Tesi sul tema "Electronic surveillance – political aspects"

Modes of communication in modern society have become instant and frequent. Internet users usually post ongoing activities and check their friends’ statuses with texts and photos in social networking sites. During information seeking and sharing processes, they enable peer-to-peer surveillance on the Internet. The present research adopts Foucault’s (1977) Panopticon as a metaphor to investigate this new advent of online surveillance. Surveillance from unknown people on the Internet may not always exist, but the perception of being surveilled could be embedded in the users’ mind. This kind of suspicion may generate some surveillance effects such as low self-esteem and communication discouragement, namely panoptic effects without the presence of actual surveillance (Botan, 1996). This study focuses on the negative panoptic effects to Internet users, leading to three hypotheses related to privacy infringement, Internet stress and self-monitoring. An online survey was conducted with 325 respondents aged from 18 to 29. Regression analyses were used to investigate the explanatory power of one’s perception of being surveilled on the outcome variables. The results showed that the respondents with higher level of perceived online surveillance report higher sense of privacy infringement, more situational stress and higher desire of self-monitoring in their online disclosure. With awareness of being surveilled, the respondents realize the information they share online may be exposed to anonymous observers and be prone to storage and dissemination, resulting in privacy infringement. Since online information could be exposed and misused, the respondents feel stressful to share their views and emotions online. They may conduct self-censorship on their online disclosure so as to acquire credits from other Internet users and avoid punishment for improper manner. Implications of these findings are discussed in detail.

Thesis (honors)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Title from file title page. Robert Howard, thesis advisor. Electronic text (50 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Jan 17, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 48-50).

This thesis analyzes the social significance of the integration of the home into computer networks. The social significance of home networking is grasped when these systems are understood in their relationship to emerging forms of electronic social control. The thesis establishes this connection through an analysis of structural trends in the videotex industry which demonstrates the value to the corporate sector of cybernetic information generated by interactive systems. The North American tradition of privacy policy is reviewed and demonstrated as inadequate for the protection of personal privacy in home networking. It is further shown that privacy policy does not represent an adequate theorization of social control in computer networking, since it does not account for practices of aggregate social control, which have been termed in the thesis "social management," so vital to the cybernetic economy of late capitalism. Finally, the thesis argues that current conceptual frameworks and policy mechanisms cannot assure the socially beneficial development of home networking, given the tendency towards the integration of such systems into structures of social control.

Throughout the years, the United States government and local law enforcement has used electronic domestic surveillance for criminal justice purposes. Shortly after World War II, the government began to abuse the power of electronic domestic surveillance for the purposes of gathering intelligence on American citizens. After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, electronic domestic surveillance focused heavily on American citizens in the name of national security. The government has a duty to protect the United States and American citizens. The use of electronic domestic surveillance is a method for that purpose; however, the infringement of American’s Fourth Amendment rights has become a conflict for the government while trying to maintain national security. Along with attempting to keep security for American citizens, the United States government has lacked transparency in their electronic domestic surveillance methods, causing controversy with American citizens. It is a question of how much privacy would Americans sacrifice for their security. The research in this paper focuses on the comparison of the electronic domestic surveillance methods, how these processes affected the Fourth Amendment rights of American citizens, and the response to these programs and violations by Americans and the United States government, respectively.

