Articoli di riviste sul tema "Ethnicité et groupes tribaux"

RésuméL’insurrection baloutche au Pakistan révèle une ambivalence entre un programme politique englobant visant à délimiter une « nation » homogène, et un modèle social fondé sur des groupes de parenté unilinéaire d’où découlent des relations segmentaires. Or, en se concentrant sur le rôle des chefs tribaux dans la rébellion, on s’aperçoit que le maintien des références agnatiques et des groupes tribaux peut être facteur de changement. La mise en exergue des contradictions endogènes, donc du sens critique des acteurs sociaux euxmêmes, dévoile les mécanismes par lesquels les contours de l’organisation sociale peuvent être remodelés tout en conservant un registre de valeurs existant et sans basculer dans un nouveau paradigme social.

L’évacuation de l’« ethnicité » au profit du « culturel » est au centre de la réflexion que propose ici l’auteur. En se livrant à une « analyse politico-théorique » de l’idéologie dominante nord-américaine, il tente de cerner la relation entre le caractère assimilateur de celle-ci, dont toute la sociologie américaine des relations ethniques porte la marque de par ses concepts mêmes, et les idéologies des révolutions libérales des XVIIIe et XIXe siècles. Mais, l’idée de nation que ces dernières avaient mise de l’avant comme nouvelle forme d’organisation politique et économique est construite à partir du groupe ethnique dominant autour de l’État. Or, avec la montée croissante des revendications identitaires des groupes ethniques depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, quels types de rapports peuvent exister entre la communauté majoritaire qui contrôle l’État et cherche à reproduire sa culture et les autres, minoritaires, qui cherchent à survivre ? Et, n’y a-t-il pas lieu de voir une opposition entre le pluralisme culturel qui est apparu comme solution et l’ethnicité, puisque l’idéologie d’État-nation de la bourgeoisie fait partie des fondements du capitalisme moderne ?

Le présent article rend compte d'une recherche effectuée dans la communauté saharia en Inde centrale. Il montre que les programmes de développement économique ont des effets différents sur les hommes et les femmes, compte tenu des contraintes socioculturelles qui s'exercent sur ces dernières. L'auteure insiste sur la nécessité d'étudier les femmes des groupes «tribaux» de l'Inde à la lumière de leur propre culture et en tenant compte de la position qu'elles occupent dans ces communautés.

RésuméOn peut poser pour hypothèse plausible que l’administration harappéenne était une structure duelle : d’une part, des institutions étatiques précoces (royauté, législation royale, organisation du travail, normalisation des poids et mesures, etc.), d’autre part, des institutions « tribales » (poids de la parenté dans les réseaux de production, etc.). Ce dualisme se reflète-t-il dans l’urbanisme de Mohenjo-daro, ville principale de cette civilisation ? La répartition du mobilier archéologique à travers la cité, les habitations, regroupées en blocs, l’emplacement des puits, l’usage de la mitoyenneté et l’intrigante insertion de structures artisanales dans les plus grandes demeures incitent à proposer la conclusion, toujours hypothétique, que les différents quartiers ont pu correspondre à des groupes de parenté ou « maisons ».

Ce papier s’intéresse au recrutement basé sur l’ethnicité de la main-d’œuvre non permanente (MONP). Il cherche à expliquer l’influence de la géo-ethnique sur la performance d’une organisation publique transformée. Nous avons mobilisé une hybridation des théories néo-­institutionnelles et des conventions. Les techniques de traitement mobilisées sont la classification hiérarchique et l’analyse qualitative comparée. Les résultats ont été obtenus sur 36 agents interrogés par un questionnaire. Deux principaux résultats obtenus : une taxonomie en 6 catégories et deux formules. Ils indiquent que la géo-ethnique est prégnante au recrutement de la MONP, ­transforme l’organisation et a un effet ambivalent sur la performance. Nous obtenons 4 groupes d’agents recrutés par la géo-ethnique : 2 groupes issus de la famille du dirigeant, un est performant par son engagement calculé et l’autre n’est pas performant ; et 2 groupes issus des alliances, un est performant par son engagement affectif et l’autre n’est pas performant. Ces résultats ouvrent la voie à une réforme de l’État axé sur un contrôle procédural.

Ce papier s’intéresse au recrutement basé sur l’ethnicité de la main-d’œuvre non permanente (MONP). Il cherche à expliquer l’influence de la géo-ethnique sur la performance d’une organisation publique transformée. Nous avons mobilisé une hybridation des théories néo-institutionnelles et des conventions. Les techniques de traitement mobilisées sont la classification hiérarchique et l’analyse qualitative comparée. Les résultats ont été obtenus sur 36 agents interrogés par un questionnaire. Deux principaux résultats obtenus : une taxonomie en 6 catégories et deux formules. Ils indiquent que la géo-ethnique est prégnante au recrutement de la MONP, transforme l’organisation et a un effet ambivalent sur la performance. Nous obtenons 4 groupes d’agents recrutés par la géo-ethnique : 2 groupes issus de la famille du dirigeant, un est performant par son engagement calculé et l’autre n’est pas performant ; et 2 groupes issus des alliances, un est performant par son engagement affectif et l’autre n’est pas performant. Ces résultats ouvrent la voie à une réforme de l’État axé sur un contrôle procédural.

Dans un cas rare, la poésie chinoise contemporaine rencontre l’histoire de la lutte africaine pour la restauration de l’identité et la revalorisation de la culture dans Paroles de feu de Jidi Majia. Cet article aborde ce lien unique en soulignant l’interconnexion des expériences de l’Africain avec celles d’autres groupes marginalisés dans le monde. Jidi Majia parvient à situer ces expériences dans le contexte de la Négritude et de son influence sur les luttes identitaires de plusieurs autres groupes dans le monde. Dans Paroles de feu, cette inspiration est mise à nu par un lien soigneusement élaboré entre le mouvement de la Négritude et la représentation par Jidi Majia de sa minorité ethnique chinoise nosu/yi. Le poète s’engage directement dans la Négritude en reproduisant ses piliers mêmes en célébrant son ethnicité. Par ce biais, il s’attaque également à notre mémoire de la Négritude en tant que courant littéraire et laisse une impression remarquable de ce mouvement comme source d’inspiration pour la poésie au-delà du monde africain.

RÉSUMÉL'auteur s'efforce ici de relativiser la thèse généralement admise dans les milieux gérontologiques et popularisée par l'avocate féministe Louise Dulude dans un article intitulé “Vieillesse, monde de femmes”. Prenant le taux de masculinité âgée comme indicateur, l'article démontre que cette affirmation n'est vraie au Canada que depuis peu et dans les milieux urbains, qu'un pays sur six à travers le monde fait exception à la règle de même que la moitié (9/18) des groupes ethniques de l'Ontario en 1971. Le cas autochtone illustre encore davantage la complexité de la situation.On se rend ainsi compte que la prédominance d'un sexe sur l'autre au troisième âge est conditionnée par une multiplicité de facteurs: biologie, histoire, migrations, ethnicité, milieu (rural-urbain) et occupation.

RÉSUMÉCette étude a examiné la pertinence des trois critères de Rowe et Kahn pour le vieillissement réussi à des représentations de soi dans profils de recontre en ligne des aînés:faible probabilité de maladie ou d’invalidité;fonctionnement élevéetl’engagement de la vie active. Dans cette étude transversale, 320 profils de rencontre en ligne des personnes âgées ont été choisis aléatoirement et codés selon ces critères. Les analyses de régression logistique ont déterminé si l’âge, le sexe et la race / ethnicité prédit l’auto-présentation. Peu de profils étaient révélateurs du vieillissement réussi en raison de la faible prévalence des deux premiers critères. Cependant, le troisième critère a été identifié dans de nombreux profils. Les Amérindiens étaient beaucoup moins susceptibles que les autres groupes ethniques pour mettre en évidence les premier et deuxième critères. Présentant le premier critère prédit le jeune âge. Profils de présentations des femmes du troisième critère sont restés très élevés avec l’âge. Les résultats suggèrent que les critères peuvent être sans importance pour les personnes âgées qui cherchent des partenaires, ou peuvent refléter l’exclusivité de cette idée.

Résumé Cet article présente les résultats d’une recherche qui compare le vécu scolaire et identitaire d’adolescents montréalais d’origine haïtienne de première et de deuxième générations d’immigrés. La moitié d’entre eux, récemment immigrés, sont nés en Haïti et y ont été scolarisés les premières années, tandis que les autres, de parents immigrés, sont nés et ont grandi au Québec. La considération de ces deux groupes de jeunes permet de vérifier les différences et ressemblances dans leur adaptation scolaire et leur sentiment d’identité, par rapport au pays d’origine/pays de résidence. Comparés à ceux de deuxième génération nés et socialisés au Québec, les adolescents nés en Haïti se montrent-ils plus repliés sur leur culture d’origine et moins proches de la société d’accueil? L’analyse des données issues d’entretiens individuels et de groupe révèle que les jeunes ayant participé à cette recherche, de deuxième ou de première génération, sont préoccupés par des obstacles liés à leur statut (personne d’origine immigrée) et à leur ethnicité (personne noire). Ils parviennent, de manière générale, à conjuguer valeurs haïtiennes et québécoises dans leur construction identitaire personnelle. Cependant, ils expriment une certaine distance face au groupe majoritaire, vu comme responsable de la stigmatisation de l’image collective de leur communauté. La recherche a permis de mieux comprendre les interactions sociales des jeunes d’origine haïtienne en milieu scolaire, ainsi que les enjeux de l’identité dans un espace multiculturel.

