Tesi: "Environmental social movements"

1

Williams, Dana M. "Cross-National Protest Potential for Labor and Environmental Movements: The Relevance of Opportunity". Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1239141317.

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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.
"May, 2009." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 11/18/2009) Advisor, Rudy Fenwick; Committee members, Karl Kaltenthaler, Jerry Lewis, Brent Teasdale; Department Chair, John Zipp; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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2

Galindez, Kyle R. "Defend Mother Earth! And Sign My Petition? Metaphors, Tactics, and Environmental Movement Organizations". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1398698983.

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3

Ford, Lucy Helen. "Global enclosures : a critical analysis of environmental governance, trade and social movements". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340856.

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4

Queiroz, Rosane Morais FalcÃo. "The environment Pirambu neighborhood from the perspective of its social movements". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=14193.

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Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst
Observa-se, ao longo da histÃria, que os movimentos sociais foram sujeitos ativos no processo de construÃÃo da proteÃÃo do meio ambiente, contribuindo para que formas de controle da degradaÃÃo ambiental fossem efetivadas atravÃs de diversos tipos de normas e/ou eventos. Eles sÃo protagonistas em aÃÃes que conscientizam/sensibilizam a populaÃÃo para a necessidade de proteger o meio ambiente. Esse meio ambiente tomou uma dimensÃo grandiosa, contemplando diversos fatores e atores, estabelecidos, principalmente, atravÃs da âAgenda 21â. Ele tornou-se um direito humano e fundamental. Diante disso e considerando que a necessidade de informaÃÃo sobre o que acontece no meio ambiente em que os movimentos sociais atuam Ã de extrema importÃncia para que estes continuem a sua prÃpria histÃria, a de reivindicaÃÃo por aqueles direitos, objetivou-se analisar qual o conhecimento/informaÃÃo que os 39 movimentos sociais possuem acerca do meio ambiente do bairro no qual atuam (Pirambu-Fortaleza/CE). Para isso, alÃm do uso de dados secundÃrios sobre o bairro, visitas e anÃlise da paisagem, aplicou-se um questionÃrio com perguntas abertas e fechadas com as respectivas lideranÃas dos movimentos sociais. Esse questionÃrio teve por base os assuntos tratados pelo tema âCidades SustentÃveisâ da âAgenda 21 Brasileiraâ, que aborda Ãreas urbanas, sendo condizente com o local investigado pela pesquisa. Foi constatado que, em muitos aspectos, o conhecimento que os movimentos sociais possuem acerca do que ocorre no meio ambiente do bairro Pirambu Ã insuficiente e que os seus entendimentos sobre o que Ã meio ambiente ainda estÃo aquÃm do estabelecido e pensado pela âAgenda 21â. PorÃm, verificou-se, tambÃm, a existÃncia de um sentimento de estima que os lÃderes dos movimentos possuem pelo bairro. Os movimentos sociais precisam obter maiores informaÃÃes acerca das questÃes ambientais do Pirambu para que possam exercer com maior propriedade nas tomadas de decisÃes dos planejamentos de polÃticas pÃblicas, nos quais podem e devem estar participando.
It is observed, with the curse of history, that the social movements were an active subject in the process of construction of the protection of the environment, contributing so that forms of control of environmental degradation were executed through several types of norms and/or events. They are protagonists in actions that become aware or they touch the population for the need to protect the environment. That environment took a grandiose dimension, contemplating several factors and actors, established, mainly, through the "Agenda 21". It became a human and fundamental right. Before that and considering that the need of information on what happens in the environment in that the social movements act end of extreme importance for these to continue its own history, the one of claim for those rights, was aimed at to analyze which the knowledge or information that the 39 social movements posses concerning the environment of the neighborhood in wish act (Pirambu-Fortaleza/CE ). For that, haul of the use of secondary data on the neighborhood, visits and analyze of the landscape, a questionnaire was applied with open and closed questions with the respective leaderships of the social movements. That questionnaire had for base the subjects treated by the theme "maintainable cities" of the brazilian "Agenda 21", that approaches urban areas being suitable with the place investigated by the research. It was verified that, in many aspects, the knowledge that the social movements posses concerning what it happens in the environment of the Pirambu neighborhood is insufficient and that their understandings on what means environment is still on this side of the established and thought by the "Agenda 21". They put, it was verified, also, the existence of a feeling of steam that the leaders of the movements posses for the neighborhood. The social movements need to obtain larger information concerning that environmental subjects of Pirambu so that they can exercise with larger property in the sockets of decisions of the plannings of publish of politicize wish they can and should be participating.

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5

Roosth, Joshua. "UNIVERSITY LEADERSHIP IN SUSTAINABILITY AND CAMPUS-BASED ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3963.

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This thesis examines the development of environmental sustainability on 194 of the wealthiest colleges and universities in the United States and Canada. Campus-based environmental organization membership data, organizational profiles, participant observation, and sustainability grades (from the Sustainable Endowment Institutes College Sustainability Report Cards 2009) are used to examine the relationship between campus-based environmental organizations and sustainability of higher educational institutions. Linear regression is used to analyze the overall university sustainability grades as an outcome variable. Overall university sustainability grades are impacted by campus-based environmental activism social movement organizations, high endowment per student, the age of the university, and the presence of state renewable portfolio standards. My findings suggest that the Sustainable Endowment InstituteÂ s College Sustainability Report Card might be improved by including indicators of greenhouse gas reports and interdisciplinary courses on sustainability.
M.A.
Department of Sociology
Sciences
Applied Sociology MA

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6

Rodrigues, Tiago Eder Gracia. "Environmental Citizenship - An Inquiry into the Engagement of Citizens in Responsible Environmental Behaviour". Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367121.

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One of the principles of sustainability is developing initiatives that are effective in engaging citizens in environmental behaviour. This research provides insights into the adoption of responsible environmental behaviour as a means for promoting engaged environmental citizenship. It examines some of the principles underpinning responsible environmental behaviour and its relation to the concept of environmentally responsible citizenship, in accordance with the Tbilisi Declaration objectives. In this thesis, I consider the relationship of environmental citizenship rights with political and social citizenship rights and discuss it in light of T.H. Marshall’s citizenship model. I argue that the societal nature of social citizenship rights and their evolving character, arguably evolving into environmental citizenship rights, is a crucial element. The research presents an analysis of factors determining the adoption of environmental behaviour and how these are linked to dimensions of social dynamics. It investigates factors influencing social diffusion and the relevance of this approach in promoting responsible environmental behaviour throughout society. I adopt the agenda-setting model developed by Dearing and Rogers to further the understanding of why certain issues are addressed by society and not others, how public opinion is shaped, as well as how policy actions towards mitigation of problems are motivated. I argue that environmental problems become social problems as the result of a process of collective definition, not as the product of its objective malignancy affecting society. This process of collective definition of a problem is responsible not only for the emergence of an environmental problem, but also for influencing behaviour towards it. By integrating the responsible environmental behaviour model developed by Hines, Hungerford and Tomera with the agenda-setting model, I explore the role the media play in promoting environmental citizenship. Through a discourse analysis of articles related to environmental issues in the Brazilian press, I explore how media in that context usually frames those issues. I also investigate the role the school system plays in raising awareness about, and engaging citizens in, responsible environmental behaviour and how this process has been advanced in Brazil. In addition, the development and activities of a youth environmental movement is analysed. By using a case study approach, I explore the dynamics influencing the uptake of environmental behaviour and the relationship of such practices to the promotion of environmental citizenship. Overall, the multidisciplinary approach adopted in this research indicates that the consolidation of engaged environmental citizenship in Brazil requires the reorientation of public policy actions with the reformulation of the media and educational environments.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
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7

Plows, Alexandra Jane. "Praxis and practice : the 'what, how and why' of the UK environmental direct action movement in the 1990s". Thesis, Bangor University, 2002. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/praxis-and-practice--the-what-how-and-why-of-the-uk-environmental-direct-action-movement-in-the-1990s(f9c7c687-f02f-42f7-b635-202a209efc3c).html.

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This thesis is an ethnographic study of UK environmental social movement mobilisations of the 1990s, detailing the movement's characteristics such as its structure as a fluid series of biodegradable networks. The thesis evidences what action was taken during this period, using primarily qualitative methodologies: semi-structured interviews and Participant Observation (PO). Evidence showing how mobilisation occurred, how activist networks are 'born' and sustained, is given, examining issues such as the diffusion of repertoires over time, and the importance of social networks. The "why" of mobilisation was documented, detailing activists' rationales for action given in interviews and a variety of other media such as email groups and in PO settings. The thesis approached the data from a 'grounded theory' perspective, meaning that appropriate theoretical directions developed during the research process. There were however initial aims: to investigate whether the EDA movement had a 'collective identity' (Melucci 1996), and hypotheses: that activists had complex rationales for taking action, and that there was a symbiosis between the taking of action, the development of movement praxis and collective identity, and the process of further mobilisation. These aims and hypotheses were realised by the research work. Despite many complexities outlined in the research, generally the EDA movement has a collective identity. This is based on a shared commitment to direct action, grassroots democracy, and a radical discourse, which challenges the codes and perceived abuses of power inherent in the dominant paradigm. Social justice, human rights, and environmental sustainability are equally important to EDA activists and seen as interrelated. Through charting the process of action in the 1990's, the thesis locates the 'anti globalisation' mobilisations at the turn of the millennium as evidence of EDA movement capacity building over a decade. The thesis aims to have contributed to Social Movement theory through this ethnographic approach.

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Brettell, Anna M. "The politics of public participation and the emergence of environmental proto-movements in China". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/70.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2003.
Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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9

Camargo, Palomino Ana Maria. "Exploring Environmental Justice Issues in Latino communities in the Treasure Valley in Idaho". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/90284.

