Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Espaces publics – Bordeaux (Gironde)"

Entre 1992 et 1995, un programme de recherche intitulé « Architecture des espaces publics modernes » voulait inciter les architectes à engager des recherches sur les espaces publics des grands ensembles pour comprendre si ces derniers étaient susceptibles d’évoluer en vue d’améliorer leurs qualités d’usage. Un grand nombre de projets ont été alors réalisés, entraînant d’importantes destructions et consistant le plus souvent à fermer les espaces par des grilles pour limiter les nuisances et contrôler les déplacements. Pendant les dernières décennies, un investissement important a été consenti par des villes dont Paris, Toulouse et Bordeaux pour transformer les espaces publics existants. Ces projets ont consacré l’intervention des paysagistes, notamment Michel Corajoud, Alexandre Chemetov et plus récemment l’agence TER. On observe un aller-retour entre, d’une part, les tenants de la ville moderne incarnée par la charte d’Athènes et le rapport Buchanan qui promeut la création d’un sol artificiel et de vastes esplanades piétonnes, de l’autre, les défenseurs de la ville traditionnelle qui prônent le retour au « sol naturel ». Je m’appuierai sur des projets représentatifs pour montrer les ambiguïtés et les limites théoriques de la volonté de naturaliser le sol de la ville.

Depuis plus de trente ans, les cultures sportives s'approprient l'espace urbain et périurbain et rythment le temps des villes. Les sports de compétition se sont développés, le spectacle sportif envahit les média, les pratiques autorégulées dans les espaces publics se sont multipliées et le désir de nature et de mobilité n'a fait que s'accentuer. Ces évolutions touchent l'ensemble de la société française mais elles prennent à Bordeaux des configurations particulières en raison d'une histoire originale, d'un rapport spécifique aux lieux et des modes particuliers de gestion locale qui donnent une coloration propre au vécu et à l'imaginaire des cultures sportives bordelaises.

Il s'agit ici de présenter une étude menée à Saige, quartier de la banlieue de Bordeaux. L'objectif de cette recherche a été de comprendre les éléments et les processus qui soutiennent la construction identitaire des jeunes visibles, ceux qui s'approprient de façon systématique des espaces publics. Dans l'interaction avec la chercheuse les jeunes sont sollicités pour exercer un repérage de leurs espaces, dans le double sens du mot, repère et repaire. Pour parvenir à établir un lien entre l'identité des individus et l'identité des lieux, la dialectique socio-spatiale est sollicitée. La problématique consiste à s'interroger sur l'avantage que les jeunes tirent du fait de se présenter avec V ethos de jeune de quartier. Elle questionne sur la pertinence d'aborder ce groupe en tant que catégorie sociale.

Cet article s’appuie sur un travail de recherche effectué sur les équipements sportifs d’accès libre installés dans les communes de l’agglomération urbaine de Bordeaux. Deux types d’équipements, les skate-parcs et les cités-stades, se sont très largement imposés ces trente dernières années dans les politiques publiques d’aménagement urbain en France et dans toute l’Europe. Ils se sont banalisés au point de faire partie aujourd’hui du paysage familier des quartiers de centre-ville ou de la périphérie (environ 1 000 skateparcs et 4 000 cité-stades en France en 2011), au même titre que les espaces de jeux pour enfants des jardins publics.

Fortement investie par les jeunes des quartiers périphériques, la culture hip-hop représente une forme de prise de parole, une culture incontestablement populaire et vécue. Dans la métropole bordelaise, les acteurs de cette culture cherchent très tôt à entrer dans les espaces publics centraux, mais d'abord en douce ou par effraction, car le hip-hop déroge aux usages habituels de l'espace urbain et n'est pas toujours accepté. Qualifié tour à tour de culture de rue, de culture de banlieue, puis de culture urbaine, le hip-hop est néanmoins progressivement accueilli par les institutions dans le cadre de grandes manifestations artistiques ; il atteint finalement la reconnaissance suprême en intégrant les équipements les plus prestigieux. Les déplacements géographiques du hip-hop acquièrent alors une dimension symbolique considérable.

