Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Fascism – social aspects"

This paper seeks to explore political, cultural, legal and socio-economic legacies of the Fascist regime (1922-1943) in Italy. With the fall of the regime, in fact, the overall surveillance apparatus did not fade away. Former fascists were not purged from political and cultural life and very few were found guilty. The transition to democracy was thus marked by a substantial continuity of men and institutions (Della Porta and Reiter 2004) due to the active involvement of ex-OVRA (Organization of Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) officers in public institutions (Author 2011). It comes as no surprise that forms of pervasive non-technological social control continued for more than twenty years after the fall of the duce. Moreover, police state surveillance was combined with a meaningful continuity in other areas. For instance, the welfare state immediately after World War II was actually based upon the model built during Fascism. The “Fascist Social State” (Silei, 2000) had a corporative and authoritarian inspiration and was a strategy of social control and a tool to create consensus. In the 1950s and 1960s the institutional features of the Italian social security system remained fundamentally unchanged (Giorgi, 2009; Silei, 2000): an excess of bureaucracy and discretionary power; a system based on specific categories of people needing assistance and not on a more universal approach. The Italian post-fascist experience is a paradigmatic case-study that allows us to deal with ambiguities of the welfare state experience, described either as a tool of social control or as a vector of social justice. This paper is an attempt to analyze “social control strategies” in post-Fascist Italy with a focus both on aspects of continuity and on crucial socio-political discontinuities that are often overlooked in the literature.

AbstractThis essay analyses Salvemini's major works on Fascism, namely The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1927), Mussolini Diplomate (1932) and Under the Axe of Fascism (1936). The focus of this analysis is twofold: to explore both Salvemini's methodology and the events leading to the publication of these works. In The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy, Salvemini examines the origins and the rise of Mussolini's movement, highlighting the complicity of the monarchy, the army, and industrial magnates. In Mussolini Diplomate, he analyses Fascist foreign policy from 1922 to 1932, in which Salvemini is unable to identify a consistent strategy, but only a propagandistic approach aiming to foster diplomatic relations. In Under the Axe of Fascism, Salvemini dissects Fascist economics, debunking the idea that the corporate state was an original and equitable compromise in the conflict between capital and labour, as was being portrayed abroad. An analysis of these three volumes brings into focus some noteworthy aspects of Salvemini's so-called ‘historiographical workshop’, which have hitherto been overlooked by historians (such as his adept use of sources and his endeavour to combine social sciences and economics), as well as underscoring his ability to forge cultural and intellectual networks, an essential element for undertaking such a complex task.

AbstractThis article considers four aspects for understanding the greatly over-used term ‘fascism’: its place in space and also in time, the basis of its social support, and its modus operandi. While agreement exists on where and when fascism reached its apogee, there is little concurrence of opinion over the extent to which the world wars were determinative in its birth and death, and how far beyond European boundaries it has ventured. There are also wide-ranging discussions concerning the identity and extent of its backers, with some writers pointing to the formative role of the lumpen body politic, or various class fractions, and others to that of an elite vanguard, or even individual alienation. A similar spectrum of opinion over the basis of fascism’s appeal extends from studies emphasizing, and elucidating, its ideational content to those that focus on the pragmatic value of action. Such a great diversity of analyses brings both considerable empirical richness and the challenge of fragmentation. This article responds by reflecting on fascism as both a social phenomenon and a field of study, in the hope of bringing some analytical structure to what remains a vast, and continuously developing, literature.

This article highlights the interrelated crises that the games industry, its digital game consumers, and the academic field of game studies are embedded in and responsible for reproducing. By couching our analysis in Marxist, feminist, anti-fascist, and anti-imperialist understandings of how our social relations arise from the historical-material basis of society, we identify several different conditions of modern digital games that everyone working in and around games should confront and take seriously, especially regarding contemporary and future impacts and restrictions on the type of research and education we are able to conduct. These crises emerge from social and economic structures including imperialism, racism, militarism, fascism, and patriarchy. To better confront them, we broadly define the causes from which the morbid symptoms we witness arise in primarily Western societies and how they manifest in the games industry, its consumers, and its academic institutions. Based off these aspects, we extrapolate their trajectory in how they will change and adapt to the future of games and of their study, as the ecological and social crises intensify and reverberate. This allows us to propose potential strategies for radically confronting and potentially overcoming the looming crises related to war, patriarchy, white supremacy, famine, destitution, fascism, and climate apocalypse.