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This thesis explores environmental justice issues in Latino communities in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. Given the little work focused on environmental justice issues of Latino communities, specifically in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. This thesis aims to, firstly determine whether environmental justice issues of Latino communities are relevant to environmental and social organizations in the Treasure Valley. As part of this, I also aim to unpack why environmental issues in Latino communities are or are not relevant to local social and environmental organizations. I suspected this may be connected to the complex immigration status of Latino groups, however, I discovered that the lack of funding and research, and community awareness challenged these organizations to attend to environmental justice issues. Second, this thesis aims to bring visibility to the Latino community that is often neglected in policy and research regarding environmental justice, which has mostly focused on African-American communities. Finally, a third and related aim is to contribute to the development of a wider vision of environmental justice issues of minority groups by expanding this framework to Hispanic-Latino communities in the Treasure Valley, Idaho.
Master of Arts
Disproportionate exposure to toxic waste, proximity to highways and industry facilities, and lack of access to clean water and food, are some of the environmental justice issues that minority groups in the United States daily face daily. The term environmental justice has evolved with different approaches and lines of thought that built on of vulnerable communities’ mobilizations for social justice issues present in vulnerable communities. This study explores to what extent environmental justice issues in Latino communities are relevant to environmental and social organizations in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. Building on the existing literature on environmental justice and based on semi-structured interviews, this study finds that environmental justice issues are relevant to these organizations, but that social injustices, -a lack of political attention to this issue and a related absence of strategic funding and research hinder these organizations’ ability to address environmental justice issues.

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10

Cinalli, Manlio. "Social movements, networks and national cleavages in Northern Ireland : a case study of the Civil Rights Movement and Environmental Protest". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396075.

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11

Luna, Alfredo. "Implications of social movements in the present global environmental dynamics: the case of the United States". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Centro de Investigación en Geografía Aplicada, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119683.

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Social movements are mobilization groups of stakeholders who seek to change the status quo, given the unfavorable conditions regarding their demands, rights, warrants, etc. As a fundamental effect of the change, social movements become leading actors of institutional change. One of these effects is given in the environmental issues, in the use, control, legislation and appreciation of nature. The insurgent policies developed by these movements are, in the current context of globalization and development of information technology and communication, the center of analysis in this paper, focusing on the U.S. environmental movement. We, therefore, believe that insurgent policies determine the beginning of institutional change.
Los movimientos sociales son grupos movilizados de actores sociales que buscan cambiar el status quo dadas las condiciones no favorables en relación con sus demandas, derechos, garantías,etc. Como efecto fundamental de dicho cambio, los movimientos sociales se constituyen como actores protagónicos del cambio institucional. Uno de estos efectos se da en el tema ambiental, en el uso, control, legislación y valoración de la naturaleza. Las políticas insurgentes que desarrollan dichos movimientos serán, en el actual contexto de la globalización y desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, el centro de análisis de este documento, enfocándose en el movimiento ecologista de Estados Unidos. Por tanto, creemos que las políticas insurgentes determinan el inicio del cambio institucional.

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12

Vess, Lora Elizabeth 1972. "The Politics of PVC". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6195.

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xv, 277 p. A print copy of this title is available from the UO Libraries, under the call number: SCIENCE TP1180.V48 V46 2007
This dissertation examines the political, scientific, social, environmental, and health debates surrounding the use of polyvinyl chloride (commonly called vinyl), a plastic many public health advocates and activists contend has a toxic lifecycle with deleterious human and ecological impacts at every stage. Using extensive documentary research and in-depth interviews, I answer a basic question: how and why have major stakeholders politicized PVC in recent decades? I find the strength of the anti-PVC movement lies largely in its broad based constituency: it includes professionals within the health care and green building industries, as well as labor unions and environmental health advocates. However, I raise critical questions about the movement's strategy of situating itself as a market-based movement where limited analysis is given to the greater environmental and health impacts of the health care and building industries as a whole.
Adviser: Gregory McLauchlan

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Malin, Stephanie Ann. "The Paradox of Uranium Development: A Polanyian Analysis of Social Movements Surrounding the Piñon Ridge Uranium Mill". DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1022.

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Renewal of nuclear energy development has been proposed as one viable solution for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and impacts of climate change. This discussion became concrete as the first uranium mill proposed since the end of the Cold War, the Piñon Ridge Uranium Mill, received state permits in January 2011 to process uranium in southwest Colorado’s Paradox Valley. Though environmental contamination from previous uranium activity caused one local community to be bulldozed to the ground, local support for renewed uranium activity emerges among local residents in communities like Nucla, Naturita, and Bedrock, Colorado. Regionally, however, a coalition of organized, oppositionbased grassroots groups fights the decision to permit the mill. Combined, these events allow social scientists a natural laboratory through which to view social repercussions of nuclear energy development. In this dissertation, I use a Polanyian theoretical framework to analyze social, political-economic, and environmental contexts of social movements surrounding PR Mill. My overarching research problem is: How might Polanyian double movement theory be applied to and made empirically testable within the social and environmental context of uranium development? I intended this analysis to inform energy policy debates regarding renewable energy. In Chapter 1, I found various forms of social dislocation lead to two divergent social movement outcomes. Economic social dislocation led to strong mill support among most local residents, according to archival, in-depth interview, and survey data. On the other hand, residents in regional communities experienced two other types of social dislocation – another kind of economic dislocation, related to concern over boombust economies, and environmental health dislocations related to uranium exposure, creating conditions for a regional movement in opposition to PR Mill. In Chapter 2, I focus on regulations and find that two divergent social movements – a support movement locally and a countermovement against the mill regionally – emerge also as a result of strong faith in regulations, regulators, and Energy Fuels countered by marked distrust in regulations, regulators, and Energy Fuels, respectively. In Chapter 3, I advance Polanyi’s double movement theory by comparing different emergent social movements surrounding uranium, showing that historically different circumstances surrounding uranium can help create conditions for divergent social movements.

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White, Robert Edward. "Renewable Energy: The Roles of States, Social Movements, and Policy in California and Germany". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83422.

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This project examines the development of renewable policy in California and Germany through the theoretical lens provided by John Dryzek's democratic theory of social movement engagement with the liberal democratic nation-state. Specifically, this thesis considers the impact of social movements on what the theory identifies as five core imperatives of state. The argument uses a qualitative, comparative, process tracing methodology, supported by critical discourse analysis, to analyze environmental social movement engagements with the state in relation to the development of renewable energy policymaking in the state of California and in the Federal Republic of Germany between 2000 and 2017. Whereas Dryzek and colleagues argue that environmental movement activism may have prompted a new, sixth, environmental conservation imperative of state, this thesis differs. Rather, the analysis finds that if indeed such a sixth imperative is emergent, it might better be defined as a resource conservation imperative. That is, in California and in Germany, it is not so much the environment but rather access to abundant and economically sustainable natural resources that states aim to conserve.
Master of Arts

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15

De, La Torre Krista. "Social Movements and Environmental Law: A Case Study of Politically Disenfranchised Communities in Ecuador and Argentina". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1849.

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Despite their progressive on-the-books environmental legislation, Ecuador and Argentina have hosted increasing amounts of extraction projections in their borders over the last few decades. Beyond increased environmental degradation, the expansion of extraction economies in these countries has drove mass scale social movements orchestrated by disenfranchised peoples. This thesis investigates the link between social movements and environmental law reformation, and whether such social movements are able to strengthen the national legal and institutional framework for environmental management. To evaluate this inquiry, this thesis explores socials movements in Ecuador in the late twentieth century and in Argentina in the early twenty first century.

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Hood, Rachael Lucille. "“Don't frack with us!” An analysis of two anti-pipeline movements". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1594488329200428.

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17

Waite, Lori Gail. "Combating environmental racism in black communities : a case study utilizing the indigenous perspective of social movements". Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1241101395.

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18

Platt, Daniel. ""A Strangely Organic Vision": Postmodernism, Environmental Justice, and the New Urbanist Novel". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18750.

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My dissertation examines critical engagements with the "new urbanist" movement in late 20th and early 21st century U.S. novels, including Karen Tei Yamashita's Tropic of Orange, Helena María Viramontes's Their Dogs Came with Them, and Colson Whitehead's Zone One. I argue that these novels reflect new urbanism's valorization of neighborhoods that are walkable, green, and diverse, even as they critique the movement's inattention to environmental injustice and the long history of urban rights movements. Moreover, I argue that contemporary fiction's engagement with new urbanism has driven formal and stylistic innovation in the novel. The "new urbanist novel," I argue, blends elements of the postmodern literary mode, such as metafiction and narrative fragmentation, with elements that are arguably anti-postmodern, such as representations of stable collective identity and utopian visions of organic urban community.

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19

Zeller, David Russell Jr. ""There is No Planet B": Frame Disputes within the Environmental Movement over Geoengineering". Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6787.

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This dissertation examines frame disputes within the environmental movement over geoengineering proposals. Among other core framing tasks, social movement organizations must evaluate solutions and strategies for the social problems they seek to address. These framings are frequently disputed by those within the movement. Recent controversies regarding a set of climate intervention proposals commonly known as geoengineering offer the opportunity to document the ongoing construction of competing visions of environmental sustainability. The nascent quality of these proposals generate dissonant framings—episodes where organizations within the environmental movement exhibit disagreement about one or more core framing tasks—a situation Goffman referred to as a “frame dispute.” I present the results of a frame analysis of websites, blog posts, and other online discourse produced between 2005 and 2015 by 16 environmental movement organizations about geoengineering. The findings illustrate the influence of frame disputes on the realization of movement goals and the dynamic interdependence of movement framing activities. For example, increased attention to frame resonance did not attenuate prognostic frame disputes during the period analyzed. Analyzing frame disputes generates useful insights for studies seeking to analyze collective identity construction processes and dynamics within and between social movement organizations.

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Crumpton, Amy Cara. "Toward a Democratic Science? Environmental Justice Activists, Multiple Epidemiologies, and Toxic Waste Controversies". Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39336.

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Environmental justice activists defined an environmental justice, or community-led, research practice as an alternative conception of science to guide epidemiological investigations of the human health effects of hazardous wastes. Activists inserted their position into an ongoing scientific controversy where multiple epidemiologies existed--environmental, dumpsite, and popular--reflecting various understandings and interests of federal and academic epidemiologists, state public health officials, and anti-toxics activists. A 1991 national symposium on health research needs and the National Environmental Justice Advisory Council, established in 1993 to advise the Environmental Protection Agency, provided important locations through which activists advocated an environmental justice research approach and pressed for its adoption by relevant governmental public health institutions. The shaping of environmental justice research by activists raises intriguing issues about the role of science and expertise in political protest and the importance of democratic participation in the making of environmental policy.
Ph. D.