Introduction Le sommeil est essentiel à la fois au bien-être physique et au bien-être mental. Cette étude a examiné les facteurs sociodémographiques, comportementaux, environnementaux, psychosociaux et les facteurs de santé associés à la durée du sommeil chez les Canadiens à différentes étapes de la vie. Méthodologie Nous avons analysé des données de l’Enquête canadienne sur les mesures de la santé (2009-2013), représentatives à l’échelle nationale et portant sur 12 174 Canadiens de 3 à 79 ans. En fonction de leur âge, les répondants ont été distribués en cinq groupes correspondant à cinq étapes de vie : les enfants préscolaires (3 et 4 ans), les enfants (5 à 13 ans), les adolescents (14 à 17 ans), les adultes (18 à 64 ans) et les aînés (65 à 79 ans). La durée du sommeil a été classée en trois catégories (recommandée, courte et longue) suivant les directives établies. Des modèles de régression logistique ont été utilisés pour dégager des corrélats d’une durée de sommeil courte ou longue propres à chaque étape de vie. Résultats La proportion de Canadiens jouissant de la quantité recommandée de sommeil diminue avec l’âge, de 81 % chez les enfants préscolaires à 53 % chez les aînés. Les facteurs statistiquement significatifs associés à un sommeil court sont une ethnicité non blanche et un revenu familial faible chez les enfants préscolaires, une ethnicité non blanche et la résidence avec un seul parent chez les enfants et l’exposition à la fumée secondaire chez les adolescents. Les garçons ayant un trouble d’apprentissage ou un trouble du déficit de l’attention avec hyperactivité et les garçons adolescents sédentaires avaient des chances significativement plus élevées de connaître un sommeil court. Chez les adultes et les aînés, le stress chronique et l’arthrite ont été associés tous deux à un sommeil court. Le sommeil long a été quant à lui associé à un trouble de l’humeur et une autoperception d'une mauvaise santé générale ou passable chez les adultes et à un faible sens d’appartenance communautaire chez les adultes ainsi que chez les aînés de sexe masculin. Conclusion Notre étude de population a dégagé une grande variété de facteurs associés à un sommeil court ou long à différentes étapes de la vie, ce qui pourrait jouer un rôle dans l'élaboration des interventions visant à promouvoir une durée de sommeil saine.

La Región de la Sierra de Tabasco cuenta con grupos de población indígena ch’ol y zoque de gran importancia para la configuración del territorio, la cual tiene que ver con límites políticos en un largo proceso histórico. Este ensayo analiza la conformación histórico-cultural de la zona, resaltando los elementos de identidad étnica y estableciendo la diferencia, principalmente, entre la región instrumental y la ontológica. El trabajo examina también la política educativa indigenista de aculturación que, durante el siglo xx, influyó en la definición de estos grupos étnicos en el área de estudio, frente a un proceso en el cual se impuso un imaginario de identidad relacionada con el mundo olmeca. Los procesos temporales presentados en este estudio llevan a identificar a la región como producto de un proceso contradictorio determinado por elementos mezclados, a lo largo del tiempo, en dinámicas yuxtapuestas.Palabras clave: Etnicidad, Identidad, Indigenismo, Territorio, PolíticasResignification of the Sierra de Tabasco Region based on historical elements and public policies of ethnicityAbstractThe Sierra de Tabasco Region has Ch’ol and Zoque indigenous population groups of great importance for the configuration of the territory, which has to do with political limits in a long historical process. This essay analyzes the historical and cultural conformation of the area, highlighting the elements of ethnic identity and establishing the difference, mainly, between the instrumental and the ontological region. The work also examines the indigenist educational policy of acculturation that, during the 20th century, influenced the definition of these ethnic groups in the area of study, faced with a process in which an imaginary of identity related to the Olmec world was imposed. The temporal processes presented in this study lead to identifying the region as the product of a contradictory process shaped by a mixture of elements over time in juxtaposed dynamics.Key words: Ethnicity, Identity, Indigenism, Territory, PoliticsResignification de la Région Sierra de Tabasco à partir d’éléments historiques et de politiques publiques d’ethnicitéRésuméLa Région de la Sierra de Tabasco dispose de groupes de population indigène ch’ol et zoque de grande importance pour la configuration du territoire, laquelle implique des limites politiques dans un long procès historique. Cet essai analyse la conformation historique-culturelle de la zone, en mettant l’accent sur les éléments d’identité ethnique et en établissant la différence, principalement, entre la région instrumentale et l’ontologique. Le travail examine aussi la politique éducative indigéniste d’acculturation qui, pendant le XXe. Siècle, a influencé dans la définition de ces groupes ethniques dans l’axe d’étude, face à un procès dans lequel un imaginaire d’identité s’est imposé en relation avec le monde olmèque. Les procès temporels présentés dans cette étude emmènent à identifier la région comme produit d’un procès contradictoire déterminé par d’éléments mélangés au cours du temps dans de dynamiques juxtaposées.Mots clé : Ethnicité, Identité, Indigénisme, Territoire, Politiques