This research aims to explore three fundamental works that address interconnected aspects of political, philosophical and social thought. “Fascism”, by Evguiéni B. Pashukanis, released in 2020, offers a critical analysis of the ideological roots and social implications of fascism. Then, “Philosophy, Ideology and Social Science - Essays on Denial and Affirmation”, by István Mészáros, published in 1993, highlights the contradictions of the capitalist system and potential social transformations. Finally, “The German Ideology”, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, written in the 19th century, provides a theoretical basis for understanding historical materialism and criticizing the dominant ideology. The research seeks to draw connections between these works to enrich the understanding of contemporary social and political dynamics.

The economic and social development of Italian fascism lasted from 1913 to the early 1940s. It was fueled by the common economic interests of business elite and right-wing organizations, who combined their efforts to exploit the working class, reduce production costs, and maximize profits. The big business provided financial support for fascist organizations, thus shaping their policy. The legal acts adopted during the transitional period declared the inter-class peace, the mediating role of the state between employees and private business, and the supremacy of national interests. However, the same laws strengthened the economic monopolization, prevented trade unions, and limited economic, political, and social rights of the working class. The resulting corporate state model established a rigid framework for medium and small business, as well as hired workers. Although the state propaganda portrayed the state as a mediator between the worker and the employer, Italian state institutions actually protected the interests of the big business and were formed by it.

In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.

Faced with the polysemy imputed to the terms positivism and fascism, this article aims to highlight, in the political aspect, the differences between the first and the second, although both are considered by many scholars to be expressions of an authoritarian conservative thought. Thus, it is necessary to present three specific objectives that elucidate two singularities and divergences, namely: the emphasis on the centralism of political leaderships, the quarrels regarding communist and socialist prerogatives, and the examination of the entry of the masses into the political context. Such objectives will be unfolded based on some aspects of Augusto Comte's political sociology and some vectors that characterize the modus operandi of fascism. It is hoped that this analysis will clarify that, while Comte's positivism is based on rationality, on the functionalism of ideas and on the limited participation of social strata, fascism is based on the excessive idealization of the historical context, on the intolerance of opposing political currents and in the political and manipulated empowerment of the masses.

The Augustan Exhibition ofRomanità, held in Rome's Palazzo delle Esposizioni between 1937 and 1938, exemplifies the aestheticisation, ritualisation and sacralisation of politics during the Fascist era in Italy. This article conducts a multi-layered spatial analysis of the exhibition that considers space as passively experienced, as an agent to re-map memory, as a mediator between intention and reception and as having both physical and mental characteristics. The relative sizes of the spaces, their sequence and their axial placement within the Palazzo's plan were the most powerful forces that conveyed the exhibition's overall political and social aims. TheMostra Augustea della Romanità(MAR) is here analysed as a form of historical representation with a specific narrative which is played out within an orchestrated space in order to create and reinforce a (Fascist) political identity. The idea of Rome took on material aspects through a kind of ‘recognition effect’ for the visitor by presentingRomanitàas a collective mirror in which to view an image of their own social visage. Thus an active connection would, according to the organisers, be forged between a Roman past and a Fascist present, and its two leaders and creators, Augustus and Mussolini, as well as between the individual and society. TheMARalso demonstrates the prevalence of the cult of Il Duce in Fascist society and its importance for maintaining high levels of consent. With its focus on a particular view of the ancient world, theMARwas an ephemeral event that acted as teleological justification for the advent and supposed permanence of Fascism, which at the same time presented itself as a unique archaeological, scientific and educational document of the Roman world.