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Frederico, Krista Marie. "Open (Adoption) for Business: Opposing Movements and Environmental Opportunity Structures in the Adoption Organizational Field, 1972-2000". BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3243.

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Recent directions in organizational studies have demonstrated progressive social movements' ability to generate rewarding enterprises or environmental opportunity structures (EOS) in receptive markets. However, more nuanced opposing movements (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996), such as the pro-choice and pro-life movements, receive far less attention, leaving scholars to postulate that there is much yet to know about the impact of movements other than those with strict progressive orientations (Zald, Morrill, and Rao 2005). To better understand how opposing movements contribute to environmental opportunity structures, this thesis examines dramatic growth in the number of adoption agencies advertising services in the Yellow Pages during the last quarter of the twentieth century. Some suggest the growth may be due to changing attitudes and laws regulating interracial adoption, the growing acceptance of international adoption as a family formation strategy, and the success of the adoptee rights movement. However, I argue that at least some of this growth is related to changes in abortion laws associated with the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision and associated pro-choice and pro-life opposing movements that dominated public debate during the same period. Applying cultural entrepreneurship and competitive framing, I demonstrate that pro-choice language is adopted by adoption agencies that compete with abortion clinics as they offer services to birth mothers. Opposing movement features are evident in organization growth patterns, the services offered, and the slogans used. Dissecting the adoption services field into generalist and specialist organizational forms, I find that specialists experienced precipitous growth and were more likely to make use of certain "choice" frames, co-opted from the pro-choice movement and redirected to support pro-life ideologies. Further, I find that "open adoption" services, championed by the adoptee advocacy community for their identity-affirming and sustained relationship-allowing practices, are most often marketed by the adoption provider as a choice-granting process, giving adoption providers further opportunity to mirror the pro-choice movement's choice-centric practices. Because adoption agencies' growth, slogans, and services are largely bound up in tactics specific to the pro-choice and pro-life opposing movement dynamics, I conclude that opposing movements can indeed contribute to environmental opportunity structures for market growth.

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Jensen, Timothy Trier. "Moving the Common Sensorium: A Rhetoric of Social Movements and Path&emacr". The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374079125.

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23

Bacon, J. "Producing, Maintaining and Resisting Colonial Ecological Violence: Three Considerations of Settler Colonialism as Eco-Social Structure". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23788.

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Although rarely included in environmental sociology, settler colonialism significantly structures eco-social relations within the United States. This work considers the range of environmental practices and epistemologies influenced by settler colonial impositions in law, culture and discourse. In this dissertation I also introduce the term colonial ecological violence as a framework for considering the outcomes of this structuring in terms of the disproportionate impacts on Indigenous peoples and communities.
2020-09-06

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Filippi, Marco <1997&gt. "The Future of Companies in the Fight against Climate Change: possible risks coming from the recent Environmental Social Movements". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20946.

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The paper addresses the issue of climate change by exploring it from the perspective of companies: the lack of an effective global cooperation, induced by the fragility of international negotiations, threatens to leave companies exposed to possible attacks by the recent environmental social movements, such as the Friday's For Future movement, currently led by activist Greta Thunberg. These new forms of environmental activism exploit social networks to amplify the reach of their messages, and are now becoming increasingly widespread and powerful, even in countries with scarse attitude towards environmentalism. In spite of this, they also appear extremely fluid and chaotic, and could get much more radical and unpredictable in the near future, thereby representing a serious threat for companies. Within such scenario, companies may be “voluntarily-forced” by activists to adapt their business model, in order to face these new external pressures: a possible pathway would be to transform themselves into hybrid organizations and finally have their sustainability performance certified by an independent authority: an example could be the “B-Corporations”, certified by the organization “B Lab”. This solution may even represent an opportunity for companies to tackle the issue of climate change while being profitable, as Certified B-Corporations seem to currently represent a virtuous business model, able to combine concepts of sustainable development with those of traditional profitability. The possible interactions between companies, activists and public regulators are approached in the paper starting from the contributions on the theme of Private Politics made by Baron (2001) and then of Egorov & Harstad (2017), through their game theoretic model on activism, in order to investigate the possible implications of environmental activism for companies.

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Hensley, Colton Dwayne. "Maximal Proposition, Environmental Melodrama, and the Rhetoric of Local Movements: A Study of The Anti-Fracking Movement in Denton, Texas". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062840/.

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The environmental problems associated with the boom in hydraulic fracturing or "fracking," such as anthropogenic earthquakes and groundwater contamination, have motivated some citizens living in affected areas such as Denton, Texas to form movements with the goal of imposing greater regulation on the industry. As responses to an environmental threat that is localized and yet mobile, these anti-fracking movements must construct rhetorical appeals with complicated relationships to place. In this thesis, I examine the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas in a series of three rhetorical analyses. In the first, I compared fracking bans used by Frack Free Denton and State College, Pennsylvania to distinguish the argumentative claims that are dependent on the politics of place, and affect strategies localities must use in resisting natural gas extraction. In the second, I compare campaign strategies that use local identity as a way of invoking legitimacy, which reinforces narrative frameworks of environmental risk. In the third, I conduct and analyze interviews with anti-fracking leaders who described the narrative of their movement, which highlighted tensions in the rhetorical construction of a movement as local. Altogether, this thesis traces the rhetorical conception of place across the rhetoric of the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas, while seeking to demonstrate the value of combining rhetorical criticism with rhetorical field methods.

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du, Monceau de Bergendal Labarca Maria Isabel. "The political ecology of indigenous movements and tree plantations in Chile : the role of political strategies of Mapuche communities in shaping their social and natural livelihoods". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/674.

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In Chile’s neoliberal economy, large-scale timber plantations controlled by national and multinational forest corporations have expanded significantly on traditional indigenous territories. Chile’s forestry sector began to expand rapidly in 1974, the year following the military coup, owing to the privatization of forest lands and the passing of Decree 701. That law continues to provide large subsidies for afforestation, as well as tax exemptions for plantations established after 1974. As a consequence, conflicts have developed between indigenous communities and forestry companies, with the latter actively supported by government policies. The Mapuche people, the largest indigenous group in Chile, have been demanding the right to control their own resources. Meanwhile, they have been bearing the physical and social costs of the forestry sector’s growth. Since democracy returned to Chile in 1990, governments have done little to strengthen the rights of indigenous peoples. Government policy in this area is ill-defined; it consists mainly of occasional land restitution and monetary compensation when conflicts with the Mapuche threaten to overheat. This, however, is coupled with heavy-handed actions by the police and the legal system against Mapuche individuals and groups. From a political ecology perspective, this thesis examines how indigenous communities resort to various political strategies to accommodate, resist, and/or negotiate as political-economic processes change, and how these responses in turn shape natural resource management and, it follows, the local environment. My findings are that the environmental and social impacts associated with landscape transformation are shaped not only by structural changes brought about by economic and political forces but also, simultaneously, by smaller acts of political, cultural, and symbolic protest. Emerging forms of political agency are having expected and unexpected consequences that are giving rise to new processes of environmental change. Evidence for my argument is provided by a case study that focuses on the political strategies followed by the Mapuche movement. I analyze the obstacles that are preventing the Chilean government from addressing more effectively the social, economic, and cultural needs of indigenous peoples through resource management policies. Government policies toward the Mapuche have not encompassed various approaches that might facilitate conflict resolution, such as effective participation in land use plans, natural resource management, the protection of the cultural rights of indigenous communities, and the Mapuche people’s right to their own approaches to development. Employing Foucault’s notion of governmentality, I argue that, while the Mapuche have widely contested the state’s neoliberal policies, they have nevertheless been drawn into governing strategies that are fundamentally neoliberal in character. These strategies have reconfigured their relationship with the state, NGOs, and foreign aid donors. Operating at both formal and informal levels of social and political interaction, this new mentality of government employs coercive and co-optive measures to cultivate Mapuche participation in the neoliberal modernization project, while continuing to neglect long-standing relations of inequality and injustice that underpin conflicts over land and resources.

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27

Queiroz, Rosane Morais Falcão. "O meio ambiente do bairro Pirambu sob a ótica de seus movimentos sociais". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2010. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/16316.