Abstract The Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans (Guidelines) advises older adults to be as active as possible. Yet, despite the well documented benefits of physical activity just 12.8% of those ages 65 and older meet the Guidelines. To address this, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) developed a Midcourse Report focused on effective strategies to improve older adult physical activity behaviors. The first step in this process was a systematic literature review. A literature review team was contracted to examine the evidence on key settings and effective behavioral intervention strategies, as well as effective policy, systems, and environmental (PSE) approaches, to improve physical activity among older adults. The PSE search employed an equity-centered framework adapted to researching PSE approaches for improving physical activity outcomes in older adults. Sixteen thousand eight hundred and eighty-three titles and abstracts were screened, and 734 full articles were reviewed for inclusion. Of those, 64 original research articles were included for the final review to answer two questions, one (plus 5 sub-questions) focused on Settings/Strategies literature (46 studies) and one (plus 2 sub-questions) focused on PSE literature (18 studies). The literature review process identified key settings and evidence-based strategies to support older adults in becoming more physically active, and provides a foundation for the Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report: Implementation Strategies for Older Adults. More research is needed to address how factors related to equity and psychosocial constructs influence physical activity behaviors among older adults. Key Words Physical activity, policy, older adults, systematic review, Policy-Systems-Environment, aerobic physical activity, muscle strengthening physical activity Introduction The Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans (Guidelines) (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), 2018) serves as the benchmark and primary, authoritative voice of the federal government for providing science-based guidance on physical activity, fitness, and health for Americans. The most recent edition, released in 2018, provides evidence-based recommendations for Americans ages 3 and older to safely get the physical activity they need to stay healthy (HHS, 2018). In 2013, five years after the release of the first edition of the Guidelines, HHS released a midcourse report (Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report Subcommittee of the President’s Council on Fitness, Sports & Nutrition (PAG Midcourse Subcommittee), 2013). This report focused on strategies to increase physical activity among youth and focused on five key areas where youth live, learn, and play – preschool and childcare centers, schools, family and home, community (built environment), and primary care medical settings (PAG Midcourse, 2013). The next midcourse report focused on older adults (ages 65 and older). The benefits of regular physical activity occur throughout life and are essential for healthy aging. Research suggests it is never too late to start being physically active. Despite the many benefits of physical activity, only 12.8% of adults over age 65 meet the aerobic and muscle-strengthening Guidelines (HHS Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion (ODPHP), 2022). This rate may be influenced by several factors, as barriers to physical activity differ from individual to individual and are influenced by socioeconomic, cultural, built environment, and other community factors. The Guidelines contains quantitative recommendations for older adults but does not include implementation strategies. Therefore, a literature review was conducted to identify successful interventions to promote increased physical activity and adherence to the key guidelines for older adults and summarized in the Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review (ICF Next, 2023). The Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report: Implementation Strategies for Older Adults (Midcourse Report) (HHS, 2023) serves to further the breadth of the Guidelines to facilitate the implementation of proven programs and other strategies that can increase levels of physical activity among older adults. This paper outlines the literature review methodology to support the Midcourse Report. Methods: Literature Review In 2022, HHS contracted with a Literature Review Team to review the evidence on effective strategies to increase physical activity among older adults. This work was supported by the President’s Council on Sports, Fitness & Nutrition (PCSFN) Science Board (Science Board), made up of 11 experts in physical activity and older adult populations. The Literature Review Team used a methodology supported by best practices for systematic literature reviews developed by the United States Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Nutrition Evidence Systematic Review (NESR) (USDA NESR Branch, 2023), the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) (AHRQ, 2014), the Cochrane Collaboration (Higgins et al., 2022), and the Health and Medicine Division of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine standards to review, evaluate, and synthesize published, peer-reviewed physical activity research (Institute of Medicine (US) Committee on Standards for Systematic Reviews of Comparative Effectiveness Research, 2011). This review process was largely guided by the approach taken to review the literature for the 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee Scientific Report (2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee, 2018; Torres et al., 2018). Paralleling the 2018 process, this protocol-driven review approach was undertaken to maximize transparency, minimize bias, and ensure the review conducted was timely, relevant, and high quality. There are two major distinctions between this review and that conducted by the 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee: 1) the decision to review original articles instead of using a “review of reviews” approach; and 2) to focus on research with physical activity outcomes as opposed to health outcomes. All work completed by the Literature Review Team was under the direction and review of ODPHP, on behalf of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the PCSFN. The Literature Review Team coordinated the literature review process, developed an abstraction tool and accompanying abstraction and triage guides, and implemented training and quality control protocols. Several groups supported the literature review work: Librarians reviewed search strategies and provided guidance as needed. The Triage Team conducted title and abstract triage of articles identified through the literature searches. The Abstraction Team engaged in rigorous training before abstracting data from included articles. A portion of this group also assessed risk of bias on a subset of the included articles. The Science Board identified, aggregated, organized, and analyzed the scientific literature. A six-step process was used to examine the literature: Step 1: Develop systematic review questions Step 2: Develop systematic review strategy Step 3: Search, screen, and select evidence to review for each question Step 4: Abstract data and assess the risk of bias of the research Step 5: Describe the evidence Step 6: Complete evidence portfolios and draft Scientific Report Step 1: Developing Systematic Review Questions Following the cadence of previous editions of the Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans with an interim Midcourse Report, HHS initiated the process to review the scientific literature focused on effective approaches to promote physical activity among older adults. ODPHP outlined a need to examine intervention strategies and key settings that are effective in promoting movement and achievement of the key guidelines for physical activity for older adults. Additional factors of interest for the literature review included how engagement in physical activity interventions may influence mental health, well-being, social connection, and other related social and emotional factors; as well as how interventions implemented as policy, systems, and environmental approaches to change the context influence physical activity in older adult populations. Solidifying Systematic Review Questions. The Literature Review Team developed research questions focused on the previously specified topics. The research questions and corresponding sub-questions are as follows: Question 1: What are effective intervention strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Does the mode of delivery (e.g., virtual, in person, phone) impact the effectiveness of interventions? Does the setting impact the effectiveness of the interventions? What barriers exist to engaging or participating in the intervention? What are the retention, attrition, and/or attendance rates? Do personal characteristics (e.g., ability, age, sex, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status) or chronic health conditions influence participation? Do interventions assess changes in participant mental health, quality of life, well-being, resilience, or social connection and isolation? Question 2: What are effective policy, systems, and environmental (PSE) strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Is there a dose-response relation between the scope and reach of the PSE strategy and “success”? Does the “success” of the PSE strategy vary by geographical location or by sociodemographic subgroup? Step 2: Develop Systematic Review Strategy Develop Analytical Frameworks. Analytical frameworks were developed for each research question. Analytical frameworks are graphic representations used to lay the groundwork and initial parameters for each search. The frameworks served as a guide to define key variables, inform the inclusion and exclusion criteria, and develop the literature review strategy. These frameworks were created using the PICO method (population, intervention, comparison, and outcomes) (Higgins et al., 2022) and were modeled on the approach used for the 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee Scientific Report (2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee, 2018; Torres et al., 2018). The frameworks were constructed during weekly meetings (see supplementary materials). Develop Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria. The Literature Review Team created inclusion and exclusion criteria for each research question. The template used to draft inclusion and exclusion criteria was modeled off the approach used for the 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee Scientific Report (2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee, 2018), and adapted to meet the needs of this particular review. These templates were used to determine whether studies were eligible to be selected for each respective systematic literature review and whether studies would provide data to support the focal research questions. To promote consistency and relevance, and to account for scope parameters, each template included similar sections (Tables 1 and 2). Table 1. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria for Question 1: What are effective intervention strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Include Published in English Language English Language Publication Peer-Reviewed Literature Published From 2012 to 2022 Original Research Human Participants Intervention Study (Comparison Required) Must Measure Physical Activity Outcome Older Adults (minimum or mean age of 65 years or older) Designs Include Randomized Controlled Trials, Non-Randomized Controlled Trials, and Quasi-Experimental Studies Exclude Studies of Older Adults in Long-Term, Memory, or Hospice Facilities Studies of Disease-Specific Therapeutic Exercise Delivered in Health/Medical Facility Table 2. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria for Question 2: What are effective policy, systems, and environmental (PSE) strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Include Published in English Language Peer-Reviewed Literature Published from 2012-2022 Original Research Human Participants Study Conducted in the United States Intervention Study (PSE Intervention) Must Measure Physical Activity Outcome Older Adults, Middle Age (50+ years) and Older Designs Include Non-Randomized Controlled Trials, Prospective Cohort, Retrospective Cohort, Case-Control, Cross-Sectional, Before and After, Geospatial, Environmental, and Surveillance Exclude Studies of Older Adults in Long-Term, Memory, or Hospice Facilities Studies of Disease-Specific Therapeutic Exercise Delivered in Health/Medical Facility Develop Search Strategy. A search strategy was created to identify peer-reviewed original research for each systematic review conducted. Each search strategy included search terms, Boolean logic to join terms, databases used, and key limits relevant to the inclusion criteria (e.g., research type, date of publication, language, study population, and filters specific to databases). The three databases included in each review were PubMed, CINHAL, and PsychINFO. These databases were selected due to the subject matter of articles included within each database. The Literature Review Team developed sets of search terms most relevant to each review. These sets included terms capturing a broad range of articles based on older adult population, intervention study design, comparison approach, and physical activity outcomes. Once these search terms were drafted, library representatives from the literature review contractor and the NIH Library reviewed the search strategies and provided suggestions for updates. Throughout the search strategy development process, draft searches were run to assess the number of articles included in the search and if the collected articles represented the nature of the research questions. In response to these outputs, modifications were made to the search strategies as needed. The final search strategies were shared with the Science Board for review and affirmation. Step 3: Search, Screen, and Select Evidence to Review The searching and screening process was completed to collect a thorough body of original research needed to support each systematic review. Specifically, a primary search was completed within the original literature, and a supplemental search of existing meta-analyses and systematic literature reviews was conducted to support this process. A review of the original research was completed using the previously developed search strategies. Once results were generated, duplicates were removed, and results were triaged based on title and abstract. Triage Training. Once the search strategy was implemented, each title/abstract underwent two rounds of review by members of the triage team. Members of the triage team were provided with thorough training and required to complete a certification process to ensure consistency between reviews prior to initiating triage. This training involved a comprehensive instructional presentation that was supported by a triage training manual that included detailed instructions, definitions, reporting instructions, response options, and example titles/abstracts. In addition to the formal training, members of the leadership team met one-on-one with triagers on an as-needed basis to promote consistency and accuracy. Prior to initiating the triage process, all potential triagers were required to complete a certification process on a subset of abstracts. Triagers who did not display a high level of consistency with the group on the practice assignment were not authorized to participate in the formal abstraction process. Title and Abstract Triage. Triagers were instructed to first review titles to assess eligibility and then move to abstracts if the article appeared to