At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psicologia, Florianópolis, 2011
Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-26T01:09:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 289644.pdf: 545534 bytes, checksum: fad06056d4da38bd4891e23cc939edf0 (MD5)
Este estudo é uma análise transversal sobre o estatuto do intelectual a partir dos seus diferentes desdobramentos históricos e práticas políticas. Num primeiro momento, percorremos o estatuto do intelectual revolucionário a partir de um diálogo crítico em relação ao marxismo ortodoxo. Apontamos as perspectivas que levaram o intelectual revolucionário a ser uma das grandes vozes, entre o final do século XIX e o início do século XX, principalmente pela proliferação das grandes revoluções comunistas organizadas pelos movimentos de vanguarda. O segundo momento deste trabalho é dedicado ao estatuto do intelectual orgânico. A partir de um olhar voltado para os textos gramscianos, recolhemos os indicativos do comprometimento do intelectual com a sociedade, num diálogo aberto entre a cultura e a hegemonia, possibilitando, dessa maneira, a emancipação das massas. Num terceiro momento, este estudo percorre os limites do estatuto do intelectual específico. Nesse sentido, tecemos nossas argumentações a partir de uma leitura de conceitos pensados por Foucault, articulados com a prática de um novo estilo da atividade intelectual, a partir da segunda metade do século XX, com o esgotamento das grandes ideologias e a proliferação de novas estratégias de resistência e de ativismo voltados para a problematização das práticas discursivas, dos jogos de poder e dos processos de subjetivação. A conclusão é dedicada aos apontamentos sobre o estatuto do intelectual na contemporaneidade a partir da construção de uma vida não fascista. Esta vida não fascista implica a criação de um gesto polêmico que intensifica o questionamento a todas as formas de opressão e o combate às políticas de identidade e às formas de totalização.
This study is a cross-sectional analysis on the statute of the intellectual from their different historical developments and political practices. At first, we revisit the status of the intellectual revolutionary from a critical dialogue in relation to orthodox Marxism. We point out the developments that led to the revolutionary intellectual to be one of the great voices of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, mainly by the proliferation of great communist revolutions organized by avant-garde movements. The second phase of this work is dedicated exclusively to the statute of the organic intellectual. From a penchant for the writings of Gramsci collect indicative of the commitment of the intellectual to society in an open dialogue between culture and hegemony, enabling this way, the emancipation of the masses. A third time this study surveys the limits of the statute of specific intellectual. In this sense, we make our arguments from a direct dialogue between concepts articulated by Foucault thought and practice a new style of intellectual activity from the second half of the twentieth century with the depletion of the great proliferation of new ideologies and strategies of resistance and activism aimed at problematizing the discursive practices of power play and subjective processes. In conclusion is devoted to notes on the status of the intellectual in contemporary society. Elapsed all possible reading intervention strategies on the intellectual in society, that the great challenge posed to this figure today, involves construction of a Non-Fascist Life. This life is not the creation of a fascist polemic gesture that intensifies the challenge to all forms of oppression and fighting identity politics and forms of aggregation.

PARGA, Francisca Rafaela. Contra a semente da desordem: Imprensa Católica e Fascismo - Fortaleza-CE (1922-1930). 2012. 131f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2012.
Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:39:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FRPARGA.pdf: 1063329 bytes, checksum: a93a4bac2a0abc306c8554b28cbbaf33 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:59:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FRPARGA.pdf: 1063329 bytes, checksum: a93a4bac2a0abc306c8554b28cbbaf33 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-18T14:59:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FRPARGA.pdf: 1063329 bytes, checksum: a93a4bac2a0abc306c8554b28cbbaf33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
A presente pesquisa analisa a percepção do fascismo italiano nas páginas do jornal católico cearense O Nordeste 1922-1930). Fundado em Fortaleza no ano de 1922, o diário se destacou no cenário jornalístico local pela postura militante em defesa das demandas da Igreja Católica. A gazeta confessional direcionou críticas ao regime republicano brasileiro em virtude do caráter laico da Administração Pública instituído pela constituição de 1891. Em articulação com a hierarquia eclesiástica e com o movimento leigo construiu uma proposta de reforma institucional para o Brasil. A partir das referências feitas à experiência política italiana, o periódico discutiu concepções de educação, moralidade, manutenção da ordem, interferência na vida particular dos cidadãos, arbitragem entre trabalho e capital e relacionamento entre Igreja e Estado.
Dans cette recherche, on analyse le point de vu du journal catholique du Ceará “O Nordeste” à propos du fascisme italien entre 1922 et 1930. Créé à Fortaleza en 1922, ce journal quotidien s’est distingué entre les autres journaux de la ville pour son militantisme en faveur des intérêts de l’Église Catholique. Cette gazette confessionnel a critiqué la forme republicaine de gouvernement brésilienne en fonction de l’aspect laïque du Gouvernement selon la constitution de 1891. À partir d’une articulation établie entre l’hiérarchie éclésiastique et quelques associations laïques, s’est constituée une proposition de reforme institutionnelle pour l’État brésilien. À partir des références faites à la politique italiene de cette époque là, la gazette a discuté quelques sujets comme: l’education,la morale, le maintien de l’ordre, l’ingérence dans la vie privée des citoyens, l’arbitrage entre travail et capital et les relations entre l”Église et l”État.