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QUEIROZ, Rosane Morais Falcão. O meio ambiente do bairro Pirambu sob a ótica de seus movimentos sociais.2010. 121 f. : Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pró-Reitoria de pesquisa e Pós-Graduação, Programa Regional de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente - PRODEMA, Fortaleza-CE, 2010
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It is observed, with the curse of history, that the social movements were an active subject in the process of construction of the protection of the environment, contributing so that forms of control of environmental degradation were executed through several types of norms and/or events. They are protagonists in actions that become aware or they touch the population for the need to protect the environment. That environment took a grandiose dimension, contemplating several factors and actors, established, mainly, through the "Agenda 21". It became a human and fundamental right. Before that and considering that the need of information on what happens in the environment in that the social movements act end of extreme importance for these to continue its own history, the one of claim for those rights, was aimed at to analyze which the knowledge or information that the 39 social movements posses concerning the environment of the neighborhood in wish act (Pirambu-Fortaleza/CE ). For that, haul of the use of secondary data on the neighborhood, visits and analyze of the landscape, a questionnaire was applied with open and closed questions with the respective leaderships of the social movements. That questionnaire had for base the subjects treated by the theme "maintainable cities" of the brazilian "Agenda 21", that approaches urban areas being suitable with the place investigated by the research. It was verified that, in many aspects, the knowledge that the social movements posses concerning what it happens in the environment of the Pirambu neighborhood is insufficient and that their understandings on what means environment is still on this side of the established and thought by the "Agenda 21". They put, it was verified, also, the existence of a feeling of steam that the leaders of the movements posses for the neighborhood. The social movements need to obtain larger information concerning that environmental subjects of Pirambu so that they can exercise with larger property in the sockets of decisions of the plannings of publish of politicize wish they can and should be participating.
Observa-se, ao longo da história, que os movimentos sociais foram sujeitos ativos no processo de construção da proteção do meio ambiente, contribuindo para que formas de controle da degradação ambiental fossem efetivadas através de diversos tipos de normas e/ou eventos. Eles são protagonistas em ações que conscientizam/sensibilizam a população para a necessidade de proteger o meio ambiente. Esse meio ambiente tomou uma dimensão grandiosa, contemplando diversos fatores e atores, estabelecidos, principalmente, através da “Agenda 21”. Ele tornou-se um direito humano e fundamental. Diante disso e considerando que a necessidade de informação sobre o que acontece no meio ambiente em que os movimentos sociais atuam é de extrema importância para que estes continuem a sua própria história, a de reivindicação por aqueles direitos, objetivou-se analisar qual o conhecimento/informação que os 39 movimentos sociais possuem acerca do meio ambiente do bairro no qual atuam (Pirambu-Fortaleza/CE). Para isso, além do uso de dados secundários sobre o bairro, visitas e análise da paisagem, aplicou-se um questionário com perguntas abertas e fechadas com as respectivas lideranças dos movimentos sociais. Esse questionário teve por base os assuntos tratados pelo tema “Cidades Sustentáveis” da “Agenda 21 Brasileira”, que aborda áreas urbanas, sendo condizente com o local investigado pela pesquisa. Foi constatado que, em muitos aspectos, o conhecimento que os movimentos sociais possuem acerca do que ocorre no meio ambiente do bairro Pirambu é insuficiente e que os seus entendimentos sobre o que é meio ambiente ainda estão aquém do estabelecido e pensado pela “Agenda 21”. Porém, verificou-se, também, a existência de um sentimento de estima que os líderes dos movimentos possuem pelo bairro. Os movimentos sociais precisam obter maiores informações acerca das questões ambientais do Pirambu para que possam exercer com maior propriedade nas tomadas de decisões dos planejamentos de políticas públicas, nos quais podem e devem estar participando.

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28

Pearson, Thomas W. ""Life is not for sale!" environmentalism, civil society, anti-neoliberal politics /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.

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29

Domokos-Bays, Becky L. "The Role Of The Citizen's Clearinghouse For Hazardous Wastes As An Agent Of Adult Education In The Environmental Justice Movement From 1981-1985". Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29867.

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This historical study examined the educational dimensions of the Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes from 1981-1995. Its role as an agent of adult education in the grassroots movement for environmental justice was demonstrated by tracing the movement from the toxic waste disaster at Love Canal, New York and focusing on the role of Lois Gibbs as a leader in the movement. The conceptual framework for the study was built upon interdisciplinary work in the fields of adult education, sociology, and educational history. The study examined the mission, belief systems, processes and strategies of learning and information dissemination by the Clearinghouse during three periods: 1981-1986, during which the organization was formed and began to develop a mission and belief system; the 1987-1991 period when CCHW experienced enormous growth and began to exert its power nationally with campaigns such as the McToxics Campaign. It was also during this period that CCHW began the process of working toward a unified grassroots environmental justice movement; and the period from 1992-1995 which marked the beginning of CCHW's second decade of existence and in which CCHW conducted an in-depth organizational assessment. Organizing and technical assistance were found to be the primary vehicles of learning. Publications and site visits were powerful dissemination mechanisms used to assist citizens in their struggles against corporations and government authorities. Secondly, citizens who remained active in the environmental justice movement often took on broader roles such as organizing regional citizen groups. The study found that women composed nearly eighty percent of the leaders in the movement. Reasons for involvement varied, but most women became involved initially out of fear for theirs or a loved one's health. Conclusions drawn indicate that learning occurred through everyday experiences and empowered citizens to take direct action in their communities. Secondly CCHW emerged as a powerful national political force due to its ability to maintain its mission of continuously listening and meeting the needs of its grassroots constituents.
Ph. D.

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Detwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.

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31

Walter, Mariana. "Political ecology of mining conflicts in Latin America an analysis of environmental justice movements and struggles over scales". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145402.

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América Latina es actualmente una de las fronteras mineras más atractivas del mundo, que concentra un tercio de las inversiones mundiales del sector. Sin embargo, mientras la presión por extraer metales aumenta, la región está viviendo una ola de movilizaciones sociales opuesta a la expansión de las actividades mineras a gran escala. Mientras las comunidades denuncian que las actividades mineras ponen en riesgo sus formas de sustento, desprecian sus derechos y su futuro, los gobiernos nacionales y las compañías mineras promueven la actividad como una fuente de desarrollo y bienestar social. Las críticas son vistas como motivadas por intereses políticos o desinformación. Desde un marco de ecología política, nutrido por estudios sobre la política de las escalas, la tesis estudia los movimientos de justicia ambiental que se oponen a las actividades mineras metalíferas de gran escala en América Latina. A tal efecto, recurre a dos aproximaciones diferentes. En una primera aproximación, la tesis analiza cómo y por qué los movimientos de justicia ambiental se forman, sus discursos, sus demandas y sus estrategias y el modo como estos movimientos se involucran en luchas por las escalas disputando su jerarquía y reivindicando el poder de las comunidades locales para decidir sobre los proyectos mineros. Se utilizaron métodos de investigación acción para realizar un estudio de caso del conflicto minero aurífero de Esquel (2001-2003, Argentina), donde se detuvo el proyecto tras un referéndum local. Adicionalmente, fuentes primarias y secundarias fueron utilizadas en un estudio de casos múltiples para analizar la emergencia y el despliegue de casos de consultas/referendo comunitarias sobre minería a gran escala en América Latina. En esta investigación, realizada con Leire Urkidi, estudiamos 68 casos de consultas locales ocurridas entre los años 2002 y 2012 en Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia y Ecuador. Alrededor de 700.000 personas participaron en estas consultas, expresando un rechazo masivo a las actividades mineras en la región. Se concluyó que las comunidades reclamaban el reconocimiento de sus miradas locales sobre el desarrollo que no eran compatibles con los impactos, riesgos e incertidumbres de la minería a gran escala. Los conflictos se exacerbaban porque los procedimientos de toma de decisiones no permitían incorporar adecuadamente las perspectivas locales sobre los aspectos técnicos y no técnicos que estaban en juego. Analizando la propagación de las consultas, sostenemos que se trata de una institución híbrida, multi-escalar, que simultáneamente construye una nueva escala de regulación (toma de decisiones) consistente en la participación local a través del referendo/consulta. Las consultas surgen como una respuesta de democracia local frente a las injusticias ambientales en contextos de represión y criminalización a activistas que ganan legitimidad en la medida que ofrecen espacios de participación a las comunidades afectadas. Son instituciones híbridas porque son promovidas por alianzas entre movimientos sociales y gobiernos locales que recuperan y resignifican derechos y leyes indígenas y de participación municipales, nacionales e internacionales. Así, las consultas no sólo desafían las escalas de significado hegemónicas que gobiernan a las actividades mineras sino, además, reconstruyen y ponen en práctica una nueva escala de regulación. En una segunda aproximación, en colaboración con Sara Latorre y el apoyo de Giuseppe Munda y Carlos Larrea, se aplicaron técnicas de evaluación social multi-criterio y de construcción de escenarios para estructurar las implicancias multi-dimensionales de desarrollar actividades extractivas en áreas social y ambientalmente sensibles. En el capítulo dedicado al conflicto minero de Íntag (Ecuador), sostenemos que esta aproximación permite hacer visibles escalas, valores sociales e incertidumbres que son opacados por los discursos que hegemonizan el debate minero, enfocados casi exclusivamente en los resultados económicos a nivel nacional.
Latin America is currently one of the most attractive mining frontiers in the World, concentrating one third of global mining investments. However, as the pressure to extract ores grows, the region witnesses a wave of social mobilizations against the expansion of large-scale metal-mining activities. While communities claim that mining activities endanger their livelihoods, and despise their rights and their future, national governments and companies promote this activity as a source of development and wellbeing. Complaints are framed as being politically motivated or based on misinformation. From a political ecology framework, nurtured by politics of scale studies, this thesis studies environmental justice movements contesting large-scale metal-mining activities in Latin America and their struggles over scales. Two different approaches are developed. In a first approach, the thesis addresses how and why environmental justice movements have formed, which are their discourses, their claims and strategies and how these movements engage in struggles over scales, contesting scalar hierarchies and reclaiming communities' power to decide on mining projects. Action research methods were used to conduct an in-depth case study in Esquel gold mining conflict (2001-2003, Argentina) where a project was stopped by a local referendum. Moreover, primary and secondary sources were used to conduct a multiple case study analysis of the emergence and spread of other community consultations/referenda on large-scale mining activities in Latin America. In this research, conducted with Leire Urkidi, we studied the 68 cases of community consultations/referenda that took place between 2002 and 2012 in Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia and Ecuador. About 700.000 people participated in these consultations, expressing a massive rejection to mining activities. I conclude that communities are demanding recognition for local views on development that are not compatible with large-scale mining, given its impacts, risks and uncertainties. Conflicts are exacerbated by the fact that mining decision-making procedures cannot adequately accommodate local views regarding technical and non-technical issues at stake. Analysing the spread of consultations I claim that they are a multi-scalar institution that constructs a new scale of regulation (decision-making): local participation via referendum/consultation. Consultations emerge as a local democratic response to environmental injustices in contexts of repression and criminalization of activists, and gain legitimacy as they become spaces of participation for affected populations. Consultations are moreover a hybrid institution, promoted by alliances between social movements and local governments that reclaim and re-signify municipal, national and international participation and indigenous rights and legislations. In this vein, consultations not only challenge hegemonic scales of meaning governing mining activities but re-construct and put in practice a new scale of regulation. In a second approach, in collaboration with Sara Latorre and with the support of Carlos Larrea and Giuseppe Munda, social multi-criteria evaluation and scenario techniques were applied to structure the multi-dimensional implications of developing extractive activities in socially and environmentally sensitive locations. In this chapter on the Íntag mining conflict (Ecuador), I claim that this approach is able to make visible scales, social values and uncertainties that are made invisible by hegemonic discourses in the mining debate that focus almost exclusively on economic results at national level.