The Médoc region is located in the south-west of France on the Atlantic coast. Many archaeological remains have been discovered under the sand dunes over the course of the last few decades due to the erosion of the Aquitaine shoreline. These include hoards, isolated metal objects, pottery, preserved wooden posts and flints. In 1993, a detectorist discovered 154 copper alloy objects on the beach north of the town of Hourtin. The objects were given to the Aquitaine Museum of Bordeaux, where they are still preserved today. The artefacts were scattered over a perimeter of approximately 70 meters and some were found to be clearly earlier or more recent than the Bronze Age. However, 132 objects (weighing 4,628 kilograms) do date from the end of the Bronze Age and more specifically from the Early Atlantic Late Bronze Age 3 (first half of the 10th century BC). We cannot guarantee that this discovery is a hoard, but the homogeneity and the composition of the set testify that these objects were probably deposited in the same place. Initially, the hoard was deposited inland, and not on the coast which was further out to sea at the time of the Bronze age as indicated by the clay banks that lie beneath the dune. The landscape of the Médoc has evolved a lot since Late Bronze Age, as during this period, the coastal area was wetter, overtaken by marshes with streams connecting to the ocean or the Gironde estuary. More than fifty hoards dating to Middle Bronze Age have been found in the Médoc mainly during the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. They contain mainly flanged axes and palstaves. The Hourtin discovery is the first located on the coast where metal hoarding does not seem to have been common practice during the Late Bronze Age where hoards and single finds are very uncommon. Late Bronze Age 2 and Late Bronze Age 3 (1150 – 800 BC) hoards in Gironde have been discovered, along the Garonne and Dordogne rivers on the other side of the Gironde estuary, but not on the coast. Furthermore, the composition of the Hourtin hoard is original with Ibero-Atlantic objects such as axes and swords, which are often fragmented. The fragmentation is typical of the medio-Atlantic area at this time. Most of the bracelets are however complete in the Hourtin hoard, which is not always common in the medio-Atlantic area. The hoard contains objects from continental productions, such as Corent type bracelets and a Klentnice type sword pommel, uncommon in France, which has two volutes inserted in a wooden handle. Only one confirmed and three possible Klentnice pommels have been found in France, notably in Brasles (Picardy). They are also rare in the rest of Europe and are generally found in Denmark and Eastern Europe. According to H. Müller Karpe, this type of sword dates from Hallstatt B2. The presence of these objects indicates dynamic long-distance trade during the Late Bronze Age. The Médoc is located between two Ibero-and medio Atlantic cultural networks and the Hourtin discovery highlights cultural interaction around the Gironde estuary. The Pyrenees and the Atlantic coast are not obstacles for cultural contacts and trade between the north and the south of the Atlantic area and the circulation of metallic objects was important between these two entities. The elemental composition analyses of the metal objects are very insightful. When making the objects the artisan choses the main elements of alloy, which are copper, tin and lead . The lead content of Late Bronze Age copper alloy makes interpretation of the analyses complex as it is not possible to determine if the lead was naturally present in the copper ore or if it was specifically added. Trace elements such as zinc, bismuth, antimony and arsenic can discriminate Continental, Atlantic and Iberic-Atlantic productions, however the objects of Hourtin hoard show varying results and it has not been possible to determine the origin of the metals used. The analyses do underline the important trade in metal resources during Late Bronze Age all over Europe. We cannot clearly understand the role of the south-west of France in the trade dynamics of the south of the Atlantic area no other metal hoards have been found in this area. We hope that new discoveries will give us a better understanding of the trade role of the Médoc and of the south-west of France between the various Late Bronze Age cultural and economic networks.