be potentially relevant. Triagers were instructed to then include or exclude articles based on information provided within the abstract. If articles were removed from consideration at the abstract review stage, triagers were required to provide a reason. These reasons differed based on the search, but often included reasons such as ineligible age of participants, no physical activity outcome included, and/or no physical activity component of intervention reported. When conflicts existed in decisions made by screeners, discrepancies were resolved by a member of the triage team. The lists of included and excluded articles were shared with members of the Science Board. Additional Supplemental Search Activities. Additional search activities were undertaken to further fortify the pool of articles collected through the initial search of the original literature. First, using the pre-established search terms, a systematic search was undertaken to identify relevant meta-analyses and systematic literature reviews that could potentially include original research articles relevant to the focal inclusion criteria. In tandem with this, a snowball approach (Wohlin, 2014) was also used to locate any additional meta-analyses and systematic literature reviews that could be deemed relevant. Reference pages and results tables from each of these meta-analyses and systematic literature reviews were hand-reviewed to identify original research articles that should be included within the review. These selected articles were reviewed in full-text and added to the pool if they fit the specified inclusion criteria. Science Board members were encouraged to share additional articles that fit inclusion criteria with the Literature Review Team. These articles were identified through the Science Board’s expertise and familiarity with the subject matter. If an article was identified that met the inclusion criteria, it was reviewed in full text and abstracted by the Abstraction Team. Full Text Review. Full text review for the list of included articles was conducted by members of the Literature Review Team. Two reviewers assessed each full-length article based on the inclusion criteria to determine whether it should be included or excluded from the final pool for review. Further, any articles that were identified as potentially ineligible during the abstraction process were added to the list of excluded articles. Step 4: Abstract Data and Assess Risk of Bias The abstraction process was used to collect and summarize key characteristics of each study that supported the systematic literature review purpose. The goal of abstraction was to (a) document key elements of each study for ease of review, and (b) use this information to present trends across the full body of evidence. Abstraction Training. Abstractors were onboarded, trained, and certified to complete all abstraction activities. Abstraction candidates participated in a thorough and rigorous multi-phased process prior to initiating abstraction. This training involved a multi-hour instructional session. This session was supported by an abstractor training manual that included detailed instructions, definitions, reporting instructions, response options, example abstraction questions, and thoroughly annotated version of articles used in the training. In addition to the formal training, members of the Literature Review Team met with and/or delivered written feedback to the abstractors to ensure consistency and promote recalibration when needed. Prior to initiating the abstraction process, all potential abstractors were required to complete abstraction on practice articles. Abstractors who did not display a high level of consistency with the group during the practice sessions did not participate in the formal abstraction process. Abstraction Process Explanation and Quality Control. Abstractors worked in pairs to independently review articles, abstract articles, and document findings. Abstractors were provided with random assignments of articles from members of the Literature Review Team. When discrepancies in abstraction were identified by the Literature Review Team, abstractors were asked to review and discuss these discrepancies. When discrepancies could not be settled among abstractors, members of the Literature Review Team reviewed the situation/materials and provided input and clarification to settle on a decision. The Literature Review Team conducted quality control and independently conducted a third round of abstraction for 20% of all articles included in each respective review. This quality control process was completed to ensure accuracy, clarity, and consistency in abstraction. Data Documentation. An online database was created, and abstractors entered their data into this system using forms created by the Literature Review Team. All pairings of abstractors independently read and reviewed articles, abstracted key information, and entered it into the online database. After discrepancy resolution and quality control procedures were completed, the abstracted data was edited as needed and used to populate article evidence summary tables and inform trend tables demonstrating overarching themes in the data. Assessing Risk of Bias. Articles were assessed for internal validity, using either the ROBINS-I (Sterne et al., 2016) or ROBINS-E tool (ROBINS-E Development Group, 2022). These tools assess risk of bias in studies that compare the health effects of exposures or interventions across a range of study types (e.g., RCT’s, observational, etc.). These tools are tailored by study design and pose different sets of questions based on whether a study is a randomized controlled trial (RCT), non-randomized controlled trial, or an observational study. The risk of bias assessment for each study was completed by two reviewers (from either the Abstraction Team or the Science Board). When discrepancies arose, the reviewers discussed and resolved discrepancies. Additionally, the Policy, Systems, and Environments review used an equity-centered framework relevant to the research evidence and adapted to researching policy, systems, and environmental approaches for improving physical activity outcomes in older adults (Venkateswaran et al., 2023). The diversity-equity-inclusion frame was applied to studies assessed for risk of bias using ROBINS-E across relevant domains of bias (ROBINS-E Development Group, 2022) (i.e., confounding, selection of participants into the study, classification of exposures, departures from intended exposures, missing data, measurement of outcomes, and selection of reported results, aligned with PICO model). Step 5: Describe the Evidence Evidence Portfolios. To facilitate the analysis of the evidence, the Literature Review Team prepared evidence portfolios for each question (see supplementary materials). The evidence portfolios documented the full process followed for both reviews, including the sources of evidence, conclusions, evidence grades, description of evidence, populations analyzed, individual evidence summary tables, risk of bias and quality assessment charts, search strategies, literature trees, references, and rationales for exclusion of articles during full-text triage. Step 6: Complete Evidence Portfolios and Draft Scientific Report Science Board members reviewed and deliberated on the body of evidence to develop conclusion statements that supported each of the research questions. Conclusion statements were tightly associated with the evidence, focused on general agreement among the studies around the independent variables and outcomes, and acknowledged areas of disagreement or limitations, where they existed. The conclusion statements reflected only the evidence reviewed and not information Science Board members might have known from another source. Along with the evidence portfolios, a rubric was developed to guide the assessment and grading of the strength of the evidence supporting each conclusion statement (Table 3). The rubric was adapted from the 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee (2018 Physical Activity Guidelines Advisory Committee, 2018) and the 2020 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee (2020 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee, 2020). Grading the strength of the evidence was based on applicability of the populations, exposures, and outcomes studied; generalizability to the population of interest; risk of bias and study limitations; quantity and consistency of findings across studies; and magnitude and precision of effect. Table 3. Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review Grading Criteria Grade Definition Strong The conclusion statement is based on a strong body of evidence as assessed by risk of bias, consistency, directness, precision, and generalizability. The level of certainty in the conclusion is strong, such that if new evidence emerges, modifications to the conclusion are unlikely to be required. Moderate The conclusion statement is based on a moderate body of evidence as assessed by risk of bias, consistency, directness, precision, and generalizability. The level of certainty in the conclusion is moderate, such that if new evidence emerges, modifications to the conclusion may be required. Limited The conclusion statement is based on a limited body of evidence as assessed by risk of bias, consistency, directness, precision, and generalizability. The level of certainty in the conclusion is limited, such that if new evidence emerges, modifications to the conclusion are likely to be required. Grade Not Assignable A conclusion statement cannot be drawn due to either a lack of evidence or evidence that has severe limitations related to risk of bias, consistency, directness, precision, and/or generalizability. Results The Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review (ICF Next, 2023) used a rigorous and systematic methodology. The methodology allowed the Literature Review Team to search, screen, select, abstract, assess the risk of bias, and include considerations of equity in original research related to effective strategies to get older adults moving; and grade the evidence from insufficient to strong. Over nine months, two literature searches were conducted, resulting in 16,883 titles and abstracts screened, and 734 full articles reviewed for inclusion. Of those, 64 original research articles were included for the final review to answer two questions, one focused on Settings and Strategies literature (46 studies) with five sub-questions and one focused on Policy, Systems, and Environments literature (18 studies) with two sub-questions (Figures 1 and 2). The process is documented for each research question in an evidence portfolio (see supplementary materials). Figure 1. Literature Tree Diagram for Question 1: What are effective intervention strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Figure 2. Literature Tree Diagram for Question 2: What are effective policy, systems, and environmental (PSE) strategies to increase physical activity among older adults? Discussion The Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review (ICF Next, 2023) evaluated the current scientific literature on strategies to increase physical activity among older adults to inform the Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report: Implementation Strategies for Older Adults (HHS, 2023). Several strategies emerged across a variety of settings; the most commonly researched were home, health care, and community. Several limitations to the Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review (ICF Next, 2023) and opportunities to strengthen the research base on physical activity interventions for older adults should be noted. While the literature review looked at original research articles rather than systematic reviews or meta-analyses, most included studies did not measure, analyze, or disaggregate findings based on important individual or group characteristics. For the Settings and Strategies question, the team attempted to determine if the personal characteristics (e.g., ability, age, sex, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status) influence physical activity participation, but there was insufficient evidence to yield any analysis. For the Policy, Systems, and Environments question, equity considerations were applied, particularly concepts of diversity, inclusion, and access to study samples and intervention contexts to determine inequalities in physical activity outcomes. The samples did not reflect diverse populations and therefore an inability to grade the evidence or provide specific analysis for different subsets of older adults. For example, of the 18 included studies, only three studies examined specific racial/ethnic minority populations; two studies reported findings relative to disability-mobility limitations; and one study reported findings relative to health (multiple sclerosis status). Only two studies compared exposure to urban versus rural community geographies. Most studies of policy, systems, and environmental interventions employed cross-sectional design, examining residential neighborhoods (exposure context) in relation to physical activity outcomes, typically self-reported. Because of the importance of social connection and mental well-being, especially for older adults who are socially isolated or live alone, the review made efforts to examine these concepts in relation to physical activity outcomes and interventions. Unfortunately, most published studies of interventions for improving physical activity in older adults did not include social or mental well-being outcomes, such as social cohesion, quality of life, resilience, or mental health status. Lastly, few studies employed longitudinal designs, assessed long-term maintenance of outcomes, or investigated strategies to improve retention or prevent drop out in interventions to increase physical activity among the diversity of older adults, so physical activity maintenance, population and subpopulation effect remain uncertain. The Physical Activity and Older Adults Systematic Literature Review (ICF Next, 2023) provides a foundation suggesting what strategies work and in which settings to support physical activity in older adults. Several limitations to the literature review can be used as areas to strengthen future research to ensure more diverse populations are recruited, studied, analyzed, and outcomes documented in the scientific literature. Conclusion The Systematic Review (ICF Next, 2023) and Midcourse Report (HHS, 2023) are useful for physical activity researchers; policy makers; exercise and health professionals; clinicians; gerontologists; built environment professionals; local, state, territorial, and Tribal leaders; and others working with older adults. These reports are necessary as a guide to apply evidence-based strategies to support older adults to be more physically activity and to expand the future evidence base to translate Guidelines into practice. Author Contributions Conceptualization: A.V.B. and K.L.P.; Data Curation: D.H.J.; Formal Analysis: D.H.J.; Funding Acquisition: A.V.B. and K.L.P.; Investigation: D.H.J.; Methodology: A.V.B., D.H.J., and K.L.P.; Project Administration: A.V.B. and K.L.P.; Resources: A.V.B. and K.L.P.; Supervision: A.V.B. and K.L.P.; Validation: D.H.J.; Writing – Original Draft: A.V.B., D.H.J., and K.L.P.; Writing – Review & Editing: A.V.B. and K.L.P. Acknowledgments The authors are grateful to the 2022 President’s Council on Sports, Fitness & Nutrition Science Board for their work on the literature review: Barbara J. Nicklas (Science Board Chair), Susan W. Buchholz, David E. Conroy, Cheryl Der Ananian, Loretta DiPietro, Mark Fenton, Deborah H. John, NiCole R. Keith, David X. Marquez, Jacqueline Osborne, and Dori Rosenberg. Additionally, the authors would like to acknowledge Sarah Caban, Rachel Fisher, Noelle Harada, Carolyn Hinton, and Malorie Polster for their contributions to this project.