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32

Nottingham, PatrÃcia Carvalho. "Tempos Verdes em Fortaleza: ExperiÃncia do Movimento Ambientalista (1976-1992)". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2404.

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nÃo hÃ
O presente estudo sobre o movimento ambientalista em Fortaleza faz uma anÃlise de sua organizaÃÃo, da inserÃÃo das questÃes ambientais nos debates polÃticos e nos movimentos sociais no contexto das dÃcadas de 1970 e 1980. Pela da anÃlise das falas, dos panfletos, manifestos e artigos de jornais, foi possÃvel compreender o processo histÃrico do movimento, suas contradiÃÃes, seus limites, potencialidades e prÃticas sociais. Um dos momentos significativos para os ambientalistas foi a luta vitoriosa pelo Parque do CocÃ que configurou na legitimaÃÃo deste movimento, tornando-se referÃncia para as lutas posteriores num processo de politizaÃÃo da ecologia, num novo contexto onde a SOCEMA sede lugar para as ONGs.
The present study on the environmentalist movement in Fortaleza analyzes its organization, the insertion of environmental issues in the political debates and in the social movements in the contexts of the 70âs and 80âs. Through the analysis of oral narratives, pamphlets, manifestos and newspaper articles, it was possible to understand the historical process of this movement, its contradictions, limits, potentialities and social practices. One of the most significant moments for the environmentalists was the victorious struggle for the CocÃ Park, which represented the legitimacy of this movement, becoming a reference for the subsequent fights in the ecology politicization process, in a new context where SOCEMA yields place to NGOs.

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33

Stoddart, Mark Christopher John. "Making meaning out of mountains : skiing, the environment and eco-politics". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/934.

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This research provides a sociological analysis of skiing as a form of outdoor recreation and nature tourism in British Columbia, Canada. A qualitative multi-method approach is used, combining discourse analysis, interviews with skiers, and unobtrusive field observation at Whistler Blackcomb and Whitewater ski resorts. Through a focus on discourse, embodied interactions among humans and non-humans, and flows of power, this research describes an environmental ambiguity at the centre of skiing. There is a tension between interpretations of skiing as an environmentally-sustainable practice and notions of skiing as an environmental and social problem. Skiing is based on the symbolic consumption of nature and is understood by many participants as a way of entering into a meaningful relationship with the non-human environment. However, interpretations of skiing as a non-consumptive use of non-human nature are too simple. Social movement groups disrupt pro-environmental discourses of skiing by challenging the sport’s ecological and social legitimacy. Many skiers also articulate a self-reflexive environmental critique of their sport. In these instances, skiing is brought into the realm of politics. Recreational forms of interaction with the non-human environment tend to be at the periphery of environmental sociology. At the same time, sport sociologists tend to focus on the social dimensions of outdoor recreation, while bracketing out non-human nature. This research brings these two fields of inquiry into dialogue with each other, thereby addressing this double lacuna.

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Moore, Joseph G. "Two struggles into one? : Labour and environmental movement relations and the challenge to capitalist forestry in British Columbia, 1900-2000 /". *McMaster only, 2001.

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35

Buday, Amanda T. "Fracturing Illinois: Fields of Political Contention in Hydraulic Fracturing Regulatory Policy". OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1267.

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This dissertation examines the interactions between social movement organizations and a variety of state and municipal targets of movement activity during the construction of the Illinois Hydraulic Fracturing Regulatory Act (HFRA). Hydraulic fracturing is a controversial method of oil and gas extraction which created an unusual amount of public interest and participation in policy construction. This dissertation provides an overview of the political environment in Illinois during the legislative negotiations for the HFRA, outlining the playing field of political negotiations, and the relative positioning of social movement actors competing for influence in that field. Additionally, I examine the causes and consequences of conflict between coalition partners opposed to fracking, focusing on the impact of differential resources, expertise, and institutional legitimacy. Using data from interviews with organization leaders from industry and environmental coalitions, key informants from government bureaus, and participant observation at public meetings, my research contributes to the political process literature by elaborating the heterogeneity of the state’s interests in political challenges and revealing cleavages within social movement coalitions.

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Santesson, Peder. "A Study of Greenpeace Campaigns : Environmental Communication of Video Game Console Developers". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-10887.

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This thesis explores the three campaigns Greenpeace has made towards the video game console producing companies, Sony, Microsoft and Nintendo. Using a qualitative approach I investigate how communication from an environmental organization may affect companies and what challenges Greenpeace face when they develop campaigns in relation to companies. Even though the industry is quickly expanding, almost no one had ever discussed video game consoles in relation to the environment. The situation changed when Greenpeace included Microsoft and Nintendo in their 6th edition of the “Guide to Greener Electronics”. In this guide companies in the consumer electronic industry were ranked based on their environmental communication and Microsoft and Nintendo received a very low score. Greenpeace was critiqued for the way their guide was carried out. The “Clash of the Consoles” campaign was an internet video summarizing the critics towards the game console producing companies from “Guide to Greener Electronics”. The campaign “Playing Dirty” investigated chemicals in the consoles and concluded that the companies followed legislation on regulated chemicals, but on unregulated chemicals high levels was fond in some cases. Greenpeace is usually known for using a direct approach with striking images in their campaigns. But in these cases no striking images have been used which makes it harder for them to gain sympathy for their campaigns. The concept of CSR which is socially constructed has great importance for environmental communication. However CSR has a large number of different interpretations. As shown in the thesis Greenpeace and the three companies focus on different aspects of CSR.

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Kedzior, Sya Buryn. "POLLUTION KNOWLEDGE AND URBAN WATER POLITICS IN THE GANGES RIVER BASIN (INDIA)". UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/190.

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Millions of people rely upon the Ganges River as a source of water provision and a site of disposal for sewage, solid waste, agricultural runoff and industrial effluent. The river is also a goddess in the Hindu pantheon who is worshipped for her purificatory powers, despite water quality levels that fall far short of standards for use in bathing, washing, and drinking. In recent years, a number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have formed to oppose both pollution of the river and the failure of state-run pollution abatement programs. They are joined by an increasingly frequent number of seemingly spontaneous protests held during the large Kumbh Mela festival gatherings at Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. Led by priests, sadhus and religious leaders, these protestors refuse to participate in the ritual bathing that is central to river worship until local and state officials take action to improve water quality at the site. These events indicate that the politics surrounding pollution abatement in the Ganges River Basin (GRB) are changing and that civil society organizations are struggling to gain greater representation and influence in the processes that shape pollution abatement and water use management in the GRB. This dissertation investigates the growing debate around pollution and pollution abatement in the Ganges River Basin and interprets the struggle over pollution abatement and river water management as a struggle over meaning in which various groups attempt to influence the context and context of local environmental knowledge(s). The research compares abatement efforts, civil society activity, and the "pollution knowledge" and water use practices of water users in three urban centers in the central GRB. An analysis of archival data, policy documents, a survey of water users, and interviews with government officials, NGO leaders and members, and other local scientists and activists conducted during fieldwork in 2008 and 2009. Discussion centers on the meta-discursive productions surrounding public participation and popular "awareness" as precursors to public participation in decisionmaking and policy-making processes. Findings indicate that water users in the GRB are well aware of pollution in the river and that many users exhibit a degree of cognitive dissonance in their pollution knowledge, indicating that a disconnection may exist between the knowledge that guides opinion and the knowledge that guides water use activity. Anti-pollution social movement organizations are found to employ methods and tactics that reflect local contexts of environmental degradation and pollution production, but which ultimately aim to reproduce broads shifts in the ideas, values, and power relations associated with water quality and water use in the Basin. Discussion considers the politics of upstream/downstream relations in shaping pollution abatement measures and the occurrence of "missing movements", or the absence of anti-pollution civil society activity. Research findings contribute to literature on the role of environmental knowledge in shaping the “politics of meaning” around which ideological struggles over natural resource use, access, and conservation are waged.

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Hakala, Fanni Pirita. "The Greta Effect on Global Environmental Governance : Testing the Applicability of Frame Theory". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43634.

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Humanity currently faces an existential crisis: anthropogenic climate change. In order to guarantee our survival on a stable planet, immediate mitigation and adaption strategies must be implemented. However, institutions are failing to live up to the task and a concrete action plan is currently non-existent, as climate governance struggles with fragmentation, commitment, and challenges posed by neoliberalism. Since the top-down approach is insufficient, extra-institutional actors are arising as leaders for the environmental agenda. This study narrows down on Greta Thunberg and assesses her capacity in leading the climate movement. The applicability of frame theory (Benford and Snow, 2000) will be tested to understand the mobilisation potential of Greta’s discourse. The main focus of this examination is to analyse how Greta has used diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational collective action frames in order to place the limelight on the seriousness of climate change and correspondingly how this has led to civil society mobilisation. Through a discourse analysis of her speeches, it was discovered that the framing perspective plays a role in meaning construction for the movement.

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Tuncel, Gökçe. "De la place publique aux Forêts du Nord : une étude sociologique des collectifs de lutte écologistes dans l’après-mouvement “Gezi Park” à Istanbul (2013-2018)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0023.