Cadre de la recherche : Cet article propose de revenir sur une récente enquête de victimation (Alessandrin, Franquet et Dagorn, 2016) concernant les déplacements des femmes dans la ville. Objectifs : L’objectif de cet article est de porter un regard particulier sur l’usage de la ville par les jeunes filles et les adolescentes rencontrées durant cette enquête. Méthodologie : Méthodologiquement, cette enquête prend appui sur 5.210 questionnaires, parmi lesquels 13,8 % proviennent de mineures et 51,3 % de jeunes filles âgées de 20 à 25 ans. Viennent s’ajouter à ce dispositif méthodologique, des focus groupes, des marches exploratoires et des observations dans les transports et espaces publics des villes investiguées, que sont la ville de Bordeaux et son agglomération. Résultats : Cette enquête nous invite à saisir la centralité des notions d’âge et de genre dans l’appréhension de l’environnement urbain et dans les déplacements qui en découlent. Ainsi, si les jeunes filles et les adolescentes déclarent se sentir à l’aise dans la ville, ce sont elles qui sont le plus victimes d’agressions sexistes, de discriminations et de harcèlement dans les espaces publics Conclusions : En conclusion, cet article souligne la question des usages de la ville et du sentiment de climat urbain perçu par les jeunes filles et adolescentes. Il encourage aussi à différencier les étudiantes des lycéennes et interroge fortement les lieux de sociabilité juvéniles dans l’expression des phénomènes sexistes. Contribution : Grace à des données empiriques récentes et une recherche quantitative de grande ampleur, cette recherche éclaire le rapport des jeunes filles à la ville dans un contexte de discussion sociale et politique autour de la notion de « harcèlement ».

Les fouilles archéologiques menées dans le quartier Mériadeck et ses abords témoignent de l’occupation des sols dans une zone suburbaine et humide de la capitale de cité Burdigala. À partir du ier s. apr. J.-C., des ateliers liés notamment au travail des peaux, du cuir et de la tabletterie y sont établis. Des indices forts indiquent en outre la présence de cornetiers. Au sein de ce quartier, le site de la rue Jean-Fleuret à Bordeaux (Gironde) met en lumière les techniques de travail des peaux et la production d’objets en cuir et révèle en partie l’organisation d’un tel atelier au Haut-Empire.Dans un premier état, entre 50 et 110-120 apr. J.-C., des artisans travaillent les peaux des caprinés à l’alun et/ou à l’huile d’olive, utilisent du macro-outillage lithique et des fiches métalliques en fer sans tête et collaborent avec d’autres artisans qui produisent des objets à partir de cuirs tannés de caprinés adultes et très probablement de peaux traitées à l’alun. Puis, entre 110-120 et 130-140 apr. J.-C., la spécialité de l’atelier change et les bovinés adultes sont préférés aux caprinés pour le travail des peaux. Il s’agit de la première attestation, durant l’Antiquité, d’emploi de l’alun pour le « passage en blanc » de peaux de bovinés, procédé de hongroyage que l’on pensait apparu à l’époque moderne. L’utilisation d’alun s’amplifie sur le site durant cette période, tandis que l’huile de Bétique n’est plus sollicitée.Au sein du même atelier, tabletier et cornetier s’associent aux artisans des peaux traitant les bovinés. Des objets en peau continuent à être assemblés, sans que l’on puisse déterminer si des cuirs tannés de bovinés sont exploités par les artisans de l’atelier.L’activité identifiée rue Jean-Fleuret cesse aux environs de 150-160 apr. J.-C., période à partir de laquelle l’espace semble mis en culture, peut-être jusqu’à la fin du iie s. Un site voisin localisé à 100 m à l’est du premier, l’îlot Fly, semble prendre le relais en termes d’activité artisanale, comme l’indiquent les batteries de cuves en bois réparties dans deux espaces desservis par un débarcadère en bois. Au iiie s., les installations y sont à leur tour abandonnées. Un dépotoir établi sur les berges du cours d’eau reflète une activité proche pratiquée par des cornetiers. L’association d’amphores de Lipari et d’amphores à huile africaines suggèrent que les artisans traitant les peaux devaient maintenir leur activité à proximité.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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Notre recherche s’attache à écrire l’histoire du skateboard à Bordeaux. Cette activité ludo-sportive auto-organisée est présente dans la capitale girondine depuis les années 1970 sans interruption jusqu’ à nos jours, malgré des périodes de crises à l’échelle globale. Les skateurs utilisent leur milieu de vie, la ville, qu’ils explorent sur leurs planches, qu’ils reconfigurent au gré des lieux et qu’ils investissent matériellement et symboliquement. Ces communautés en mouvements délimitent progressivement, une pratique autonome et alternative au sein des espaces publics. Leurs rapports à la « roule », à l’innovation culturelle et technique, à l’inédit, à l’interdit, à l’exploit fun ou inventif, façonnent un style de vie, entre culture des marges et cultures partagées et régissent des sociabilités singulières et des manières originales d’appréhender l’espace urbain, de se présenter et se représenter dans la ville. Or, cette présence apparaît, à plusieurs moments de son histoire, comme une forme d’irruption perturbatrice pour les autres usagers de la ville. L’histoire locale du skateboard conduit à s’interroger sur les modes de vie des urbains, mais aussi à questionner les formes de régulation engagées par les pouvoirs publics, face à l’émergence de conflits d’usage. En effet, Bordeaux est un exemple original de gestion de la ville car les skateurs, après avoir été bannis et verbalisés, réussissent à devenir influents auprès des élus pour faire valoir leur droit à pratiquer leur ville. Les politiques de médiation mises en place par la municipalité débouchent, depuis peu, sur des projets urbains d’intégration du skateboard dans la ville. L’analyse historique de cette situation révèle comment une innovation dans la manière de pratiquer et d’habiter la ville conduit à aménager les espaces partagés et à administrer différemment les lieux pour s’adapter à ces transformations culturelles
Our research focuses on the history of skateboarding in Bordeaux. This self-organised leisure and sports activity has been present in the capital of Gironde since the 1970s, without interruption until the present day, despite periods of crisis on a global scale. Skateboarders use the city as their living environment, exploring it on their boards, reconfiguring it as they go, and taking it over materially and symbolically. These communities on the move are gradually defining an autonomous, alternative practice within public spaces. Their relationship with the ‘rolling’, with cultural and technical innovation, with the unprecedented, with the forbidden, with fun or inventive feats, is shaping a lifestyle, between the culture of the margins and shared cultures, and governing singular sociabilities and original ways of apprehending urban space, of presenting and representing themselves in the city. At several points in its history, skateboarding has been seen as a disruptive irruption for other users of the city. The local history of skateboarding raises questions about the lifestyles of urban dwellers, but also about the forms of regulation adopted by the public authorities in response to the emergence of conflicts of use. Indeed, Bordeaux is an original example of city management in that skateboarders, after being banned and fined, succeed in gaining influence with elected representatives to assert their right to practice their city. The mediation policies put in place by the municipality have recently led to urban projects to integrate skateboarding into the city. A historical analysis of this situation reveals how an innovation in the way people practise and live in the city leads to the development of shared spaces and a different way of administering places in order to adapt to these cultural transformations