Thesis (PhD (Electrical and Electronic Engineering))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Passive millimetre-wave (PMMW) imaging is a technique that uses radiometers to detect thermal radiation emitted and reflected by metallic and non-metallic objects. While visual and infra-red emissions are attenuated by atmospheric constituents, PMMW emissions are transmitted, resulting in consistent contrast between different objects from day to night in clear weather and in low-visibility conditions to form images for a range of security and inclement weather applications. The use of a PMMW imaging system on a small unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) offers extremely attractive possibilities for applications such as airborne surveillance for search and rescue operations, which are often hindered by inclement weather making visibility poor and endangering the rescuers as the search vehicle flies through the bad weather zone. The UAV would fly above the bad weather zone, with the PMMW imaging system detecting the thermal radiation emitted and reflected by objects in the MMW spectrum through the inclement weather. The 35GHz propagation window is chosen for the greater transmission through atmospheric constituents. The design of the PMMW imaging system is severely limited by the size of the UAV, particularly in the inability to incorporate any form of optical or mechanical scanning antenna. A possible solution is a long, thin antenna array fitted under the wings of the UAV. Such an antenna has a narrow, high gain, frequency-scanned beam along the plane perpendicular to the flight path, but a very broad beam along the plane of the flight path blurs the image, making it difficult to accurately determine the position of an object or to differentiate between objects situated along the plane of the flight path. This dissertation proposes a technique of image reconstruction based on the Kalman filter, a recursive filter that uses feedback control to estimate the state of a partially observed non-stationary stochastic process, to reconstruct an accurate image of the target area from such a detected signal. It is shown that given a simulated target area, populated with an arbitrary number of objects, the Kalman filter is able to successfully reconstruct the image using the measured antenna pattern to model the scanning process and reverse the blurring effect
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Passiewe millimetergolf (PMMG) beeldvorming is ’n tegniek wat van radiometers gebruik maak om termiese straling waar te neem vanaf beide metaal en nie-metaal voorwerpe. Waar optiese en infra-rooi straling attenueer word deur atmosferiese bestanddele, plant PMMG strale ongehinderd voort. Dit lei tot konstante kontras tussen verskillende voorwerpe in daglig of snags, mooi of bewolkte weer, en in ander lae-sigbaarheid toestande om beelde te vorm vir ’n wye reeks sekuriteits- of weertoepassings. Die gebruik van PMMG beeldvorming op ’n klein onbemande lugtuig (OLT) bied aantreklike moontlikhede vir toepassings in observasie en reddingsoperasies, wat dikwels verhinder word deur bewolke weer wat reddingswerkers in gevaar stel as hul moet vlieg in toestande van lae sigbaarheid. Die OLT kan bokant die onweer vlieg, met die PMMG beeldvormer wat termiese straling in die millimetergolf spektrum vanaf voorwerpe kan waarneem in swaks weerstoestande. Vir verbeterde golfvoortplanting deur atmosferiese bestanddele, word die 35GHz band gekies. Die ontwerp van die PMMG stelsel word geweldig beperk deur die grootte van die OLT, spesifiek deur die tuig se onvermoë om ’n antenne te huisves wat opties of meganies kan skandeer. ’n Moontlike oplossing is om gebruik te maak van ’n lang, dun antenne samestelling wat onder die OLT se vlerke geplaas word. So ’n antenne het ’n nou, hoë-aanwins bundel wat met frekwensie skandeer langs ’n vlak loodreg tot die vlugtrajek. So ’n antenne het egter ’n baie wye bundel langs die vlugtrajek, wat beeldkwaliteit verlaag en dit moeilik maak om die posisie van ’n voorwerp langs die vlugtrajek te bepaal, of om tussen veelvuldige voorwerpe te onderskei. Hierdie proefskrif bied ’n tegniek van beeldherwinning gebaseer op die Kalman filter, ’n rekursiewe filter wat terugvoerbeheer gebruik om die toestand van ’n nie-stasionêre stochastiese proses af te skat wat slegs gedeeltelik waargeneem is, om soedoende ’n akkurate beeld van die teikenarea te herkonstrueer vanuit ’n verwronge beeld. Dit word getoon dat, gegewe ’n gesimuleerde teikenomgewing met ’n arbitrêre hoeveelheid voorwerpe, die Kalman filter suksesvol ’n beeld kan herkonstrueer deur gebruik te maak van die antenne se gemete stralingspatroon om die skanderingsproses na te boots, om sodoende die beeldkwaliteit te verhoog

Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on. This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.
171 leaves ; 29 cm

This study attempts to analyse the way foreign media organisations have used the Internet to inform, educate and mobilise citizens for participation in their national election. These foreign experiences provide a framework with which to analyse the implications for the SABC as a public broadcaster of the next elections in South Africa. The research was informed by theories of media and democracy. One of the most powerful features of the new technology is its technical ability to facilitate an interactive flow of information. This research examines the concept of cyberdemocracy and the implications for the SABC, especially as it is planning on launching an online election strategy. The democratic roles of journalism and the implications for the SABC are also discussed. As a public service broadcaster, the SABC is bound to educate, inform, and mobilise voters for participation, build community and national identity and scrutinise the poll in the interests of transparency, accountability and fair play. International journalists are advocating a new type of journalism, called public or civic journalism, which combines these roles. This research draws primarily on qualitative research methods, using a case study methodology. It draws upon direct observation and interview methodology in the fieldwork. However, it also uses some quantitative methods in the analysis of the websites and the SABC research.Finally, the research analyses the situation at the SABC and provides recommendations for the election website within this context

Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership. This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored. The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.

The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.

Understanding human dignity is integral to protecting human rights. An examination of Canada‘s Supreme Court decisions and Canadian public policy debates reveals that human dignity is being defined synonymously with individual autonomy and equality. This narrow understanding has serious implications for people who are not able to assert their autonomy. To understand the philosophical ideas behind these decisions, this thesis examines classical, modern, and postmodern accounts of human dignity and concludes that they fall short in providing an objective grounding for dignity that is truly human. It then looks to the Judeo- Christian account of human dignity to provide a transcendent foundation for human dignity. With this account, persons are rational and physical, relational, inviolable, and teleological – a hopeful contrast to the prevailing contemporary accounts. This thesis then defends the place of this religious perspective in our secular country.
vi, 182 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Recognizing the importance of civic engagement to the health of local communities and the overall success of a democracy, this research sought to better understand the relationship between online media use and civic engagement. Specifically, the constructive potential of the social networking site Facebook was explored using the theoretical framework of communication infrastructure theory (CIT; Ball-Rokeach, Kim, & Matei, 2001). Results of a cross-sectional survey with a national sample of 375 participants indicated that Facebook does hold potential for civic engagement. The two most important findings of the research were that Facebook facilitated connection to neighborhood storytelling and that connection to storytelling was positively associated with civic engagement. As such, results indicated that Facebook holds potential for civic engagement insofar as the site facilitates connection to neighborhood storytelling. Additionally, Facebook was a regular part of participants’ daily routines, a means to maintain social capital, and a forum for occasional civic participation. Cumulatively, these results highlight a number of strengths that citizens and communities can build upon to improve social capital and increase civic engagement.