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Cette thèse étudie les conséquences ou les « échos » du mouvement social « Gezi Park » entre 2013 et 2018. Elle cherche à saisir les impacts sur le plan biographique, organisationnel et politique (culture politique) à travers l’étude de deux collectifs écologistes fondés au lendemain du mouvement : Défense des Forêts du Nord (Kuzey Ormanları Savunması) et Collectif de vélo Don Quichotte (Don Kişot Bisiklet Kolektifi). L’enquête est composée d’observations participantes et de 45 entretiens semi-directifs menés à Istanbul entre 2016 et 2018. Les collectifs de lutte étudiés agissent dans et pour l’espace urbain de la ville d’Istanbul à différentes échelles et se consacrent à des luttes spécifiques. Ils se situent strictement en dehors de la politique institutionnelle, ce qui signifie qu’ils refusent de participer et de coordonner toutes sortes d’actions avec des formations militantes ayant des liens avec les acteurs partisans. Cette étude interroge les dynamiques de politisation multiples, à la fois des individus et des actions des collectifs de lutte. Elle cherche à comprendre comment et par quel chemin les acteurs finissent par être engagés dans ces collectifs de lutte écologistes. Quel est le sens politique, d’après eux, de leur engagement politique dans l’après-mouvement Gezi ? Comment et par quelles modalités qualifient-ils leurs actions de politique, contestataire et écologiste ? Après une introduction qui situe le mouvement Gezi dans l’histoire des luttes écologistes et le relie à une contestation plus large sur la nature et l’idéologie développementaliste de l’Etat turc, la thèse s’organise en deux parties. Elle commence par suivre la trajectoire politique des enquêtés afin d’analyser les conséquences biographiques du mouvement Gezi et de montrer dans quelle mesure, et selon quelles modalités, ces conséquences engendrent ou non des bifurcations, des ruptures, des (re)négociations dans leurs différentes sphères de vie. Son objectif est de comprendre comment et par quels chemins les enquêtés sont amenés à s’investir, durablement, dans les collectifs écologistes post-Gezi au sein d’un contexte socio-politique intense marqué par plusieurs bouleversements et crises politiques entre 2015 et 2018. Elle s’efforce également de montrer comment les enquêtés se retrouvent impliqués dans des dynamiques d’engagement, de désengagement et de réengagement tout en prenant des chemins différents. À la lumière de ces trajectoires individuelles, la thèse donne ensuite à voir la trajectoire collective cette fois-ci à travers le travail mené par les militants dans la définition des enjeux, des revendications, des alliés/adversaires, des actions à adopter, du langage à employer. Ensuite, les registres d’actions contestataires sont analysés à travers les luttes contre les « mégaprojets » du troisième pont et du troisième aéroport tout comme leurs évolutions à l’aune du contexte social et politique. Entre 2013 et 2015, la thèse montre l’importance croissante des modes d’action liés à l’espace, à la dimension matérielle et locale des lieux défendus afin de mettre en évidence comment l’écologie et l’espace urbain se trouvent imbriqués l’un à l’autre dans les registres d’actions des collectifs qui proposent une nouvelle définition et une nouvelle compréhension de ce qui est considéré comme l’espace urbain de la ville d’Istanbul. Ce travail souhaite mettre en évidence la mise en place de différentes stratégies et interroge les registres d’actions qui font l’objet, à partir de 2015, d’adaptation et de discours de justification et de légitimation face au changement de contexte politique. Cette thèse peut contribuer à la littérature de la sociologie des mobilisations écologistes et urbaines et du processus de (dé)politisation des actions collectives ainsi qu’aux études sur les conséquences des mouvements sociaux
This thesis studies the consequences or "echoes" of the "Gezi Park" social movement between 2013 and 2018. It seeks to capture the biographical, organizational and political (political culture) impacts through the study of two environmentalist activist groups founded in the aftermath of the Gezi movement: Defense of Northern Forests (Kuzey Ormanları Savunması) and Don Quixote Cycling Collective (Don Kişot Bisiklet Kolektifi). This research is based on participant observations and 45 semi-structured interviews conducted in Istanbul between 2016 and 2018. The activist groups studied act in and for the urban space of the city of Istanbul at different scales and are dedicated to specific struggles. They situate themselves strictly outside institutional politics, which means they refuse to participate and coordinate any kind of actions with militant formations with links to partisan actors. This study examines the multiple dynamics of politicization, both of individuals and the actions of activist groups. It seeks to understand how and by what path actors end up being involved in these environmentalist activist groups. What is the political meaning of their involvement in the post-Gezi movements? How and in what ways do they describe their actions as political, dissident and environmental? After an introduction that situates the Gezi movement in the history of environmentalist struggles and links it to a broader contestation over the nature and developmentalist ideology of the Turkish state, the thesis is organized in two parts. It begins by following the political trajectory of the interviewees in order to analyze the biographical consequences of the Gezi movement and to show to what extent, and in what ways, these consequences do or do not engender bifurcations, ruptures and (re)negotiations in their various spheres of life. Its aim is to understand how and by what paths the respondents are led to invest themselves, sustainably, in post-Gezi environmentalist activist groups within an intense socio-political context marked by several political upheavals and crises between 2015 and 2018. It also endeavors to show how the respondents find themselves involved in dynamics of engagement, disengagement and reengagement while taking different paths.In the light of these individual trajectories, the thesis then looks at the collective trajectory, through the work carried out by activists in defining issues, demands, allies/adversaries, actions to be taken and language to be used. Next, the modes of protest actions are analyzed through the mobilizations against the "megaprojects" of the third bridge and the third airport, as well as their evolution in the light of the social and political context. Between 2013 and 2015, the thesis shows the growing importance of modes of action linked to “space”, to the material and local dimensions of the places defended, in order to highlight how ecology and urban space find themselves intertwined in the collective actions of activist groups proposing a new definition and understanding of what is considered urban space in the city of Istanbul. The aim of this work is to highlight the implementation of different militant strategies and to question the modes of political action that, from 2015 onwards, have been the subject of adaptation and discourses of justification and legitimization in the face of the changing political context. This thesis can contribute to the literature on the sociology of environmental and urban mobilizations and the process of politicization of collective actions, as well as to studies on the consequences of social movements

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Cintrón-Moscoso, Federico. "Articulating Social Change in Puerto Rico: Environmental Education as a Model for Youth Socio-Political Development and Community-Led School Reform". Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1600.

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Recent attempts at developing an environmental education agenda in public schools emphasize the need to foster greater public awareness about environmental rights, issues, and solutions, while producing citizens with the knowledge and skills needed to address the ecological challenges of contemporary society. However, some scholars have argued that the attempt to integrate environmental principles into the school curricula has created a conflict between the politically-oriented goals of environmental education and the more passive practices of uncritical assimilation and reproduction found in many schools today (Stevenson 2007). Moreover, although there is a need for public schools to take on the challenge of prioritizing environmental education, they may not be ready to do so. Ideological conflicts, structural constraints and perceptions about the urgency of the problem seem to affect the ways in which implementation of these new philosophies and practices take place. One approach that the environmental movement in Puerto Rico is utilizing to fulfill what they perceive as their responsibility to the new generations of Puerto Ricans and society at large is to partner with local elementary public schools in an effort to develop activities and knowledge relevant to local ecological issues and environmental principles. To better understand this complex articulation, I set out to conduct an ethnographic case study of Conuco, a youth-led activist group working in collaboration with four elementary schools in Río Piedras, Puerto Rico. Utilizing an eco-critical approach, this study looks at the multiple-levels in which Conuco intersects as a public organization and a transformative space for its individual members. By caring for and working with elementary school children, the young people in the study learn to behave in ways that are ecologically conscious while, at the same time, fulfilling their perceived social responsibility as mentors and environmental activists. However, while these practices might improve the performance of individual teachers and the level of awareness and participation of particular groups of students, they raise questions about the ability of the school system to confront these new challenges systematically by transforming the system of instruction and improving its commitment to the environment. How effective these strategies are and what they mean for all involved-teachers, students, and activists-are the primary questions being explored in this study.

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Magacho, Larissa Nobre [UNESP]. "Pesquisa em educação ambiental e movimentos sociais: um estudo sobre teses e dissertações brasileiras". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152027.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar as relações entre movimentos sociais e Educação Ambiental (EA) que têm sido estabelecidas nas teses e dissertações brasileiras em EA. Foi realizada uma pesquisa documental qualitativa do tipo “estado da arte” que se insere no âmbito do “Projeto EArte”. Dos trinta e dois trabalhos que constituíram o corpus documental desta pesquisa, a maioria são dissertações de mestrado, desenvolvidas principalmente a partir dos primeiros anos do segundo milênio. A maioria das pesquisas foram desenvolvidas em IES públicas, em todas as regiões do país, embora predomine as regiões sudeste e nordeste, com a mesma quantidade de pesquisas e apenas uma pesquisa na região norte. Além disso, observou-se que as teses e dissertações vêm sendo produzidas, em sua maioria, nos PPGs vinculados às áreas básicas de Educação e Ciências Ambientais vinculados a estas áreas, a maioria dos trabalhos foram desenvolvidos em Programas de Pós-Graduação (PPG) em Educação e Educação Ambiental. Com a mesma quantidade de trabalhos desenvolvidos no PPG em EA, destacou-se o Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente (PRODEMA). Em muitos casos, não foi possível identificar os referenciais teóricos e daqueles que explicitaram, houve predominância dos referenciais histórico-críticos e com menor expressividade, os pós-modernos. Todas as pesquisas foram desenvolvidas a partir da abordagem qualitativa, com predominância de pesquisas documentais e de abordagens metodológicas participativas, ainda que com alguns equívocos conceituais sobre tais tipos de pesquisa.Foram identificadas teses e dissertações que tiveram como objeto de estudo o movimento ambientalista, os movimentos sociais campesinos e o movimento feminista. Representados nessa pesquisa pelo MST e pelo MAB, para algumas pesquisas que tem como objeto de estudo os movimentos sociais campesinos, a EA é “intrínseca” aos movimentos e para outros, ela vem sendo construída, seja devido aos fatores externos seja aos fatores internos dos movimentos em questão. Na maioria dos trabalhos foi adotado o referencial da EA crítica ou transformadora, condizendo com os referenciais teóricos adotados nas pesquisas e com as características dos movimentos sociais analisados. Além disso, foram recorrentes as contribuições da EA para os movimentos sociais analisados e também dos movimentos sociais para a construção da EA em sua perspectiva crítica. Sendo assim, consideramos que a relação entre EA e movimentos sociais ocorre de forma dialética em que ambos se transformam e são favorecidos. Cabe ressaltar, no entanto, que existem desafios a serem superados para a construção dos diálogos, como algumas pesquisas que discutem práticas de cunho exclusivamente intervencionista da EA em assentamentos acompanhados por movimentos sociais, configurando certo pragmatismo para a EA. Esperamos que com estes conhecimentos construídos, seja possível o estreitamento das relações entre o campo de pesquisa da educação ambiental e dos movimentos sociais e embora com suas especificidades e desafios a serem superados, caminham em resistência às injustiças socioambientais e buscam a transformação da realidade imposta.
This research aims at invetigating the relations between the social moviments and the Environmental Education that have been being established in brazilians thesis and dissertation in Environmental Education. A qualitative reasearch was made, documental kind of “state of art” that is into the proect “EArte”.From the thirty-two paperworks that constitute the documental corpus, the majority are master’s degree dissertation, developed mainly from the year of 2001. Most of these researches were developed in public IES, in all brazilian regions, although there is a predominance of the southeast and northeast regions with the same number of reseraches and only one from the North region. Besides, it was observed that the thesis and dissertation have been being produced, most of them, at PPGs linked to the basic áreas of Education and Environmental Sciences, being the most part developed in Post Graduation Programs (PPG) in Education and Environmental Education. With the same quantity of paperworks developed at PPG and EA, the Post Graduation Program in Developing and Environmet (PRODEMA) was highlighted. In many cases, it was not possible to identify the theoretical references adopted and among the ones that affirmed, there was predominance of historical-critics references and with less expressiveness, the post modern. All researches were developed from the qualitative approach, with predominance of documental researches and participative methodological approaches, even if there were some conceptual mistakes about these kinds of researches, constituting the “theoretical miscelanious”. Thesis and dissertation which aimed at environmental movement, countryside social moviments and feminists movements were identified. The countryside social movements had more expressiveness in documents analysed and, for some researches, the EA is “intrinsic” to the movements and, for others, it has been being built, due to external factors or intern factors from the movements we have been talking about. In most of the analysedpaperworks, the referencial of the critic EA or changing was adopted, conform to the theoretical referencials adopted by the authors and to the social movements characteristics that were the research focus. Besides, the EA contributions to the movements that fight for other ways of relations between the society and nature and also from the social movements to the construction of the EA in its critical perspective were frequent. Therefore, if we considered the relation between the EA and social movements in the analysed documents, it happens in a dialectical way, in which both of them are transformed and are favored. It is importante to say, however, that there are challenges to be overcome to the dialogue construction, as some researches that discuss interventionist practices from EA in settlements followed by social movements, setting some pragmatismo to the EA. We hope that the constructed knowledge, through this dissertation, can contribute to the narrowing of the relations between the environmental educational reserch field and the social movements that, however there are their own specificities and challenges to be overcome, walk in resistence to the sócio environmental injustices and look for the current sócio economic reality changes.

