Libri sul tema "Execution trace analysis"

This chapter analyzes over-compliance in Brazil’s introduction of pharmaceutical patents in the 1990s. Extensive legislative deliberation and societal mobilization delayed and diluted this outcome, but could not prevent it. Brazil’s national pharmaceutical sector was able to tap into a network of social movements around the environmental and ethical dimensions of patenting to resist over-compliance. Yet, ultimately, the Executive secured over-compliance by using the country’s vulnerability to trade sanctions to mobilize exporters in support of this campaign. Comparative perspective reveals the conditional importance of external pressures and Executive preferences. Like Argentina, Brazil was subject to threats of trade sanctions and considerable intervention by the United States, and by mid-1990s both countries had Presidents that were committed to satisfying these external demands. What sets Brazil apart, however, was a different social structure that allowed the Executive and its societal allies to use these external pressures to build a broad coalition for over-compliance.

Building on the previous chapter, this chapter analyzes variation in protest activity across Argentine provinces using statistical analysis. Drawing on two sources of protest events data, survey data, and an inventive method for measuring subnational democracy introduced by Gervasoni (2010), I trace how characteristics of subnational democratic institutions related to electoral competition and executive dominance produce different protest outcomes over the past twenty years. Departing from prior studies of protest in Latin America, I focus on the differential effects of subnational democracy on distinct protest repertoires. That is, might certain institutional characteristics of provinces spur aggressive modes of contention but diminish the incidence of peaceful protests, and vice versa? In conclusion, this chapter reveals that even in a protest state like Argentina, significant subnational variation in terms of democratic quality can produce stark variation in both the prevalence and type of contentious politics.

This chapter explains early and extreme over-compliance in Mexico. In the 1980s, even while transforming much of the country’s economic strategy, the Executive remained cautious with regard to pharmaceutical patenting. Yet by the end of the decade, external pressures and the promise of a bilateral trade agreement with the United States transformed the Executive’s preferences. The analysis reveals how economic liberalization in the late 1980s and the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement weakened the national pharmaceutical sector both economically and politically, and how Mexico’s export profile and the opportunities presented by a new trade agreement with the United States helped the transnational sector widen the coalition for over-compliance. Examination of the legislative process by which Mexico adopted pharmaceutical patents in 1991 illustrates these stark coalitional asymmetries; we observe a defensive coalition stripped of the will to fight and an expansive and energized coalition for over-compliance.

This chapter presents a historical and literary analysis of the representation of masculinity in Peru. Using a feminist psychoanalytic frame, it examines Peruvian literature to make sense of Peru's recent brutal past, which culminated in the confrontation between the Shining Path, the Tupac Amaru guerrillas, and the government-armed forces that resulted in 69,000 deaths. It posits that a homology exists between masculinity and the nation state. It reads the executions of indigenous Peruvian leaders by the Spanish as castration myths and traces these Peruvian castration myths to argue that they produce simultaneously a failed masculinity as well as a failed state. The failed nation and the failure of masculinity are rooted in the legacy of colonialism. Resolving this oedipal dilemma would be a first step in resolving gender inequality and creating a more just nation.

The New York Business (NYB) occupied an increasingly prominent role within the publishing activities and global reach of the Oxford University Press. The NYB published educational, trade, and academic titles, as well as bibles, and sold these books along with imported Oxford titles. The chapter describes the expansion of the American list, highlighting particular successes in reference, history, and science books, and sets this growth in the context of the Oxford list and the wider American market. Sales of New York and imported titles are analysed and profitability of publishing lines and the business as a whole are assessed. The chapter considers the influence of successive managers and their differing relationships with executives in Oxford. Significant growth in the 1980s prompted the NYB to invest in a new warehouse in Cary, North Carolina, and new executive offices on Madison Avenue in New York City.

At the dawn of the 1990s, as the United States celebrated its victory in the Cold War and sole superpower status by waging war on Iraq and proclaiming democratic capitalism as the best possible society, the 1990s underground punk renaissance transformed the punk scene into a site of radical opposition to American empire. Nazi skinheads were ejected from the punk scene; apathetic attitudes were challenged; women, Latino, and LGBTQ participants asserted their identities and perspectives within punk; the scene debated the virtues of maintaining DIY purity versus venturing into the musical mainstream; and punks participated in protest movements from animal rights to stopping the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal to shutting down the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting. Punk lyrics offered strident critiques of American empire, from its exploitation of the Third World to its warped social relations. Numerous subgenres of punk proliferated to deliver this critique, such as the blazing hardcore punk of bands like Los Crudos, propagandistic crust-punk/dis-core; grindcore and power violence with tempos over 800 BPM, and So-Cal punk with its combination of melody and hardcore. Musical analysis of each of these styles and the expressive efficacy of numerous bands reveals that punk is not merely simplistic three-chord rock music, but a genre that is constantly revolutionizing itself in which nuances of guitar riffs, vocal timbres, drum beats, and song structures are deeply meaningful to its audience, as corroborated by the robust discourse in punk zines.