Le concept d’ethnicité est le sujet d’une vaste littérature qui a bénéficié des contributions d’auteurs issus de différentes disciplines, dont la sociologie, l’histoire, la science politique et la démographie. Nous faisons ici une revue sélective des ouvrages anthropologiques qui ont marqué le domaine. Le concept d’ethnicité en sciences sociales est généralement attribué au sociologue Max Weber (1921, 1971). Le sociologue allemand conçoit l’ethnicité comme une construction sociale; c'est-à-dire, comme le produit de rapports sociaux. De nos jours, l’approche constructiviste de l’ethnicité prédomine à travers toutes les sciences sociales, y compris l’anthropologie. C’est l’anthropologue Frederik Barth (1969) qui a théorisé l’aspect processuel de l’ethnicité, et ce, en lien avec l’ethnographie des relations intergroupes. Son approche se distingue en ce qu’elle problématise l’émergence de groupes ethniques et leur durabilité dans le temps. Comme l’a écrit Robin Cohen (1978 : 389), « l’ethnicité n’a pas d’existence en dehors des relations interethniques » (notre traduction). Avant d’aller plus loin, précisons certains des termes utilisés ici. « Ethnicité » englobe non seulement l’identité ethnique, mais aussi les modèles culturels qui caractérisent le groupe – certains d’entre eux servant à le délimiter –, les associations, institutions sociales, activités collectives et intérêts communs (Meintel 1993). À l’instar de Fischer (1986), nous ajoutons que l’ethnicité englobe aussi la mémoire, soit la quête des individus et des collectivités de traditions qui servent à développer une vision du futur. Bref, l’ethnicité concerne non seulement le passé, mais aussi le présent et l’avenir. Dans l’optique de Fischer, l’ethnicité n’est pas qu’une forme de distinction sociale, ou un élément de hiérarchisation : elle représente également une gamme de ressources symboliques. L’intérêt pour l’ethnicité en anthropologie doit beaucoup aux recherches en Afrique, notamment celles menées par l’École de Manchester dans les villes où les travailleurs migrants demeuraient. Dans leur optique, ces villes et les villages d’origine constituaient un seul champ social. Dans un vocabulaire centré sur le « tribalisme », des chercheurs britanniques liés à cette école, dont Godfrey et Monica Wilson, Max Gluckman, J. Clyde Mitchell et Elizabeth Colson parmi d’autres, ont développé le Rhodes Livingstone Institute, institut dédié à l’étude des cultures du nord de la Rhodésie (aujourd’hui la Zambie). Ces chercheurs étudiaient les transformations sociales et culturelles des paysans devenus travailleurs urbains. Dans ce contexte de contact intergroupes, les identités ethniques sont devenues prééminentes. Leur nouvelle importance dans les relations sociales des citadins s’illustre par la danse Kalela (Mitchell 1956). Ce rituel hebdomadaire d’invention urbaine où les danseurs mettaient en scène la diversité ethnique et des figures urbaines (médecin, infirmière, etc.). Ici, l’identité tribale (les danseurs provenaient du groupe Bisa) était réinventée comme une forme d’ethnicité urbaine (retribalisation dans les termes de Mitchell). Par ailleurs, Mitchell a développé un schéma de relations urbaines tripartite : relations personnelles, structurelles et « catégoriques ». Tandis que les relations structurelles étaient largement encadrées par les rôles fixes des participants (par exemple, ainé/cadet, patron/ouvrier), les relations « catégoriques » (categorical relationships) concernaient les relations ponctuelles et superficielles; par exemple, au marché, dans les foules urbaines (Mitchell 1966) et largement gouvernées par des stéréotypes ethniques, pas forcément négatifs (1966). Plus tard, Jean-Loup Amselle (1990) a soulevé la question du rôle du colonialisme dans la création de frontières artificielles entre les sociétés africaines. S’appuyant sur ses recherches auprès de plusieurs groupes maliens, notamment les Malinkés, les Peuls et les Bambaras, l’ethnologue propose, plutôt que de considérer les sociétés africaines comme des entités étanches où coïncident cultures, langues et frontières politiques et sociales, de les définir comme une « chaîne de sociétés » caractérisée par un « syncrétisme originaire ». Dans la même veine, Lee Drummond concevait les sociétés des Caraïbes comme un « continuum culturel » caractérisé par une hybridation incessante, perspective qu’il appliqua par la suite à la société pluriethnique de Montréal (1982). Bien que la diversité ethnique (et religieuse) soit le sujet de grands débats sociaux, les études ethnographiques sur les relations interethniques n’abondent pas. Celle de Gerd Baumann (1996) fait exception, l’anthropologue ayant étudié les discours identitaires des habitants d’un district de Londres très diversifié et densément peuplé. Sa monographie illustre bien la fluidité des identités, des discours et des pratiques à l’égard de l’ethnicité. La labilité des frontières ethniques, pour ne pas mentionner la variabilité de marqueurs qui les définissent est illustrée par l’identité « québécoise » au Québec, définie largement par la langue maternelle française, tandis qu’auparavant, les habitants de la province se considéraient plutôt comme Canadiens français, catégorie définie principalement par la confession catholique. Cette mutabilité des frontières et des marqueurs soulève la question de la légitimité des identités et des revendications de droits ou de ressources articulées dans le cadre de ce que plusieurs dénomment « la politique identitaire ». Ces enjeux sont au cœur des travaux d’anthropologues comme James Clifford (2000), parmi d’autres. Clifford se penche sur plusieurs sociétés autochtones, dont les Kanaks de Nouvelle-Calédonie et les Nisga’a de la Colombie-Britannique, pour critiquer la tendance de certains anthropologues (par exemple, Kuper 2003) à considérer les discours identitaires de groupes indigènes comme « essentialistes » et leurs pratiques culturelles adaptatives comme « inventées ». L’auteur affirme par ailleurs que les luttes de groupes subalternes obligent les anthropologues à revoir la notion de « tradition » et à la concevoir non pas comme un corpus culturel figé, mais plutôt comme une gamme de ressources qui sont constamment remaniées. Les sociétés indigènes ne représentent pas, évidemment, des « minorités ethniques » comme les groupes immigrants (Eriksen 1993); au Canada, le terme « Premières Nations » connote leur statut distinct. Cependant, on constate certaines similitudes entre les enjeux identitaires et politiques des peuples autochtones et les minorités ethniques (Cipolla 2017), à plus fort raison compte tenu du fait que la majorité des autochtones au Canada et au Québec vivent en dehors des réserves. Par exemple, les diasporas, telles que Clifford (1994) les présente, concernent les Juifs et les Arméniens mais aussi des peuples amérindiens forcés à quitter leurs territoires (Clifford 2007). Les études anthropologiques de l’ethnicité ont pris une nouvelle tournure avec les travaux de Nina Glick Schiller et ses collègues (Glick Schiller, Basch et Blanc-Szanton 1992) sur la transnationalité. Dans cette optique, l’ethnicité des groupes immigrants est abordée non seulement en rapport avec un territoire particulier (quartier, ville, etc.), mais aussi en lien avec le pays d’origine des migrants et d’autres régions du monde où se trouvent des personnes du même groupe. Les nombreuses études en sciences sociales influencées par ce courant révèlent les dimensions politiques et économiques des réseaux transnationaux des migrants, tout en montrant que la transnationalité ne concerne pas tous les migrants de manière égale. Enfin, le « champ social » où se construit l’ethnicité s’étend désormais au-delà des frontières nationales. Dans les années récentes, nombreux chercheurs ont préféré parler de diversité plutôt que d’ethnicité, pour englober des critères tels que la religion, la l’orientation sexuelle, etc. Comme d’autres le reconnaissent, la diversité n’est pas un concept rigoureux (Kraus date) ; certains considèrent la diversité comme l’angle mort du racisme (CJF) puisqu’elle peut occulter les inégalités entre groupes ethniques. La sociologue Danielle Juteau (2018, p. 38) insiste sur pertinence de l’ethnicité de nos jours pour développer une perspective critique sur la diversité, puisque « son approche relationnelle et constructiviste, souvent matérialiste et transversale, en éclaire diverses facettes » de la diversité. Nous avons eu l’occasion de constater la création de nouvelles catégories ethniques, notamment celle d’ « Arabes » pour désigner les musulmans du Moyen-Orient, repris par des jeunes musulmans eux-mêmes pour s’identifier (Meintel 2018, p. 6-7). L’ethnicité nous semble toujours actuelle comme outil conceptuel pour mieux comprendre les relations intergroupes et les inégalités qui les caractérisent.