Cette étude propose un panorama de la vie musicale portugaise durant les premières années de la dictature d'Oliveira Salazar. Elle analyse les politiques musicales mises en oeuvre par le régime, visant à encadrer les pratiques professionnelles et en amateur, contrôler le développement de l'industrie des loisirs et soutenir le domaine de la création. Elle tente de percevoir le rôle spécifique attribué à la musique dans la propagande, et notamment la production d'images musicales de la communauté nationale, par la référence au folklore, aux mythologies historiques et impériales. Elle approche enfin les sociabilités musicales, les nouvelles formes d'engagement des musiciens, leur intégration institutionnelle ou leurs stratégies de résistance et montre ainsi comment l'ingérence de l'Etat autoritaire dans les affaires musicales accéléra le processus d'autonomisation de la sphère musicale érudite, amorcé à la fin du XIXe siècle
This research draws a panorama of the portuguese musical life during the early years of Oliveira Salazar's dictatorship. It analyses the musical policies conducted by the regime, which aimed to supervise professional and amateur practices, control the growing leisure industry and support musical creation. It tries to understand the specific role of music inside propaganda, particularly the production of musical pictures of national community, which borrowed to folklore, historical and imperial mythologies. Finally, it describes musical sociabilities, the new forms of commitment of musicians, their institutional integration or their strategies of resistance and shows how the interference of the authoritarian state in the musical affaires accelerated the process of autonomisation of the learned musical sphere, initiated at the end of the 19th century