La ville est redevenue une destination touristique obligée. Ce regain d’intérêt pour le tourisme urbain s’explique par une série de facteurs économiques, sociaux, politiques, urbains ou géographiques, recouvrant de multiples enjeux. Concurrentes et récemment conscientes de leurs intérêts dans ce domaine, les villes cherchent donc des moyens de capter le flux touristique et de développer cette pratique. Parmi les actions les plus visibles, la mise en place de politiques de revalorisation des espaces publics est associée à une campagne de communication et à un fort travail sur l’image. Cependant, le tourisme n’est pas une activité sans effets et l’environnement urbain n’échappe pas à cette règle. Lieux des échanges sociaux, vecteurs d’images et d’identités, les espaces publics urbains sont avant tout utilisés par et chargés de sens pour les populations qui les fréquentent ou s’y reconnaissent. Pour appréhender ce système, il faut déterminer comment ces lieux, capteurs d’urbanité, deviennent des vecteurs d’image et analyser le rôle qu’ils jouent dans la stratégie touristique des villes. Dans ce contexte, Bordeaux, Marseille et Montpellier apparaissent comme des cas d’étude illustrant cette mise en scène. La diversité des moyens qu’elles mettent en œuvre dans leur gestion urbaine et d’image, tout comme la divergence de leurs conceptions touristiques respectives, illustrent la complexité du phénomène. Enquêtes, observations, entretiens et analyse documentaire sont alors les piliers d’une méthodologie pluridisciplinaire destinée à appréhender les nombreux effets de l’aménagement des espaces publics et leur récupération à des fins touristiques
Cities have become major tourist magnets again. What accounts for such resumption of interest is a variety of economic, social and political factors which combine with urban and geographical ones to encompass a wide range of issues. Awareness of what profit can be made is fairly recent and cities now have entered a competitive fray to seduce that influx of prospective visitors and develop tourist activity. Rehabilitating public areas on a large scale ranks among the most visible actions taken to this end and it is accompanied by a strong communication campaign and consistent efforts to improve the city image. But tourism is not quite without side effects on the environment, be it an urban environment. Public areas are places where people meet and mix socially, they carry identity values and are vehicles for images. They are first and foremost used by and laden with meaning for people who live in them daily and identify with them. To grasp the way they work one should determine how those eminently sociable places come to carry the image of a city and what part they play in its tourist strategy. Given this context, Bordeaux, Marseilles and Montpellier are clearly cases in point and remarkably illustrative of this way of staging places. The range of actions each of these cities has been developing to manage its image and the divergent conceptions of tourism they entertain are highly illustrative of a complex phenomenon. Consequently one should rely on investigation, observation, interviews and documentary analysis to devise a multidisciplinary method which could take in the many effects of public areas fitting out and the way these places are appropriated for the sake of tourism