RésuméAu Québec, la migration croissante de musulmans donne à voir un islam pluriel. Néanmoins, depuis septembre 2001, la question identitaire se pose avec plus d’acuité pour les musulmans d’Amérique du Nord. Ce contexte couplé au maintien quotidien de liens hors du territoire local et à l’avènement de nouveaux acteurs internationaux favorisent un sentiment d’appartenir à uneoummauniverselle, appartenance non pour autant détachée d’un rapport au territoire local ou d’origine. À partir d’une recherche sur les pratiques sociales et rituelles de musulmans Libanais, Ouest-Africains et Maghrébins de Montréal, nous argumentons que la sociabilité de ces populations s’articule entre religion, ethnicité et culture. En examinant les pratiques communautaires ainsi que les dynamiques de transmission identitaire aux enfants et de définition des frontières symboliques des groupes, nous exposons la diversité des stratégies identitaires et réfutons la présence d’un islam essentialisé en contexte montréalais.

La critique de l’anthropologie contemporaine porte de plus en plus sur le caractère hégémonique qui a marqué son développement au plan des savoirs et des pratiques, reléguant à la périphérie ou dans la marginalité l’expression de problématiques, de théories et de méthodologies de recherche qui s’écartent des normes dominantes. Cette emprise est remise en question non seulement par les milieux anthropologiques académiques et non académiques qui proposent de nouvelles perspectives, mais aussi par les populations sur lesquelles les recherches portent. Celles-ci s’opposent aux approches en vigueur dont elles remettent en question les fondements occidentalocentriques. Les chercheurs issus de ces groupes proposent ainsi une « décolonisation des méthodologies », comme l’avance Smith (1998). Cette critique repose, entre autres, sur une dénonciation des concepts, des normes et des pratiques qui sous-tendent les recherches, des rapports de pouvoir fondés sur l’impérialisme et le colonialisme, des constructions des identités problématiques, des modes d’écriture et des reconstructions historiques qui remettent en question les visions du monde autochtones. Les objectifs de cette remise en question sont de redonner une voix à des populations privées de reconnaissance, de contribuer à la renaissance des cultures méconnues, en s’appuyant sur des contre-pratiques fondées sur des perspectives fondées sur une critique du positivisme, sur le féminisme, enfin sur le soutien aux mouvements autochtones locaux et internationaux. Les chercheurs issus de ces groupes revendiquent de nouvelles approches théoriques et de nouvelles pratiques pour définir un agenda de recherches qui correspondent aux préoccupations politiques, culturelles et sociales et dans lesquelles les principes d’autodétermination, de décolonisation, de justice sociale et de mobilisation sont revendiqués. Smith (1998) propose ainsi un « agenda pour la recherche autochtone » qui s’inscrit dans une perspective à la fois globale et locale. S’attachant à en décrire le contenu dans le cadre du développement des recherches maori en Nouvelle Zélande, elle définit les principes, les concepts et les valeurs issus de la vision du monde maorie sur lesquels les recherches doivent se fonder pour permettre la réalisation du programme, la formation de chercheurs autochtones et leur réflexivité. Cette volonté de déshégémonisation est aussi énoncée dans l’établissement des énoncés et des codes régissant l’éthique de la recherche avec les groupes autochtones. Ceux-ci établissent explicitement les principes qui doivent fonder les ententes de recherche qui dépassent les règles de protection des participants et de leur bien?être généralement acceptées, celles de l’obtention d’un consentement libre et éclairé ou celles entourant la confidentialité et l’anonymat. Ces principes sont élargis pour incorporer des enjeux plus larges touchant les objectifs de la recherche, la collecte des données et leur interprétation, la propriété intellectuelle et des artefacts matériels, des savoirs et des savoir?faire locaux et insistent sur les valeurs de participation, de collaboration, de réciprocité, de respect et d’égalité. Cet enchâssement se retrouve dans plusieurs chartes internationales comme, par exemple, « La charte des peuples tribaux autochtones des forêts tropicales » (1993), la « Déclaration de Maatatua sur les droits de propriété culturelle et intellectuelle des peuples autochtones » (1993). Les codes éthiques de la recherche dans différents pays incluent clairement la référence aux principes régissant la recherche auprès des groupes autochtones. C’est ainsi le cas de l’Australie qui a établi les « Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies » couvrant à la fois les groupes autochtones d’Australie et des Insulaires du détroit de Torrès ; du Canada dont l’« Énoncé de Politique des Trois Conseils sur l’Éthique de la recherche avec des êtres humains » (2010) inclut un chapitre uniquement dédié à la recherche auprès des Premières Nations, des Inuit et des Métis (chapitre 9) ; de la Nouvelle Zélande avec les « Te Ara Tika-Guidelines for Maori research ethics » (s.d.) auxquels s’ajoutent des règles prescriptives basées sur des concepts culturels pour les chercheurs Maori (Smith, 1998, p. 119-120). La recherche anthropologique semble donc être entrée dans une phase critique de son développement en conceptualisant le renouvellement de ses paradigmes disciplinaires suite aux tensions générées par la recherche et les demandes des populations locales plus exigeantes et plus jalouses de leurs prérogatives culturelles et des enjeux éthiques liés à la reconnaissance et au respect de leurs spécificités.