Non c’è dubbio sul fatto che la RAI, dal 1954 a oggi, abbia contribuito in misura considerevole a determinare la fisionomia dell’immaginario collettivo e dell’identità culturale dell’Italia. Si tratta di un assunto che, a distanza di più di sessant’anni, resta sempre di grande attualità, per chi si occupa della questione televisiva (e non solo). Ma a differenza di quanto avveniva nel passato, quando la tv appariva più preoccupata dei reali interessi dei cittadini, oggi essa sembra rispondere prevalentemente a dinamiche di mercato, in grado di alterarne la funzione etica e sociale. E nonostante il livello di istruzione e di benessere economico si siano evidentemente alzati, in questi ultimi anni si è assistito a programmi di sempre più bassa qualità e in controtendenza a un incremento del potere modellante e suggestivo sull’immaginario dei telespettatori. C’è di più: l’interesse verso la tv ha coinvolto anche gli storici dell’epoca contemporanea, i quali hanno iniziato a prendere coscienza che le produzioni audiovisive sono strumenti imprescindibili per la ricerca. Se si pensa ad esempio al ‹‹boom economico›› del Paese, negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, non si può non considerare che la tv, insieme agli altri media, abbia contributo a raccontare e allo stesso tempo ad accelerare i progressi economici e sociali di quell’epoca. Partendo, dunque, dal presupposto che la televisione da sempre esercita un potere decisivo sulla collettività, si è scelto di concentrarsi sulla fase meno indagata della sua storia, quella della televisione delle origini: ‹‹migliore›› perché senza competitor, ‹‹autentica›› perché incontestabile e soprattutto ‹‹pedagogica›› perché è di istruzione e di formazione che, quell’Italia appena uscita dalla guerra, aveva più urgenza. La storia della televisione italiana inizia il 3 gennaio 1954, con la nascita del servizio pubblico televisivo e insieme di un mezzo che, di lì a poco, avrebbe completamente rivoluzionato la società italiana, trasformandola in una civiltà di massa. Si accorciano le distanze territoriali e insieme culturali e la società inizia a omologarsi nei gusti, poi nei consumi e infine nel pensiero. Il punto d’arrivo si colloca negli anni Settanta, quando ha termine il monopolio della RAI, che fino a quel momento era stato visto come il garante del pluralismo culturale. La RAI passa dal controllo governativo a quello parlamentare, mentre si assiste al boom delle televisioni private e alla necessità della tv di Stato di stare al passo con la concorrenza, attraverso una produzione diversa da quella degli esordi. Dunque cambia la tv, come pure cambia la sua funzione e la forma mentis di chi ne detiene le redini. Ne risulta un’indagine trasversale, che passa nel mezzo di molteplici discipline che afferiscono alla materia televisiva e che non evita di porsi quelle domande scomode, necessarie tuttavia a comprendere la verità sugli artefici della prima RAI e sui loro obiettivi. E allora: qual era il valore attribuito alla televisione degli esordi? Era davvero uno strumento pedagogico? Sulla base di quali presupposti? Chi scriveva i palinsesti di quegli anni? Chi e perché sceglieva temi e format televisivi? Chi decideva, in ultima analisi, la forma da dare all’identità culturale nazionale attraverso questo nuovo apparecchio? Il metodo di ricerca si è articolato su tre distinte fasi di lavoro. In primis si è puntato a individuare e raccogliere bibliografia, sitografia, studi e materiale bibliografico reperibile a livello nazionale e internazionale sulla storia della televisione italiana e sulla sua programmazione nel primo ventennio. In particolare sono stati presi in esame i programmi scolastici ed educativi (Telescuola, Non è mai troppo tardi), la Tv dei Ragazzi e i programmi divulgativi culturali. Successivamente si è resa necessaria una definizione degli elementi per l’analisi dei programmi presi in esame, operazione resa possibile grazie alla consultazione del Catalogo multimediale della Rai. In questa seconda parte della ricerca si è voluto puntare i riflettori su ‹‹L’Approdo››, la storia, le peculiarità e gli obiettivi di quella che a ragione potrebbe essere definita una vera e propria impresa culturale, declinata in tutte le sue forme: radiofonica, di rivista cartacea e televisiva. In ultimo, sulla base dell’analisi dei materiali d’archivio, sono state realizzate interviste e ricerche all’interno dei palazzi della Rai per constatare la fondatezza e l’attendibilità dell’ipotesi relativa agli obiettivi educativi sottesi ai format televisivi presi in esame. Le conclusioni di questa ricerca hanno portato a sostenere che la tv delle origini, con tutti i suoi limiti, era uno strumento pedagogico e di coesione sociale. E se ciò appare come un aspetto ampiamente verificabile, oltreché evidente, qualora si voglia prendere in esame la televisione scolastica ed educativa di quegli anni, meno scontato risulta invece dimostrarlo se si decide – come si è fatto – di prendere in esame un programma divulgativo culturale come ‹‹L’Approdo››, che rientra nell’esperienza televisiva definita di ‹‹educazione permanente››. Ripercorrere la storia della trasmissione culturale più longeva della tv italiana degli esordi, per avvalorarne la funzione educativa, si è rivelata una strada interessante da battere, per quanto innegabilmente controversa, proprio per il principale intento insito nella trasmissione: diffondere la cultura ‹‹alta›› a milioni di telespettatori che erano praticamente digiuni della materia. Un obiettivo che alla fine della disamina si è rivelato centrato, grazie alla qualità della trasmissione, al suo autorevole e prestigioso groupe d'intellectuels, agli ascolti registrati dal ‹‹Servizio Opinioni›› e alla potenzialità divulgativa e penetrante della tv, nel suo saper trasmettere qualunque tematica, anche quelle artistiche e letterarie. Dunque se la prima conclusione di questo studio induce a considerare che la tv del primo ventennio era pedagogica, la seconda è che ‹‹L’Approdo›› tv di questa televisione fu un’espressione felice. ‹‹L’Approdo›› conserva ancora oggi un fascino innegabile, non foss’altro per la tenacia con la quale i letterati difesero l’idea stessa della cultura classica dal trionfo lento e inesorabile della società mediatica. Come pure appare ammirevole e lungimirante il tentativo, mai azzardato prima, di far incontrare la cultura con i nuovi media. Si potrebbe dire che ‹‹L’Approdo›› oggi rappresenti una rubrica del passato di inimmaginata modernità e, nel contempo, una memoria storica, lunga più di trent’anni, che proietta nel futuro la ricerca storica grazie al suo repertorio eccezionale di immagini e fatti che parlano di arte, di letteratura, di cultura, di editoria e di società e che raccontano il nostro Paese e la sua identità culturale, la stessa che la televisione da sempre contribuisce a riflettere e a delineare. Lo studio è partito da un’accurata analisi delle fonti, focalizzando l’attenzione, in primo luogo, sugli ‹‹Annuari della Rai›› (che contengono le Relazioni del Cda Rai, le Relazioni del Collegio Sindacale, i Bilanci dell’Esercizio e gli Estratti del Verbale dell’Assemblea Ordinaria). Altre fonti prese in esame sono gli stati gli opuscoli di ‹‹Servizio Opinioni››, le pubblicazioni relative a studi e ricerche in materia di televisione e pedagogia e le riviste edite dalla Rai Eri: ‹‹Radiocorriere tv››, ‹‹L’Approdo Letterario››, ‹‹Notizie Rai››, ‹‹La nostra RAI››, ‹‹Video››. Negli ultimi anni la Rai ha messo a disposizione del pubblico una cospicua varietà di video trasmessi dalle origini a oggi (www.techeaperte.it): si tratta del Catalogo Multimediale della Rai, che si è rivelato fondamentale al fine della realizzazione della presente ricerca. Altre sedi indispensabili per la realizzazione di questa ricerca si sono rivelate le due Biblioteche romane della Rai di Viale Mazzini e di via Teulada.