Caractéristique de la vie urbaine contemporaine, le shopping est une déambulation piétonne où désir d'achat omniprésent et relation spectaculaire à son environnement s'accompagnent d'une recherche de distraction du quotidien. L'approche d'une pratique, labile et insaisissable, apparemment désincarnée, où les actes économiques sont imprégnés de relations sociales, pose un problème méthodologique à la géographie. La consommation est définie d'abord comme un système socio-culturel relevant d'une approche socio-anthropologique, mais aussi comme une pratique engageant l'individualité dans une multitude de relations sociales et spatiales signifiantes. Cette approche du shopping vestimentaire par l'expérience (phénoménologie et interactionnisme symbolique) prend en compte l'intentionnalité, les interprétations, les émotions et la corporéité de l'existence sociale. L'expérience se confronte à un espace (matériel, cognitif, représenté) préexistant. La structure spatiale que le commerce de détail en équipement de la personne offre à l'expérience des clients (galeries marchandes ou rues piétonnes, en centre-ville ou en périphérie) est revisitée pour mettre en évidence l'existence d'un seul cadre du shopping commun à tous ces lieux. Le shopping questionne la construction de l'individualité tant par les apparences corporelles que par les relations personnelles à l'espace (itinéraires, représentations, identifications, territorialités). L'enchevêtrement des expériences des uns et des autres produit un espace social complexe du shopping étudié ici dans le contexte de l'agglomération bordelaise, où le centre-ville reste commercialement et surtout symboliquement dominant.

Depuis les périodes les plus reculées de notre histoire, la relation qui se noue entre l'auteur d'une libéralité et la personne morale qui en bénéficie a été une source de préoccupation de l'autorité étatique. Au XIXeme siècle, le problème reste entier malgré le cadre juridique mis en place par les articles 910 et 937 du Code civil. L'Etat exerce désormais par leur intermédiaire un contrôle à la fois sur les personnes morales désignées comme bénéficiaires des libéralités mais aussi sur la volonté des gratifiants
The relationships between the person who executes a deed of gift and the legal entity to which the liberality is donated has been a cause for concern the state authorities since the early days of our history. In the XIXth century, the problem still remained unsolved in spite of the juridical framework set up by articles 910 and 937 of he Code civil (civil code). The articles have made its possible for state authorities to exercice control over both the legal entities designated as beneficiaries of liberalities in the donor's will

