polysemy imputed to the terms positivism and fascism, this article aims to highlight, in the political aspect, the differences between the first and the second, although both are considered by many scholars to be expressions of an authoritarian conservative thought. Thus, it is necessary to present three specific objectives that elucidate two singularities and divergences, namely: the emphasis on the centralism of political leaderships, the quarrels regarding communist and socialist prerogatives, and the examination of the entry of the masses into the political context. Such objectives will be unfolded based on some aspects of Augusto Comte's political sociology and some vectors that characterize the modus operandi of fascism. It is hoped that this analysis will clarify that, while Comte's positivism is based on rationality, on the functionalism of ideas and on the limited participation of social strata, fascism is based on the excessive idealization of the historical context, on the intolerance of opposing political currents and in the political and manipulated empowerment of the masses.
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Martinelli, Chiara. "Job training schools at the Giornata della Tecnica: a contribution for a history of professional education in the years of fascism". Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 10, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2023): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-14787.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A scant literature is devoted to analyse the evolution of vocational education in Italy during Fascism. The article aims at addressing (even partially) to the issue using a particular kind of sources: the publication the Provincial Scholastic Deputy had to write in 1941 for celebrating the “Giornata della Tecnica” (Day for the promotion of Technical Culture), introduced by Fascism in 1940 for prompting enrolment in technical institutes and, almost of all, in the so-called scuole d’avviamento professionale (job training schools). Reformed since 1929, the scuole d’avviamento professionale were a three-year post-elementary course whose enrolments highly expanded during 1930s. Scholastic reform planned in 1939 – the so-called “Carta della Scuola” – aimed at abolishing this school. At its place, were planned two kinds of vocational schools, the scuola professionale (vocational school) and the scuola artigiana (craft school): both of them would have granted to their pupils less possibilities to change their social status than the scuola d’avviamento did. Publications analysed show a twofold attitude towards these institutes: some headmasters presented them as a way for pupils to achieve higher level of education; however, scholastic officer regarded them as a “diverted” school, which encouraged pupils to flee from their social and territorial environment.
46
Pan-ngum, Wirichada, Tassawan Poomchaichote, Giulia Cuman, Phee-Kheng Cheah, Naomi Waithira, Mavuto Mukaka, Bhensri Naemiratch et al. "Social, ethical and behavioural aspects of COVID-19". Wellcome Open Research 5 (7 maggio 2020): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.15813.1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction: Vaccines and drugs for the treatment and prevention of COVID-19 require robust evidence generated from clinical trials before they can be used. Decisions on how to apply non-pharmaceutical interventions such as quarantine, self-isolation, social distancing and travel restrictions should also be based on evidence. There are some experiential and mathematical modelling data for these interventions, but there is a lack of data on the social, ethical and behavioural aspects of these interventions in the literature. Therefore, our study aims to produce evidence to inform (non-pharmaceutical) interventions such as communications, quarantine, self-isolation, social distancing, travel restrictions and other public health measures for the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: The study will be conducted in the United Kingdom, Italy, Malaysia and Thailand. We propose to conduct 600-1000 quantitative surveys and 25-35 qualitative interviews per country. Data collection will follow the following four themes: (1) Quarantine and self-isolation (2) social distancing and travel restrictions (3) wellbeing and mental health (4) information, misinformation and rumours. In light of limitations of travel and holding in-person meetings, we will use online/remote methods for collecting data. Study participant will be adults who have provided informed consent from different demographic, socio-economic and risk groups. Discussion: At the time of writing, United Kingdom, Italy, Malaysia and Thailand have initiated strict public health measures and varying degrees of “lockdowns” to curb the pandemic. It is anticipated that these public health measures will continue in some countries (e.g. Italy, Malaysia) or be tightened further in other countries (e.g. Thailand, UK) to control the spread of the disease in the coming weeks and months. The data generated from our study could inform these strategies in real time.
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Mason, Michela C. "Governance and social aspects of internationalisation: SMEs in northeastern Italy". International Journal of Globalisation and Small Business 2, n. 3 (2008): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgsb.2008.017291.
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Ganapini, Luigi. "The Dark Side of Italian History 1943–1945". Modern Italy 12, n. 2 (giugno 2007): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362730.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A study of the history of the Italian Social Republic (1943–1945) reveals the importance of the experience of Fascist Syndicalism and above all National Syndicalism. During the preceding 20 years of Fascist rule, Fascist Syndicalism had faced notable difficulties, divided as it was between the need to defend workers and that of obeying the dictatorship; but following the fall of Mussolini and the military defeat of Fascist Italy, new opportunities appeared to present themselves. In 1943 Mussolini had called for ‘socialization’ as a means of fighting the anti-Fascist democratic forces. In this context, the ideology of National Syndicalism became the key feature of a project for the construction of a totalitarian state. In spite of the inevitability of defeat, the final phase of Fascism thus involved an attempt to win over the working classes in the industrial centres of northern Italy in order to establish them as the basis for a possible revival.
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Perra, Emiliano. "Legitimizing fascism through the Holocaust? The reception of the miniseries Perlasca: un eroe italiano in Italy". Memory Studies 3, n. 2 (26 marzo 2010): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698009355673.
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Medici, Lorenzo. "Italy’s Cultural Diplomacy: From Propaganda to Cultural Cooperation". Świat Idei i Polityki 18, n. 1 (31 dicembre 2019): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201902.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).