Music and Democracy - Participatory Approaches explores music as a resource for societal transformation processes. It provides recent insights into how individuals and groups used and still use music to achieve social, cultural and political participation and bring about social change. The book gathers outstanding perspectives on the topic: From the promise and myth of democratization through music technology to the use of music in imposing authoritarian, neoliberal or even fascist political ideas in the past and present up to music's impact on political systems, governmental representation, and socio-political realities. It further features approaches in the fields of gender, migration, disability, and digitalization. Music and Democracy introduces a diversity of musical styles and political settings in various times and adds rarely discussed aspects to the topic.

In order to investigate issues somehow neglected, the paper tries to carefully outline both the economic and institutional aspect and the origins and development of the Florentine anti-fascist thought. Much has been written about Carlo Rosselli's liberal socialism; still interpretations are often based more on subjective views than on in-depth studies, and this is especially true when it is the current political situation which tries to interpret Rosselli’s thought. Several scholars approached Carlo Rosselli’s thought assuming that the adjective ‘liberal’ can be translated as ‘liberalistic’, that the noun ‘socialist’ can be replaced with ‘welfare’ (of a moderate sort in addition), and finally that the State he theorized proves little interventionist in social and economic life; but this does not seem to be a correct interpretative key.

Abstract The end of the War opened enormous possibilities for political and social reform. At the time, many radical and revolutionary solutions were on offer. However, by the end of the 1940s, it was the more moderate people’s party model of democracy which reigned supreme, ideologically, electorally, and institutionally. This chapter shows why this was the case, looking at all these three aspects where the ideal of the people’s party that had been articulated before now made its definite breakthrough. Of course, the defeat of Nazism and fascism as well as the coming of the Cold War delegitimized radical political alternatives. But the breakthrough of the people’s party was also an endogenous process, in which political leaders analysed the problems of Interwar democracy and reformed democracy accordingly. They translated their ideas into internal party reforms, but also in the constitutions of France, Italy, and Germany. The ideal of the people’s party also transpired in all kinds of social partnerships which actively managed social and political relations to foster badly needed social peace and political stability.

This chapter aims to remind ourselves that one-sided political theories are bound to lead to moral and political calamities and to encourage a search for a set of compromises that fit the needs of our age. It notes that we have a lot to learn from the failures and successes of the last century; the most important lesson of all is to be more critical of our own beliefs and more open to those of others. The chapter then reviews two of the leading ideologies of the last century, liberal democracy and nationalism. From each of them, worthwhile human values and social strategies are exerted. The chapter identifies with nationalism's most extreme expressions: brutal neoliberalism, on the one hand, Nazism, and fascism on the other hand. Ultimately, the chapter draws out some of the valuable and constructive aspects of nationalism, arguing that they reflect a scope of human needs and aspirations that should be considered. It presents the case for nationalism, trying to highlight its importance in any future social construct.