En 1925, grâce à A. Marquet, les socialistes s'installent pour la première fois à la mairie promettant aux électeurs : modernisation de la ville, amélioration des conditions de vie et travail pour tous. Pour le maire, architecture et construction sont synonymes. La volonté de rompre avec les choix de ses prédécesseurs le pousse à opter pour un style résolument moderne. L'aide et les compétences de J. D'Welles, (ingénieur architecte de la ville depuis 1921, architecte en chef en 1929, urbaniste en 1938) vont jouer un rôle caital. Entre 1925 et 1929, on bâtit pour moderniser, l'objectif est de faire vite pour ne pas décevoir un électorat dont le maire aura besoin pour triompher une nouvelle fois en 1929. Les premières constructions (édifices publics, équipements, aménagements de locaux scolaires et quelques logements) sont vantées avec excès par la presse locale et les déclarations municipales. Réélu en 1929 pour son pragmatisme et le contexte de crise lui fixant pour principal but d'occuper la main d'oeuvre, A. Marquet entame dès 1930 une politique de grands travaux. Ministre en 1934, il est sûr d'avoir trouvé de réelles solutions aux problèmes du moment. De grandes réalisations font alors connaître Bordeaux au niveau national et international. Parallèlement, l'urbanisme commence à devenir une préoccupation municipale même si A. Marquet assimile cette notion à celle de d'équipement. Entre septembre 1939 et 1944, la guerre met un terme aux grandes constructions. Néanmoins sur l'ordre du maire, J. D'Welles prépare l'avenir en réalisant un vaste plan d'urbanisme à exécuter dès le retour de la paix. Volontairement oublié, le travail accompli pendant ces dix-neuf ans a cependant été trés important par sa qualité et son volume. Trop modérés, A. Marquet et l'architecte en chef ont pourtant malheureusement laissé passer l'occasion de changer profondément le visage de Bordeaux
In 1925, thanks to A. Marquet, the socialists rule the town for the first time promising the voters a modernised town, better living conditions and work for every body. For the mayor, architecture is syninymous with raising new buildings. Willing to break with his predecessor's choices, he opts for a deliberately modern style. The help and the skills of J. D'Welles (City building engineer since 1921, chief architect in 1929, urban designer in 1938) will play a major part. Between 1925 and 1929 building aims at modernising, the goal is to work fast in order not to dash the expectations of the voters whose support will be necessary for a next re-election in 1929. The first buildings (public buildings, equipments, schools buildings and houses) are overpraised by local newspapers and the local authorities. He is re-elected in 1929 for his pragmatism. Comforted by the crisis context which imposes full employment policy as the main goal. A. Marquet starts a large building program as soon as 1930. Appointed minister in 1934, he thinks that he has undoubtedly found real solutions to the issues at that time. Considerable realisations make the Bordeaux famous both on national and an international scale. Similarly town-planning is becoming a city government preoccupation even if A. Marquet thinks of it in terms of equipment. Between september 1939 and 1944, the war puts an end to the major equipment building program. However, responding to the mayor's order, J. D'Welles prepares the future by relaising a large town-planning to be carried out as soon as peace is restored. Though deliberately forgotten, the work completed within these nineteen years has been considerable both in terms of quality and quantity. Too moderate, A. Marquet and the chief architect have unfortunately missed the opportunity to change deeply the face of Bordeaux

Les événements urbains festifs (EUF) s'imposent non seulement comme de nouvelles pratiques sociales, mais aussi en tant qu'action urbaine et objet d'analyse de la recherche urbaine. Ils agissent sur l'espace public suivant des logiques distinctes éphémères, cycliques, immatérielles des actions urbaines « traditionnelles » et des modalités actuelles de gestion de tels espaces. Aussi, cette recherche vise à appréhender si les logiques de gestion des EUF ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives pour la gestion des espaces publics. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, le cadre théorique de la « Gestion de site » a été mobilisé. Ce dernier décrit et permet d'appréhender les modalités de gestion de quatre sites urbains (gares multimodales, centres-villes, centres commerciaux, résidences privées avec services) complexes (du point de vue de la coexistence de fonctions, de services urbains, d'usages et d'intérêts sectoriels, spécifiques), permanents, de natures distinctes et proposant des ambiances particulières à leurs usagers.Il est apparu que ce cadre théorique permettait bien d'appréhender les modalités de gestion d'autres sites urbains aussi complexes que ceux analysés par la « Gestion de site », et pourtant de nature éphémères : les sites de déroulement des EUF. Ce cadre théorique a donc été confronté à deux EUF se déroulant sur des sites éphémères : « Bordeaux-fête-le-vin » et les « Rendez-vous de l'Erdre » à Nantes. Ce choix est motivé principalement par le fait que ces EUF sont mis en place précisément sur des sites composés par une série d'espaces publics dont la gestion quotidienne et événementielle est complexe : les « espaces publics fluviaux ». L'analyse de la gestion de ces deux EUF par le prisme de la « Gestion de site » met en évidence des enseignements sur la gestion de l'événementiel qui, d'une part, nourrissent la réflexion autour de la gestion des espaces publics complexes et, d'autre part, enrichissent la « Gestion de site » en apportant des éléments inédits à ce cadre théorique nouveau
Festive urban events (EUF) stand out not only as new social practices, but also as urban actions providing a basis for urban research. Compared to "traditional" urban actions and current methods of public space management, Festive urban events in public spaces follow different dynamics ; they are ephemeral, cyclic, and immaterial. This research examines the management implications of Festive urban events and attempts to determine if these events' dynamics can unlock new perspectives for public space management.To answer our research enquiries, a Management of site (GS) theoretical framework is used. This theoretical framework describes and addresses the common management methods of four urban sites : multimodal rail stations, downtown areas, shopping malls, and private residences with services. These four site types are complexes, incorporating the coexistence of multiple urban functions and services, varied practices and interacting sector-based interests. These site types are permanent and offer a unique ambiance to their users. It appeared early on that a Management of site framework also allows describing the management methods of another kind of urban site, ephemeral nature, which seems as complex as those previously analyzed by this theoretical framework: the ephemeral sites in which Festive urban events are held. The Management of site framework was therefore examined with two different Festive urban events taking place in an ephemeral site : Bordeaux-fête-le-vin in the city of Bordeaux and the Rendez-vous de l'Erdre in the city of Nantes. This choice was made largely because these Festive urban events are held in ephemeral sites comprised of a number of different yet interacting components that require complex management : riverbank public places. The analysis of management methods of both these Festive urban events through the prism of the Management of site framework provides substantial insight into special event management. This insight enhances our understanding of complex public space manag ement and enriches the Management of site framework by introducing new analysis criteria