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Torok, Joseph J. "Social Implications of Fair Trade Coffee in Chiapas, Mexico: Toward Alternative Economic Integration". [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002888.

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43

Ruiz, Gabriela, Cáceres Estelí Vela, Cordova Lucía Mercado, Sarmiento Marylia Cruz, Villagarcia Paolo Sosa e Pinillos Jeniffer Pérez. "The limits of articulation of the anti-minning movements in Peru". Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91705.

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The present article discusses the enviromental conflicts related to the mining during the recent past years, with the purpose of identify the limits and the difficulties that have been present in the articulation of a national anti-mining social movement in Peru. The questioning about the reach of the anti-mining movement arises from the constants outbreaks of conflicts that are determinate by local dynamics. The confrontation between the mining company and peasant´s communities has been occurring in different areas of the country, and that is why the analysis focuses in the cases of the ‘Aymarazo’ in Puno, Conga in Cajamarca, and the contrast of informal mining in Madre de Dios. The analysis of the cognitive frameworks, the structure of organization, the window of opportunities, allow this work to recognize the character of the anti-mining mobilizations that occurs in every conflict.
El presente artículo aborda los conflictos socioambientales relacionados con la minería sucedidos en los últimos años, con el propósito de identificar los límites y las dificultades presentados en la articulación del movimiento antiminero nacional en el Perú. El cuestionamiento sobre el alcance del movimiento antiminero surge a partir de los constantes estallidos de conflictos determinados por la dinámica local. La confrontación entre la empresa minera y las comunidades rurales se ha dado en diferentes áreas territoriales del país, por lo que se analiza los casos del Aymarazo en Puno, Conga en Cajamarca y el contraste de la minería informal en Madre de Dios. El análisis de los marcos cognitivos, la estructura de la organización, las ventanas de oportunidades permite dar cuenta del cáracter de las movilizaciones antimineras realizadas durante cada conflicto.

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Wolf-Monteiro, Brenna. "Consuming Justice: Exploring Tensions Between Environmental Justice and Technology Consumption Through Media Coverage of Electronic Waste, 2002-2013". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22618.

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The social and environmental impacts of consumer electronics and information communications technologies (CE/ICTs) reflect dynamics of a globalized and interdependent world. During the early 21st century the global consumption of CE/ICTs expanded greatly while the infrastructure behind CE/ICTs, especially the extraction and disassembly phases, became more integrated. This dissertation examines how messages about the social and environmental impacts of CE/ICTs changed during this period and explores the discursive power of actors involved in environmental justice campaigns surrounding the disposal and disassembly of electronic waste (e-waste). The dissertation reports the results of a mixed methods investigation of twelve years of media coverage of e-waste through quantitative content analysis and qualitative document analysis. The analysis examined almost 800 articles from eleven media outlets between 2002 – 2013 and explored differences between legacy media coverage (e.g. The New York Times, USA Today) and coverage from digital news outlets focused on technology (e.g. Ars Technica, CNET, Gizmodo). When the story of e-waste began to gain traction in media outlets, the haze of commodity fetishism cleared for a brief moment and the social relations of exploitation behind the wonders of technology were included in media narratives. While the media coverage about e-waste initially examined environmental justice issues of pollution and labor exploitation, the coverage evolved into focusing on the technical and business solutions to managing the environmental problems and the growth of a private sector profiting from mineral reclamation through electronics recycling.

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Cantzler, Julia Miller. "Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.

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46

Smith, Zachary Joseph. "Mapping the Spatial Movements, Behaviors, and Interactions of Captive Orangutans using Terrestrial Laser Scanning and GIS". Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5312.

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Five captive Bornean orangutans (Pongo pygmaeus) were observed in order to better understand their spatial selection, behavior, and interaction with their environment and each other. A newly introduced adult male's interactions with a female group containing two adults, one adolescent, and one juvenile, was documented. Visual observations were performed to document individual behaviors, along with any interactions with silvery langur monkeys, public crowd levels, temperature, and enrichment props. Methods included 15 observation periods, 0.5-3 hours in length each, during which behaviors were verbally and visually confirmed using a HD video camera. Spatial locations of each individual were recorded every three minutes during each observation period. The orangutan enclosure was measured and mapped using terrestrial laser scanning (TLS), and observed behaviors and spatial locations were georeferenced to the resulting 3D model depicting the exhibit. Results were summarized as time-activity budgets and were geo-visualized using 3D plots and density maps. This research demonstrated how the application of spatiotemporal and behavioral analysis coupled with TLS and three-dimensional modelling can be used to better study captive primates. These types of studies are important as zoos increasingly become home to great ape species.

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Wight, Robert Alan. "We are Nature Exploring Ecovillagers' Perceptions of Nature and Uses of Technology /". Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1216753651.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Cincinnati, 2008.
Advisors: Kelly Moore Dr. (Committee Chair), Rhys Williams Dr. (Committee Member), Steve Carlton-Ford Dr. (Other). Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Oct. 4, 2008). Includes abstract. Keywords: Ecovillages; Sustainable Culture; Nature - Culture Divide; Environmental Sociology; Social Movements. Includes bibliographical references.

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Pontes, Andrezza Graziella VerÃssimo. "SaÃde do trabalhor e saÃde ambiental: articulando universidade, sus e movimentos sociais em territÃrio rural". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8609.

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As categorias teÃricas produÃÃo, trabalho, ambiente e saÃde sÃo importantes para a discussÃo dos campos disciplinares SaÃde do Trabalhador e SaÃde Ambiental. A pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a articulaÃÃo entre universidade, SUS e movimentos sociais para a abordagem das relaÃÃes produÃÃo-trabalho-ambiente-saÃde, em territÃrio rural. Ocorreu no municÃpio Apodi-RN o qual vivencia um contexto de resistÃncia de movimentos sociais e camponeses que praticam agricultura familiar de base agroecolÃgica Ã instalaÃÃo do PerÃmetro Irrigado Santa Cruz, que vem a subsidiar a expansÃo do agronegÃcio da fruticultura irrigada na regiÃo. Trata-se de uma pesquisa-aÃÃo na qual foram realizados seis encontros com um grupo constituÃdo por agentes comunitÃrios de saÃde, Centro de ReferÃncia em SaÃde do Trabalhador, professor universitÃrio e movimentos sociais â ComissÃo Pastoral da Terra (CPT) e Sindicato de Trabalhadores Rurais. Foram desenvolvidos momentos de discussÃo, entrevistas semiestruturadas, estudos e visitas em campo para territorializaÃÃo em saÃde, oficinas e seminÃrios temÃticos. Categorias analÃticas foram utilizadas para anÃlise das informaÃÃes. Observou-se que a articulaÃÃo entre universidade, SUS e movimentos sociais para a abordagem das relaÃÃes entre produÃÃo-trabalho-ambiente-saÃde Ã possÃvel e fecunda, num contexto tencionado pela hegemonia dos interesses do capital. SobressaÃram-se, como atores em potencial, professores que se apoiam em teorias crÃticas, movimentos sociais autÃnomos e agentes comunitÃrios de saÃde. Entre as potencialidades da articulaÃÃo, destacam-se: troca de experiÃncias, interdisciplinaridade, busca da intersetorialidade, ressignificaÃÃo do trabalho acadÃmico e em saÃde, desconstruÃÃo dos mitos da ideologia do desenvolvimento e visibilidade Ãs necessidades de saÃde do trabalhador e ambiental. A articulaÃÃo desses atores para identificar o contexto das relaÃÃes produÃÃo-trabalho-ambientesaÃde e as necessidades de saÃde em territÃrio concreto, bem como para construir coletivamente um plano de aÃÃo e intervir sobre a realidade Ã um caminho que pode contribuir para o fortalecimento da prÃxis da SaÃde do Trabalhador e SaÃde Ambiental de modo compartilhado entre diversos sujeitos, setores, saberes e campos disciplinares, e pode ser incorporado na universidade, no SUS e nos movimentos sociais.
The theoretical categories production, labor, environment and health are important to the discussion of disciplinary fields of Occupational Health and Environmental Health. The research aimed to analyze the relationship between university, SUS and social movements to approach the production relations-work-environment-health in peasant territory. It occurred in Apodi-RN, which goes through a context of resistance of social movements and peasant who practice family farms agroecological-based installing near Irrigated Perimeter Santa Cruz, which comes to subsidizing agribusiness expansion of irrigated horticulture in the region. This is an acting research in which were accomplished six meetings with a group consisting of community health workers, Reference Center for Occupational Health, University Professor and social movements - the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) and the Rural Workers Union . Were developed moments of discussion, semi-structured interviews, field studies and visits to health territorialization, workshops and thematic seminars. Analytical categories were used to analyze the information. It was observed that the relationship between university, SUS and social movements to address the relationships between production-workenvironment- health is possible and fruitful, tensioned for hegemony in the context of the interests of capital. Stood out as potential actors, teachers who rely on critical theories, autonomous social movements and community health workers. Among the potential of articulation, include: exchange of experiences, interdisciplinarity, intersectionality, search, resignification of academic work and health, deconstructing the myths of the ideology of development and visibility to the needs of environmental and occupational health. The relationship of these actors to identify the context of production relations-work-environmenthealth and health needs in specific territory, as well as collectively to build a plan of action and intervene in reality is a way that can contribute to the strengthening of praxis of Occupational Health and Environmental Health shared between so many different subjects, industries, knowledge and disciplines, and can be incorporated into the university, SUS and social movements.