Abstract We live under a state that is terminally sick, in the manner of a political, economic, social and spiritual AIDS. Lacking the built-in natural immunity that is to be found in all healthy body organisms, it is vulnerable to every germ and shock that the world climate may blow its way. For this, state, every week is a crisis, as it wriggles vainly to cope with some fresh problem arising from out of its own insoluble internal tensions and contradictions. Its death is certain; the only remaining uncertainty is that of the precise moment when it expires.[ ] In every aspect of contemporary British politics the habit is to try to ‘square the circle’, to make work that which will not work. The present form of parliamentarydemocracy’ as a method for the translation of the popular will into political action has become a stale joke.

Abstract The various strategies discussed in preceding chapters were, for the most part, regarded as pathways toward a non capitalist, democratic and socialist order. United fronts, radical pianism and popular fronts were widely considered to be means to obtain this socialist goal. It was that aspect of these strategies which caught the attention of contemporaries and which ensured the meteoric rise of these novel propositions to positions of national and international prominence. This was most unabashedly so in the case of united fronts and pianism. Both pathways to social change were regarded, quite often explicitly, as clearly identifiable socialist projects. In the case of popular fronts, I argue, this was less decidedly so. Here, a gulf began to emerge between the popular identification of popular fronts as a socialist project, the “popular front in combat,” and the views of popular fronts as an exercise of power rather than “the conquest of power,” prevalent among the upper levels of the party hierarchies associated with this scheme. Much of the attention of historians of Europe’s Left has hitherto been devoted to the communist tradition, and the radical achievements of European social democrats have been neglected in the process. Partially responsible for this case of historical amnesia, of course, has been the prevailing view of social democracy as a gradualist and steadily moderating political force, a view encouraged by, among others, post-World War II social democracy itself. By contrast, I argue that the driving force behind these strategies for social change was continental European social democracy. To be sure, not all Continental social democrats identified with this socialist project at that time, and not all supporters of this socialist project were social democrats. Yet, by 1934, a majority of Continental social democrats favored a path of radical societal change, and they were by far the most numerous Continental political force on the working-class Left.

Abstract While Chapter 2 turned to the problems of mass parties broadening their social base, this chapter turns to the other aspect in which Interwar mass parties failed to transform into people’s parties: striking difficult compromises with adversaries and taking on government responsibility. This problem was evident in some places, notably Italy, from the start, but became more widespread and structural during the 1930s almost everywhere. Also in this aspect, pre-war legacies and the mutual mistrust these created played a role. In the face of a deep economic crisis, the rise of political extremism, and growing geopolitical tensions, the mass parties became more firmly entrenched in their own subcultures. This further dented governmental stability and boosted feelings of democratic fatigue, even among people and groups who had first supported the new democratic order. The tendency of mass parties to move away from the centre ultimately contributed to instances of democratic collapse such as in Italy, Austria, and Germany. It seemed as if the ideal of a broad-based people’s party lost out in a clash between competing conceptions of mass politics, against the mass party model or its the authoritarian version in the guise of the Nazi and Fascist parties and their offshoots elsewhere.

La filmografía de Guillermo del Toro deconstruye algunas de las convenciones vinculadas a lo fantástico, principalmente el horror gótico y el género de los cuentos de hadas. Emplea con recurrencia fórmulas antiguas, como personajes y motivos arquetípicos de historias tradicionales y de fantasía, adaptándolas a la sociedad y cultura contemporáneas. Lo fantástico funciona como un universo paralelo perceptible por ciertos personajes y por los espectadores. Sus películas describen una realidad sobrenatural entremezclada con el mundo ordinario, utilizando arquetipos en estas narraciones en el mundo real. La fantasía proporciona al director un vehículo para la presentación de temas político-sociales a través de una serie de metáforas, que podemos apreciar en obras como El laberinto del fauno. Ofelia, la niña protagonista, representa la resistencia contra el fascismo, y emplea la fantasía como un medio poderoso para redefinir la realidad. La película establece paralelismos entre los mundos ordinario y sobrenatural, recordándonos a los códigos en las películas de horror gótico entre otros aspectos —debido al carácter circular de su narrativa o la desubicación espacio-temporal de la heroína, como una figura atrapada entre dos realidades, entre una narración histórica y otra fantástica.