Le végétal semble aujourd’hui avoir une place incontestée dans la ville. De fait, on lui reconnaît des valeurs dans de nombreux domaines : le bien être, le lien social, la santé, la biodiversité, etc. Des connaissances riches et nombreuses existent sur le sujet, mais celles–ci ne proposent le plus souvent que des visions thématiques ou sectorielles, ce qui les rend difficilement mobilisables à un niveau opérationnel, notamment dans le cadre de l’aménagement urbain. Afin d’aborder le végétal aménagé en ville dans sa complexité, une approche par le paysage a été entreprise. Elle permet une entrée transversale sur ses aspects matériels (dont l’aspect biologique) et immatériels, et ce à différentes échelles spatiales et temporelles. Cette approche a donné lieu à une étude diachronique des paysages sur la ville d’Angers, et une étude de trois projets d’aménagement urbains contemporains à Bordeaux, Lyon et Angers.Les résultats montrent que le végétal, par le choix spécifique des lieux d’implantation, par ses formes précises, permet de répondre à différents enjeux identifiés de la ville. Cependant, loin d’une vision qui ferait du végétal la panacée de l’aménagement urbain, celui-ci est un matériau et un outil exigeant qui repose sur des connaissances et des savoir-faire importants, mais aussi sur une priorisation politique des objectifs. Nous montrons que le végétal est également une ressource conceptuelle pour comprendre et penser l’aménagement de la ville. Enfin, l’aménagement végétal de la ville reflète un actuel rapport complexe à la nature, pris entre un désir de confort et de maîtrise d’une part, et une volonté de laisser une plus grande place aux éléments biophysiques d’autre part. Cela suscite différents positionnements éthico-philosophiques
Nowadays, vegetation seems to have an uncontested place in cities. Vegetation is regarded as valuable for well-being, social link, health, biodiversity, etc. Many rich knowledge exist on the subject but these ones only offer thematic or partial views, which make them difficult to mobilize in practise, especially for urban designing.In order to study urban vegetation and its complexity, a landscape approach has been chosen to have a transversal view on physical aspects (biological aspects included) and on immaterial ones, at different temporal and spatial scales. The methodology develops a diachronic urban landscape analysis on the city of Angers. We also use a research on design approach based on three contemporary urban projects located in Bordeaux, Lyon and Angers. Results show that vegetation, through specific places and precise shapes, appears to be a valuable resource to help solving different urban challenges. Nevertheless, far from being a panacea, vegetation as urban design material and tool, is based on particular knowledge and skills, but also on clear politic choices. We show that vegetation is also a conceptual resource to understand and to conceive urban management. Beyond this, the use of vegetation expresses a complex connection to nature. Urban design choices seem to express contradictory wishes, oscillating between a wish of comfort and neatness, and a wish to leave more space for wild and natural elements. Such contradiction may denote different ethic and politic positions