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Sobreira, Ramon Fiori Fernandes. "Práticas religiosas Afro-Brasileiras, marco regulatório e uso do meio ambiente e do espaço urbano da cidade do Rio de Janeiro". Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3221.

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A Constituição Federal brasileira relaciona dentre as garantias do cidadão o direito ao meio ambiente sadio e a liberdade religiosa e de liturgia. Também prevê como valor constitucional a ser defendido pelo Estado brasileiro as matrizes culturais africanas. A problemática da presente pesquisa é o conflito entre esses valores e garantias em um Estado democrático de direito, conflito este que indentificamos no caso selecionado para estudo: a proibição de oferendas das religiões afrobrasileiras no Parque Nacional da Tijuca, no Rio de Janeiro, pela administração da entidade gestora do Parque. A partir deste estudo de caso, propomos questionar: 1) como o conflito é construído numa perspectiva multidimensional (da geografia cultural, da teologia, da sociologia etc); 2) se e por que as religiões de matrizes africanas foram excluídas do arcabouço jurídico ambiental brasileiro; 3) se este arcabouço pode ser interpretado de modo a favorecer a prática de oferendas e 4) se há uma consciência e uma ética ambientais emergentes naquelas comunidades religiosas, facilitadoras do argumento defensivo da prática de oferendas em áreas verdes públicas. Assim, o objetivo da presente pesquisa é contribuir para a solução exitosa deste conflito, de modo que esta solução seja válida e exeqüível em qualquer área verde sob administração pública. Desse modo, advogamos a tese de que é possível ponderar as duas garantias constitucionais em conflito, de forma que as oferendas, ao invés de proibidas, sejam aceitas de modo disciplinado, não agressivo ou menos agressivo ao meio ambiente, pela negociação dos atores envolvidos. Através da metodologia qualitativa demonstraremos que há um conflito entre atores que dão distintos significados ao meio ambiente, a partir de racionalidades distintas, sendo a da administração ambiental fortemente ancorada na própria doutrina formatadora dos parques nacionais. Aditaremos que o conflito poderia ter sido evitado ou minorado se as comunidades religiosas urbanas afrobrasileiras tivessem sido reconhecidas como populações tradicionais pelo movimento socioambientalista, fortemente inspirador da legislação brasileira. Demonstraremos ainda que, apesar desta lacuna, a legislação que já está dada pode ser interpretada de modo a chancelar a prática das oferendas, e que a proibição seria um equívoco legal da administração ambiental, tendo em vista que o direito ambiental oferece um sistema principiológico favorável à prática das oferendas, tarefa facilitada por uma emergente ética ambiental naqueles grupos religiosos. Não obstante, uma proposta de inclusão de um artigo na Lei do Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação será elaborada, para evitar que a solução do conflito dependa de interpretações. Por fim, recomendaremos que a interdição no Parque da Tijuca seja exemplarmente substituída por uma negociação entre as partes envolvidas, de modo a que sejam preservados todos os interesses constitucionais envolvidos, proporcionando o avanço da democracia brasileira.
Brazilian Federal Constitution lists among the citizens guarantees not only the right to a healthy environment but also religious and liturgy freedom. It is also established as a constitutional value the States obligation to preserve the cultural African matrixes. The main matter of the present research is the conflict between (or among) such guarantees and interests within a democratic system, as it has been identified in the study-case: the interdiction of afro-Brazilian religious offerings at Parque Nacional da Tijuca (Tijuca National Park), in Rio de Janeiro city, determined by the park administration. Based on that study-case we propose the following questions: 1) how, in a multidimensional perspective (cultural geography, theology, sociology etc) such a conflict is built; 2) if and why afro-Brazilian religions have been excluded from the Brazilian environmental legislation; 3) if that legislation may be interpreted in ways that promote the defense of those rituals and; 4) if an environmental ethics is emerging within those religious communities, considering that such ethics would make it easier the task to build an apologize of those religious practices. Thus, this research aims to contribute to a successful solution of the mentioned conflict, in a way that this very solution may be applied in any other environmental unit under public administration. This way, we defend the thesis that is perfectly possible to weight or to ponder the mentioned constitutional interests, making it possible to release religious offerings from interdiction, promoting their liberation under some environmental discipline, discussed by both parts (administration and religious leaderships), leading to offerings less aggressive to environment or even non-aggressive ones. Through qualitative methodology, we will demonstrate that there is a conflict between distinct ways to signify nature and environment, by distinct social actors, with different rationalities, being the one of the administration strongly harbored at the very American-born doctrine of the national parks. In addition, we intend to show that the mentioned conflict should be avoided if only afro-Brazilian religious groups would be considered as traditional populations or traditional communities by the socio-environmental movement, which one indeed inspired Brazilian legislation. We shall also demonstrate that despite of such omission, Brazilian already existent legislation may be interpreted in ways to allow offerings at national parks, the interdiction remaining as a legal mistake of the parks administration, even because the environmental law principles offer us an comprehensive interpretation in defense of the religious offerings, made stronger by the recognizing that there is a new-born environmental ethics emerging from those communities. However, it shall be suggested the insertion of a new clause in the National Conservation Units System Law to assure that right, without depending on interpretations efforts. At last, we shall strongly recommend that the interdiction to offerings nearby nature is suspended and replaced by a negotiation between parts involved, making it possible to preserve all the constitutional interests in conflict, at the same time that Brazils young democracy may give an important step ahead.

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Borsatto, Ricardo Serra. "A agroecologia e sua apropriação pelo movimento dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra (MST) e assentados de reforma agrária". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/256858.

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Abstract (sommario):

Orientador: Maristela Simões do Carmo
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Agrícola
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Resumo: Nos últimos anos diferentes movimentos sociais ao redor do mundo têm internalizado em seus ideários novos valores e princípios epistemológicos edificados sobre as bases da sustentabilidade ambiental e equidade social. Dentro desse contexto, essa tese abordou a adoção de um discurso baseado na Agro ecologia pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), tanto com o intuito de compreender por meio de uma abordagem teórico-histórica os fundamentos da apropriação do conceito de Agroecologia em seu discurso, quanto de verificar a campo a aderência dos assentamentos rurais a essa nova proposta na busca de compreender os entraves e dificuldades para o seu estabelecimento. Para tanto partiu da apresentação das diferentes correntes teóricas sobre a questão camponesa que historicamente tem norteado as ações do MST, assim como fundamentou teoricamente a Agroecologia para compreender em quais bases epistemológicas esse conceito se edifica. Para levantar os dados de campo, além da utilização da observação participante, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas junto a algumas lideranças do MST com o objetivo de compreender seus discursos sobre o tema abordado. Para a avaliação da aderência à Agroecologia nos assentamentos rurais foi desenvolvido e aplicado um sistema participativo de indicadores denominado Sistema de Avaliação de Aderência à Agroecologia (SAAGRO). Ao fim da pesquisa concluiu-se que apesar de o MST se posicionar na vanguarda dentro dos movimentos sociais camponeses em relação à disseminação da Agroecologia, importantes entraves terão que ser superados para que essa se torne um paradigma dominante junto aos seus militantes. Apontou-se que não existe uma resposta pontual para a superação desses entraves e que múltiplas terão que ser as ações a serem executadas por diferentes agentes além do MST
Abstract: In recent years various social movements around the world have internalized in their guidelines new values and epistemological principles built upon the foundation of environmental sustainability and social equity. Within this context, this thesis addressed the adoption of a speech based on the Agroecology by the Movement of Landless Workers (MST), in order to through a theoretical-historical approach the appropriation of the Agroecology concept in its speech, and to verify in the field the adherence of rural settlements to this new proposal seeking to understanding the obstacles and difficulties for its establishment. For both starts presenting the different theoretical perspectives on the peasant question that has historically guided the actions of the MST, as well as a theoretical framework for understanding Agroecology epistemological foundations. To collect data on the field, besides the use of participant observation, were conducted semi-structured interviews with some leaders of the MST in order to understand his speeches about these topic. For the evaluation of the adherence to Agroecology in the rural settlements was developed and applied a participatory system of indicators called Adherence for Agroecology Evaluation System (SAAGRO). The research concluded that although the MST stand at the forefront within the peasant social movements in relation to the spread of Agroecology, major obstacles will be overcome for this to become a dominant paradigm among its militants. It was pointed out that there is not unique answer to overcome these obstacles and multiple actions need to be taken by different actors besides the MST
Doutorado
Planejamento e Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável
Doutor em Engenharia Agrícola

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Tesi sul tema "Environmental social movements"

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