Photo by Spencer Davis on Unsplash ABSTRACT Current conceptions of solidarity impose a morality and sacrifice that did not prevail in the case of COVID-19 vaccine distribution. Notably, the vaccine distribution disparity revealed that when push came to shove, in the case of global distribution, self-interested persons reached inward rather than reaching out, prioritized their needs, and acted to realize their self-interest. Self-interest and loyalty to one’s own group are natural moral tendencies. For solidarity to be normatively relevant in difficult and emergency circumstances, solidarity scholars ought to leverage the knowledge of the human natural tendency to prioritize one’s own group. This paper recommends a nonexclusive approach to solidarity that reflects an understanding of rational self-interest but highlights commonalities among all people. A recommended task for future studies is to articulate what the account of solidarity informed by loyalty to the group would look like. INTRODUCTION The distribution of COVID-19 vaccines raises concerns about the normative relevance of the current conceptions of solidarity. Current conceptions of solidarity require individuals to make sacrifices they will reject in difficult and extreme situations. To make it more relevant in difficult situations, there is a need to rethink solidarity in ways that align with natural human dispositions. The natural human disposition or tendency is to have loyalty to those to whom one relates, to those in one’s own group (by race, ethnicity, neighborhood, socioeconomic status, etc.), or to those in one’s location or country. While some may contend that such natural dispositions should be overcome through moral enhancement,[1] knowledge about self-interest ought to be leveraged to reconceptualize solidarity. Notably, for solidarity to be more relevant in emergencies characterized by shortages, solidarity ought to take natural human behaviors seriously. This paper argues that rather than seeing solidarity as a collective agreement to help others out of a common interest or purpose, solidarity literature must capitalize on human nature’s tendency toward loyalty to the group. One way to do this is by expanding the group to the global community and redefining solidarity to include helping the human race when emergencies or disasters are global. The first section describes the current conception of solidarity, altruism, and rational self-interest. The second section discusses how the moral imperative to cooperate by reaching out to others did not lead to equitable COVID-19 vaccine distribution. The third section argues that solidarity should be rethought to align with natural human dispositions toward loyalty to groups and rational self-interest. The final section briefly suggests the global community be the group for nonexclusive solidarity. I. Solidarity: Understanding Its Normative Imperatives Solidarity literature is vast and complex, attracting contributions from authors from countries of all income levels.[2] Notably, the literature addresses how solidarity develops from interpersonal, then group to institutional, and how it is motivated and maintained at different levels.[3] Solidarity is unity among people with a shared interest or goal.[4] The term was popularized during an anti-communist labor movement in Poland.[5] While a show of solidarity traditionally meant solidarity within a group, for example, workers agreeing with and supporting union objectives and leaders,[6] it has come to include sympathy/empathy and action by those outside the group who stand with those in need. In bioethics, the Nuffield Council defines solidarity as “shared practices reflecting a collective commitment to carry financial, social, emotional, and or other ‘costs’ to assist others.”[7] As conceptualized currently, solidarity prescribes a morality of cooperation and may incorporate altruism. Solidaristic actions like aiding others or acting to enhance the quality of others’ lives are often motivated by emotive connections/relations. For this reason, Barbara Prainsack and Alena Buyx define solidarity as “a practice by which people accept some form of financial, practical, or emotional cost to support others to whom they consider themselves connected in some relevant respect.”[8] Although this description has been critiqued, the critics[9] do not deny that sympathy and understanding are the bases for “standing up beside” or relating to others. Political solidarity is a “response to injustice, oppression, or social vulnerability”[10] and it entails a commitment to the betterment of the group. “Rational self-interest” describes when parties behave in ways that make both parties better off.[11] They may be partly motivated by their own economic outcome. It may be that when some regions or groups act solidaristically, they are also motivated by shared economic goals.[12] Rational self-interest is not always opposed to the commitment to collectively work for the group’s good. Rational self-interest can intersect with collective action when parties behave in ways that make both parties better off. For example, one study found that individuals are willing to bear the burden of higher taxes in favor of good education policies that significantly increase their opportunities to have a good life.[13] Rationally self-interested persons may be partly motivated by their own economic outcome. It may be that when some regions or groups act solidaristically, they are also motivated by shared economic goals.[14] Specifically, individuals, organizations, and governments are driven to positively identify with or aid others because they feel connected to them, share the same interest, or would benefit from the same action. Cooperating with others on this basis guarantees their interests. Individuals will be less likely to help those with whom they do not feel connected. Respect, loyalty, and trust among solidary partners are equally grounded in this belief. “[S]olidarity involves commitment, and work as well as the recognition that even if we do not have the same feeling, or the same lives, or the same bodies, we do live on common grounds.”[15] Although individuals are more likely to exhibit solidarity with those to whom they feel connected, their lives and interests are still different. Some African philosophers describe solidarity as entailing reciprocal relations and collective responsibility.[16] The bases for positively acting to benefit others are communal relations and individual flourishing, similar to solidarity as it is described in the global literature. Common motifs and maxims typify this belief: the West African motifs like the Siamese Crocodile and the African maxims like “the right arm washes the left hand and the left arm washes the right arm”, and the Shona phrases “Kukura Kurerwa” and “Chirere chichazo kurerawo” ­– both meaning the group’s development is vital for the individual’s development.[17] As a reciprocal relation, solidaristic actions are instrumentalized for one’s self-affirmation or self-emergence. This view underlies practices in Africa like letsema, which is an agricultural practice where individuals assist each other in harvesting their farm produce. It is also the animating force underlying a favorable disposition towards joint ventures like the ajo (an African contributing saving scheme whereby savings are shared among contributors by rotation).[18] Furthermore, as entailing collective ownership, solidaristic actions become ways of affirming each other’s destiny because it is in one’s best interest to cooperate with them this way or help others realize their life goals given the interconnectedness of lives. One advantage of forming solidary union that reaches out to others is that they possess qualities and skills that one lacks. This application of solidarity is more localized than solidarity among countries or global institutions. Furthermore, solidarity also entails altruism, an idea that is particularly common in the philosophical literature of low-income countries. On this account, solidarity implies a voluntary decision to behave in ways that make individuals better off for their own sake. Here, it matters only that some have thought about solidarity this way. Moreover, this belief informs pro-social behaviors – altruism is acting solely for the good of others.[19] Altruistic behaviors are motivated by empathy, which is an acknowledgement of individuals who require aid, and sensitivity, which is a thoughtful response to individuals in need of help. Solidarity can seem to be a call to help strangers rather than a genuine feeling of uniting with people for a common cause. Altruism and solidarity appear similar although they are distinct in that solidarity is not merely helping others. It is helping others out of a feeling of unity. In some cultures in Africa, an indifference to the needs of others or a failure to act solely in ways that benefit others or society are often considered an exhibition of ill will.[20] Precisely, the phrases “Kukura Kurerwa” and “Chirere chichazo kurerawo” among the Shona people in Southern Africa morally compel one to play an active role in the growth and improvement of others. “The core of improving others’ well-being,” as explained, “is a matter of meeting their needs, not merely basic ones but also those relevant to higher levels of flourishing, e.g. being creative, athletic, theoretical.”[21] On this basis, self-withdrawal, self-isolation, and unilateralism, would be failures to be solidaristic. II. COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Disparity And The Imperative To Reach Out The strength and benefits of cooperation are well documented. COVID-19 vaccine distribution did not reflect solidarity despite the use of rhetoric suggesting it. COVID-19 vaccine distribution disparity exemplifies how solidarity requires individuals to make sacrifices that they will refuse under challenging circumstances. Solidaristic rhetoric was not uncommon during the COVID-19 pandemic. This was expressed through maxims like “Stronger together”, “No one is safe until everyone is safe”, “We are all in this together”, and “Flatten the curve”, as well as cemented through actions like physical distancing, mask-wearing, travel restrictions, and limits on social gatherings. Before the pandemic, solidarity rhetoric informed alliances like the Black Health Alliance that was created to enable Black people in Canada to access health resources. This rhetoric and the global recognition of the vital importance of exhibiting solidarity had little if any impact on preventing vaccine distribution disparity. Notably, the World Health Organization set a goal of global vaccination coverage of 70 percent. The 70 percent figure was recognized as key for ending the pandemic, preventing the emergence of new variants, and facilitating global economic recovery.[22] The solidaristic rhetoric that no country was safe until all countries were safe did not result in enough vaccine distribution. Nor did the rational self-interest of common economic goals. The economic impact of the pandemic has been huge for most nations, costing the global community more than $2 trillion.[23] Vaccine distribution disparity across countries and regions undermined international efforts to end the COVID-19 pandemic. The disparity revealed that self-interested persons, organizations, and countries reached inward, prioritized their needs, and acted to realize their own self-interest. Empirical studies confirmed the disparity at the macro and micro levels. Some of the findings are worth highlighting. The number of vaccine doses injected in high-income countries was 69 times higher than that in low-income countries.[24] In fact, the UK had doubly vaccinated about 75 percent of its adult population by February 2022, while more than 80 percent of African nations had not received a single dose of the vaccine.[25] Precisely, the national uptake of vaccines in Uganda (which is a low-income economy without COVID-19 production capacity) was “6 percent by September 2021 and 63 percent by June 2022. The vaccination coverage in the country was 2 percent by September 2021 and 42 percent by June 2022. Yet both the national COVID-19 vaccination uptake and coverage were far below WHO targets for these dates.[26] Although a report which assessed the impact of COVID-19 vaccines in the first of year of vaccination showed that about 19 million COVID-19-related deaths were averted, they were mainly in the high-income countries rather than in countries that failed to reach the vaccine coverage threshold for preventing the emergence of new variants.[27] There were more than 250,000 COVID-related deaths in African countries.[28] Though this figure is significantly lower than reported COVID-19 deaths in North America (1.6 million), the report and other studies confirm that many of the deaths in Africa could have been prevented if the vaccines had been widely distributed in the region. [29] Still at the macro level, whereas 78 percent of individuals in high-income countries were vaccinated by February 15, 2022, only 11 percent of persons in low-income countries were vaccinated by the same date.[30] By February 15, 2022, high-income countries like Lithuania and Gibraltar (a UK territory) had more than 300 percent of doses required for vaccinating their population, while low-income countries in Africa had only managed to secure about 10 percent of the necessary vaccine doses for their people. Burundi had vaccinated less than 1 percent of its population by December 2022. The disparity between countries of similar income levels was also evident. For example, among 75 low- and middle-income countries, only about 14 countries reported vaccinating at least 50 percent of their population. And, while high-income countries like Qatar had secured more than 105 percent of doses for their people, other high-income countries like Liechtenstein had only managed about 67 percent vaccination coverage by December 2022.[31] Within countries, vaccination coverage gaps were also evident between urban and rural areas, with the former having higher vaccination coverage than the latter.[32] There were many tangible solidaristic efforts to cooperate or reach out through schemes like the COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access (COVAX), African Vaccine Acquisition Trust (AVAT) and Technology Access Pool (C-TAP). Notably, the schemes were testaments of the global recognition to lift others as we rise and not leave anyone behind. Both high-income and low- and middle-income countries supported the programs as an expression of solidarity. Indeed, many low- and middle-income countries secured about 800 million doses through these schemes by the end of December 2021. Nonetheless, this was still far below these countries’ two-billion-dose target by the same date. The wealthier countries’ rhetoric of support did not lead to delivery of enough vaccines. The support by high-income countries seems disingenuous. While high-income countries at first allocated vaccines carefully and faced shortages, they had plentiful supplies before many countries had enough for their most vulnerable people. Thus, these schemes did very little to ensure the well-being of people in low- and middle-income countries that relied on them. These schemes had many shortcomings. For example, COVAX relied on donations and philanthropy to meet its delivery targets. In addition, despite their support for these schemes, many high-income countries hardly relied on them for their COVID-19 vaccine procurement. Instead, these high-income countries made their own private arrangements. In fact, high-income countries relied on multilateral agreements and direct purchases to secure about 91 percent of their vaccines.[33] These solidaristic underfunded schemes had to compete to procure vaccines with the more highly resourced countries. Arguably, many factors were responsible for the uneven distribution of COVID-19 vaccines. For example, vaccine production sites facilitated vaccine nationalism whereby countries prioritized their needs and enabled host states like the UK to stockpile vaccines quickly. Regions without production hubs, like many places in Africa, experienced supply insecurity.[34] The J & J-Aspen Pharmacare deal under which a South African facility would produce the J&J COVID vaccine did not improve the local supply.[35] Companies sold vaccines at higher than the cost of production despite pledges by many companies to sell COVID-19 vaccines at production cost. AstraZeneca was the only company reported to have initially sold vaccines at cost until it replaced this with tiered pricing in late 2021.