The need to secure civilians and their fundamental rights has led to the moral imperative to track, record and memorialise the killing and the suffering of those who find themselves in the midst of violent conflict. Body Count tracks and explores civilian deaths in Iraq following the 2003 invasion by the US-led coalition. It is a recounting of the conflict through the counting of its victims. The book provides a narrative of the War on Terror by charting its course and its impact, through ‘live’ reports and through reflective analysis by the principal researcher of the NGO Iraq Body Count. It highlights the importance and the challenges of casualty recording, it maps the insurgency in Iraq and the ensuing civilian deaths, the struggle between military power and ideology, the increasing radicalisation, the seeking of security through hegemony, and the cycle of violence. The book narrates state collapse through discussions on the neoliberal system’s effect on Iraq’s security, on military interventions and the Western control paradigm, on individual and community trauma. It raises questions on leadership and hegemony, the vulnerability of weak states, winning and losing, regime and energy security. It tells the daily story of Iraq: a story of fear, of executions and mass graves, of airstrikes and car bombs, of heroism and sacrifice, and of life carrying on.

The Art Gallery on Stage is the first book to consider the representation of the art gallery on the contemporary British stage and to discuss how playwrights have begun to regard it as inspiration, location, focus or theme in an ever-more intense game of cross-fertilization. The study analyzes the impact on dramatic form and theatrical presentation of what has been a paradigmatic shift in the way art galleries and museums display their collections and how these are perceived, establishing a hitherto unexplored connection between modes of exhibiting and modes of representation. It traces a trajectory from plays that were initially performed in traditional theatres in accordance with a naturalistic play structure to plays that favour of a radical reconfiguration of visual representation. Indeed, since the beginning of the new millennium, playwrights and theatre-makers have increasingly experimented with new dramatic forms and site-specific venues, while forging collaborations with art makers and curators. The book focuses on plays from the 1980s onwards, such as Howard Barker’s Scenes from an Execution, Nick Dear’s The Art of Success, Alan Bennett’s A Question of Attribution, Timberlake Wertenbaker’s Three Birds Alighting on a Field and The Line, David Edgar’s Pentecost, Martin Crimp’s Attempt on Her Life, Rebecca Lenkiewicz’s Shoreditch Madonna and The Painter, David Leddy’s Long Live the Little Knife, and Tim Crouch’s My Arm, An Oak Tree and England, and considers the vital contribution to the field made by set designers. Ultimately, through this study, we come to understand how modern drama can offer a set of interpretative tools to enhance our understanding of the mechanisms underlying the social construction of art and, furthermore, the potential of theatre and the gallery space to question our fundamental cultural assumptions and values.

The modern political idea of jihad—a violent struggle against corrupt or anti-Islamic regimes—is essentially the brainchild of one man who turned traditional Islamic precepts inside out and created the modern radical political Islamist movement. Using the evolution of Sayyid Qutb's life and writings, Musallam traces and analyzes Qutb's alienation and subsequent emergence as an independent Islamist within the context of his society and the problems that it faced. Radicalized following his stay in the United States in the late 1940s and during his imprisonment from 1954 to 1964, Qutb would pen controversial writings that would have a significant impact on young Islamists in Egypt for decades following his death and on global jihadist Islamists for the past quarter century. Since September 11, 2001, the West has dubbed Qutb the philosopher of Islamic terror and godfather ideologue of al-Qaeda. This is the first book to examine his life and thought in the wake of the events that ignited the War on Terrorism. A secular man of letters in the 1930s and 1940s, Qutb's outlook and focus on Quranic studies underwent drastic changes during World War II. The Quran became a refuge for his personal needs and for answers to the ills of his society. As a result, he forsook literature permanently for the Islamic cause and way of life. His stay in the United States from 1948 to 1950 reinforced his deeply held belief that Islam is man's only salvation from the abyss of Godless materialism he believed to be manifest in both capitalism and communism. Qutb's active opposition to the secular policies of Egyptian President Nasser led to his imprisonment from 1954 to 1964, during which his writings called for the overthrow of Jahili (pagan) governments and their replacement with a true and just Islamic society. A later arrest and trial resulted in his execution in August 1966.

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.