[36] Moderna estimated a $19 billion net profit from COVID-19 vaccine sales by the end of 2021. Pricing practices undermined solidaristic schemes designed to help low-income countries access the doses required for their populations.[37] The unwillingness of Western pharmaceutical companies like Johnson and Johnson, Pfizer-BioNTech, and Moderna to temporarily relinquish intellectual property rights or transfer technology that would have eased vaccine production in low-income countries that lacked production capabilities even when taxpayers’ money or public funding accelerated about 97 percent of vaccine discovery is another example of acting without solidarity. South Africa and India proposed the transfer of essential technological information about COVID-19 vaccines to them to increase local production.[38] The EU, UK, and Germany, which host many of these pharmaceutical companies, opposed the technology transfers.[39] Corporations protected their intellectual property and technology for profits. There were many other factors, like vaccine hoarding. Although the solidaristic rhetoric suggested a global community united to help distribute the vaccine, COVID-19 vaccine distribution demonstrates that individuals, institutions, regions, or states will prioritize their needs and interests. This leads to the question, “What sort of behaviors can reasonably be expected of individuals in difficult situations? In what ways can solidarity be re-imagined to accommodate such behaviors? Ought solidarity be re-imagined to accommodate such actions? III. COVID-19 Vaccine Disparity: Lessons For Solidarity Literature COVID-19 vaccine distribution disparity has been described as inequitable and immoral.[40] One justification for the negative depiction is that it is irresponsible of individual states or nations to prioritize their own needs over the global good, especially when realizing the global interest is necessary for ensuring individual good. Although such contributions to the ethical discourse on COVID-19 vaccine disparity are essential, they could also distract attention from vital conversations concerning how and why current solidarity conceptions can better reflect core human dispositions. To clarify, the contestation is not that solidaristic acts of reaching out to others are morally unrealistic or non-realizable. There are historical examples of solidarity, particularly to end a common affliction or marginalization. An example is the LGBT support of HIV/AIDS-infected persons based on their shared identities to confront and end the stigma, apathy, and homophobia that accompanied the early years of the crisis.[41] Equally, during the apartheid years in South Africa, Black students formed solidarity groups as a crucial racial response to racism and oppression by the predominantly White government.[42] Additionally, the World Health Organization’s (WHO) director, Tedros Ghebreyesus cited solidarity and its rhetoric as the reason for the resilience of societies that safely and efficiently implemented restrictive policies that limited COVID-19 transmission. To improve its relevance to emergencies, solidarity ought to be reconceptualized considering COVID-19 vaccine distribution. As demonstrated by the COVID-19 vaccine distribution disparity, individuals find it difficult to help others in emergencies and share resources given their internal pressing needs. Moreover, humans have a natural tendency to take care of those with whom they identify. That may be by country or region, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, type of employment, or other grouping. By extension, the morality that arises from the tendency towards “the tribe” is sometimes loyalty to one’s broader group. Evidence from human evolutionary history, political science, and psychology yields the claim that “tribal [morality] is a natural and nearly ineradicable feature of human cognition, and that no group—not even one’s own—is immune.”[43] Tribal morality influences mantras like America First, South Africans Above Others, or (arguably) Brexit. These conflict with solidarity. As another global example, climate change concerns are not a priority of carbon’s worst emitters like the US, China, and Russia. In fact, in 2017, the US pulled out of the Paris Agreement, a tangible effort to rectify the climate crisis.[44] Droughts experienced by indigenous people in Turkana, the melting ice experienced by the Inuit, the burning bush experienced by the aboriginal Australians, and the rise in ocean levels that remain a constant threat to the Guna are examples of the harm of the changing climate. In the case of climate action, it appears that governments prioritize their self-interests or the interests of their people, over cooperation with governments of places negatively impacted. In the instance of COVID-19 vaccine distribution disparity, loyalty to the group was evident as states and countries kept vaccines for their own residents. Solidarity has a focus on shared interests and purpose, but in its current conceptions it ignores human nature’s loyalty to groups. In emergencies that involve scarcity, solidarity needs to be redefined to address the impulse to keep vaccines for one’s own country’s population and the choice to sell vaccines to the highest bidder. For solidarity to be normatively relevant in difficult and emergency circumstances, solidarity scholars ought to leverage the knowledge of human natural tendency to prioritize one’s own group to rethink this concept. IV. Rethinking Solidarity For Challenging Circumstances In the globalized world, exhibiting solidarity with one another remains intrinsically valuable. It makes the world better off. But the challenge remains ensuring that individuals can exhibit solidarity in ways that align with their natural instincts. Rather than helping those seen as other, or behaving altruistically without solidarity, people, governments, and organizations should engage in solidarity to help others and themselves as part of the global community. A rational self-interest approach to solidarity is similar, while altruism is distinguishable. Solidarity can be expanded to apply when the human race as a whole is threatened and common interests prevail, sometimes called nonexclusive solidarity.[45] That is distinguished from altruism as solidarity involves seeing each other as having shared interests and goals – the success of others would lead to the success of all. For example, cleaner air or limiting the drivers of human-made climate change would benefit all. Warning the public, implementing social distancing and masking, and restricting travel are examples of global goals that required solidaristic actions to benefit the human race.[46] Arguably, this conception of solidarity could apply to a scarce resource, like the COVID-19 vaccine. Notably, the solidarity rhetoric that this gives rise to is that COVID-19 vaccine equitable distribution is a fight for the human race. Solidarity has been applied to scarcity and used to overcome deprivation due to scarcity. In the case AIDS/HIV, there were many arguments and then programs to reduce drug prices and to allocate and condoms to countries where the epidemic was more pronounced and continuing to infect people. Similarly, a solidarity-inspired effort led to treatments for resistant tuberculosis.[47] Summarily, I suggest that we cannot tackle global health problems without exhibiting solidarity with one another. Humans can exhibit solidarity in ways that align with their natural instincts. To do this, nonexclusive solidarity described in this section, is required. Although the nonexclusive solidarity recognizes difference, it avoids the “logic of competition that makes difference toxic.”[48] Without necessarily requiring every country's leaders to prioritize global citizens equally, the nonexclusive solidarity at least, prohibits forms of competition that undermine initiatives like COVAX from securing the required vaccines to reach the vaccine coverage target. CONCLUSION COVID-19 vaccine distribution disparity does not create a new problem. Instead, it reveals an existing concern. This is the disconnect between dominant human psychological makeup and the sort of solidarity expounded in current literature or solidaristic actions. Notably, it reveals a failure of current solidarity conceptions to reflect the natural human tendency to prioritize the interests of one’s own group. As such, the disparity requires rethinking or reconceptualization of solidarity in ways that align with the dominant human tendency. As conceptualized currently, solidarity enjoins a form of morality that many found very difficult to adhere to during the COVID-19 pandemic. Notably, they perceived solidarity as a call to help strangers. Humans are linked by something that is far more important than a relationship between strangers. The unbreakable bond among humans that this idea gives rise to would necessitate genuine concern for each other’s well-being since we are implicated in one another's lives. The exact ways a conception of solidarity that applies to the global community can inform guidelines and policies in emergencies and difficult situations when individuals are expected to be solidaristic is a recommended task for future studies. - [1] Ingmar Persson & Julian Savulescu 2019. The Duty to be Morally Enhanced. Topoi, 38, 7-14. [2] M. Inouye 2023. On Solidarity, Cambridge, MA, Boston Review. [3] Barbara Prainsack & Alena Buyx 2011. Solidarity. Reflections on an Emerging Concept in Bioethics. Summary. [4] Oxford Languages (“unity or agreement of feeling or action, especially among individuals with a common interest; mutual support within a group.”) [5] Mikolaj Glinski. 2015. The Solidarity Movement: Anti-Communist, Or Most Communist Thing Ever? The Solidarity Movement: Anti-Communist, Or Most Communist Thing Ever?. https://culture.pl/en/article/the-solidarity-movement-anti-communist-or-most-communist-thing-ever. [6] Carola Frege, Edmund Heery & Lowell Turner 2004. 137The New Solidarity? Trade Union Coalition-Building in Five Countries. In: FREGE, C. & KELLY, J. (eds.) Varieties of Unionism: Strategies for Union Revitalization in a Globalizing Economy. Oxford University Press. [7] Barbara Prainsack & Alena Buyx 2011. Solidarity. Reflections on an Emerging Concept in Bioethics. Summary. [8] Prainsack & Buyx, 2017. [9] Angus Dawson & Bruce Jennings 2012. The Place of Solidarity in Public Health Ethics. Public Health Reviews, 34, 4. [10] Sally J. Scholz 2008. Political Solidarity, Penn State University Press. [11] Emanuele Bertusi. 2017. An analysis of Adam Smith's concept of self-interest: From Selfish behavior to social interest. Libera Universita Internazionale Degli Studi Sociali. [12] Sally J. Scholz 2008. Political Solidarity, Penn State University Press. [13] Marius R. Busemeyer & Dominik Lober 2020. Between Solidarity and Self-Interest: The Elderly and Support for Public Education Revisited. Journal of Social Policy, 49, 425-444. [14] Scholz, 2008. [15] Sara Ahmed 2004. The Cultural Politics of Emotion, New York, Routledge. [16] C. Ewuoso, T. Obengo & C. Atuire 2022. Solidarity, Afro-communitarianism, and COVID-19 vaccination. J Glob Health, 12, 03046. [17] J Mugumbate 2013. Exploring African philosophy: The value of ubuntu in social work. Afri J Soc W 3, 82-100. [18] Salewa Olawoye-Mann 2023. 55Beyond Coping: The Use of Ajo Culture among Nigerian Immigrants to Counter Racial Capitalism in North America. In: HOSSEIN, C. S., AUSTIN, S. D. W. & EDMONDS, K. (eds.) Beyond Racial Capitalism: Co-operatives in the African Diaspora. Oxford University Press. [19] Estrella Gualda 2022. Altruism, Solidarity and Responsibility from a Committed Sociology: Contributions to Society. The American Sociologist, 53, 29-43. [20] Ewuoso, Obengo & Atuire 2022. [21] T. Metz 2015. An African theory of social justice. In: BIOSEN, C. & MURRAY, M. (eds.) Distributive Justice Debates in Political and Social Thought: Perspectives on Finding a Fair Share. New York: Routledge. [22] Victoria Pilkington, Sarai Mirjam Keestra & Andrew Hill 2022. Global COVID-19 Vaccine Inequity: Failures in the First Year of Distribution and Potential Solutions for the Future. Frontiers in Public Health, 10. [23] M. Hafner, E. Yerushalmi, C. Fays, E. Dufresne & C. Van Stolk 2022. COVID-19 and the Cost of Vaccine Nationalism. Rand Health Q, 9, 1. [24] Mohsen Bayati, Rayehe Noroozi, Mohadeseh Ghanbari-Jahromi & Faride Sadat Jalali 2022. Inequality in the distribution of Covid-19 vaccine: a systematic review. International Journal for Equity in Health, 21, 122. [25] Graham Dutfield, Siva Thambisetty, Aisling Mcmahon, Luke Mcdonagh & Hyo Kang 2022. Addressing Vaccine Inequity During the COVID-19 Pandemic: The TRIPS Intellectual Property Waiver Proposal and Beyond. Cambridge Law Journal, 81. [26] Patrick King, Mercy Wendy Wanyana, Richard Migisha, Daniel Kadobera, Benon Kwesiga, Biribawa Claire, Michael Baganizi & Alfred Driwale. 2023. Covid 19 vaccine uptake and coverage, Uganda 2021-2022. UNIPH Bulletin, 8. https://uniph.go.ug/covid-19-vaccine-uptake-and-coverage-uganda-2021-2022/#: [27] O. J. Watson, G. Barnsley, J. Toor, A. B. Hogan, P. Winskill & A. C. Ghani 2022. Global impact of the first year of COVID-19 vaccination: a mathematical modelling study. Lancet Infect Dis, 22, 1293-1302. [28] Arcgis January 21, 2024. African dashboard for tracking the COVID-19 in real-time. https://www.arcgis.com/apps/dashboards/b959be51c0014845ad44142bce1b68fe [29] Jai K. Das, Hsien Yao Chee, Sohail Lakhani, Maryam Hameed Khan, Muhammad Islam, Sajid Muhammad & Zulfiqar A. Bhutta 2023. COVID-19 Vaccines: How Efficient and Equitable Was the Initial Vaccination Process? Vaccines, 11, 11. O. J. Watson, G. Barnsley, J. Toor, A. B. Hogan, P. Winskill & A. C. Ghani 2022. Global impact of the first year of COVID-19 vaccination: a mathematical modelling study. Lancet Infect Dis, 22, 1293-1302. [30] Pilkington, Keestra & Hill 2022. [31] Kunyenje, et al. 2023. [32] Pilkington, Keestra & Hill 2022. [33] Jai K. Das, Hsien Yao Chee, Sohail Lakhani, Maryam Hameed Khan, Muhammad Islam, Sajid Muhammad & Zulfiqar A. Bhutta 2023. COVID-19 Vaccines: How Efficient and Equitable Was the Initial Vaccination Process? Vaccines, 11, 11. [34] Kunyenje, et al. 2023. [35] Lynsey Chutel. 2022. Africa's first COVID-19 vaccine factory hasn't received a single order. Africa's first COVID-19 vaccine factory hasn't received a single order. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/12/world/africa/south-africa-covid-vaccine-factory.html [36] Graham Dutfield, Siva Thambisetty, Aisling Mcmahon, Luke Mcdonagh & Hyo Kang 2022. Addressing Vaccine Inequity During the COVID-19 Pandemic: The TRIPS Intellectual Property Waiver Proposal and Beyond. Cambridge Law Journal, 81. [37] Dutfield, et al. [38] Hannah Balfour. June 17, 2022 2022. WTO waives intellectual property rights for COVID-19 vaccines. European Pharmaceutical Review https://www.europeanpharmaceuticalreview.com/news/172329/breaking-news-wto-waives-intellectual-property-rights-for-covid-19-vaccines/ [39] Government Uk. 2021. UK statements to the TRIPS Council: Item 15 waiver proposal for COVID-19. UK statements to the TRIPS Council: Item 15 waiver proposal for COVID-19 . https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-statement-to-the-trips-council-item-15 [40] Victoria Pilkington, Sarai Mirjam Keestra & Andrew Hill 2022. Global COVID-19 Vaccine Inequity: Failures in the First Year of Distribution and Potential Solutions for the Future. Frontiers in Public Health, 10. [41] Benjamin Klassen 2021. ‘Facing it Together’: Early Caregiving Responses to Vancouver's HIV/AIDS Epidemic. Gender & History, 33, 774-789. [42] Mabogo P. More 2009. Black solidarity: A philosophical defense. Theoria: J Soc and Pol Theory, 56, 20-43. [43] Cory J. Clark, Brittany S. Liu, Bo M. Winegard & Peter H. Ditto 2019. Tribalism Is Human Nature. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 28, 587-592. [44] Hai-Bin Zhang, Han-Cheng Dai, Hua-Xia Lai & Wen-Tao Wang 2017. U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement: Reasons, impacts, and China's response. Advances in Climate Change Research, 8, 220-225. [45] Arto Laitinen & Anne Birgitta Pessi 2014. Solidarity: Theory and Practice. An Introduction. In: LAITINEN, A. & PESSI, A. B. (eds.) Solidarity: Theory and Practice. Lexington Books. [46] X. Li, W. Cui & F. Zhang 2020. Who Was the First Doctor to Report the COVID-19 Outbreak in Wuhan, China? J Nucl Med, 61, 782-783. [47] Atuire, C. A., & Hassoun, N. 2023. Rethinking solidarity towards equity in global health: African views. International journal for equity in health, 22(1), 52. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-023-01830-9 [48] Samo Tomšič 2022. No Such Thing as Society? On Competition, Solidarity, and Social Bond. differences, 33, 51-71.