Electronic waste is the fastest growing waste stream worldwide. Illegal methods of transport, indifference in legislative response, and public ignorance of what to do in response, all influence e-waste proliferation. This dirty industry of e-waste is hazardous to human health and well-being as well as the environment. Since this dirty industry has ballooned over the last few decades, two major questions arise: What are the primary and secondary factors that influence the proliferation of e-waste dumping in developing countries; and what structures are emerging to combat the e-waste problem in developing countries in Africa? The following pages will investigate the e-waste problem in Africa; Egypt, Nigeria, and South Africa. I will show the role that small and medium industries play in managing the e-waste problem. Through a mass media search of key SMEs and organizations, I find that local enterprises are taking on an extended responsibility to find economic incentives in the e-waste industry and transform it from a vastly hazardous waste stream to a cooperative trade and flourishing industry. The results of these case studies illuminate how lax government regulation and involvement forces smaller businesses and organizations to emerge as the leaders in e-waste management.

As social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group's mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.

Since the demise of the Berlin Wall and communism, many African countries have adopted a Western-model democracy as a system of governance. However, the media has not been liberalised to reflect this new discourse as constraints in many African countries pertaining to press freedom still exist. The internet appears to have the potential to challenge the political power of governments (Tsagarousianou, 1998:167). It has been posited that it has the potential to offer more platforms for information especially in the case of restrictive media environments. This study set out to investigate the impact of on-line publishing in Malawi. It explored how the emergence of this new form of publishing through the internet has affected the public sphere, democracy and press freedom in Malawi. The main focus was the level of press freedom at on-line newspapers as compared to traditional newspapers. It used the public sphere theory and literature on the internet as a technology of freedom as its theoretical framework. Using a case study approach by focusing on two newspapers; Nyasatimes on-line and Daily Times, the study used the coup plot coverage in May 2008 in Malawi by both newspapers as reference for the measurement of the level of press freedom. The study used qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews as its research methods. The research revealed that Nyasatimes enjoys more freedom to publish and therefore appears to have more press freedom than its more traditional counterpart. However, Nyasatimes also faces some unique challenges. The findings also revealed that press freedom in Malawi is not only affected by government through legislation but other factors and players as well play a central role in determining the level of press freedom for traditional media. The study therefore concludes that despite the internet’s ability to transcend local regimes of authority and censorship pertaining to press freedom, the challenges facing traditional media still need to be addressed as it is the primary source of information for most people in Malawi with on-line newspapers being simply supplementary.

This study examines the deployment of automated red light camera systems in the state of Texas from 2003 through late 2007. The deployment of new technologies in general, and surveillance infrastructures in particular, can prove controversial and challenging for the formation of public policy. Red light camera surveillance during this period in Texas was increasingly discussed in a variety of public forums, creating a discourse involving many stakeholders and multiple opinions on the use and purpose of red light cameras. Public policy resulted when the Texas legislature, which had traditionally been viewed as hostile to the technology, regulated red light camera systems in 2007. My research examined the language choices made by various discourse communities in their discussion of red light camera systems, and their use of language structures in framing positions that either supported or opposed the cameras. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, I analyzed a corpus of texts that represented the public discussion of red light camera technology in Texas. By examining metaphor constructions used to describe the camera systems, I found that metaphors played an important role in framing arguments for or against the deployment of the cameras. My findings provide insight into the ways that language can be used to engage in a discursive and rhetorical conflict. This study has implications for understanding how technology and surveillance policy can be affected by language choices and rhetorical strategies, and how these choices can frame and influence public policy decisions.
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M.A.
The use of the Internet and New Media is becoming increasingly relevant for 21st century politics, not only as a means of political campaigning but also as a platform used by the public to engage in political discussion, debate and opinion formation. As the field of study is relatively new, there has been much argument regarding the opportunities that New Media, such as the Social Media network Facebook, holds for political use. However, not enough research has been done to scrutinise the outcomes of truly utilising the platform. Furthermore, not enough research concerning the use of Social Media in the South African political sphere has been done. Thus, this study concentrates on how the public and the political parties are using Facebook. The research questions examine the nature of (a) political party (ANC and DA) and (b) public participation on the respective Facebook sites. It also enquires as to what benefits and challenges Social Media such as Facebook offer to political parties in South Africa. The study relies on a qualitative methodological orientation. Firstly, content analysis by means of thematic analysis was applied to all posts present on the Facebook pages of the ANC and the DA during the timeframe of 14-21 June 2010. The overall themes were World Cup 2010 and Youth Day, and their emergent sub-themes were explored in this context. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from each political party who dealt with the Social Media output and monitoring of the party. It would appear that political parties are not capitalising on the full range of Social Media offerings and not promoting two-way communication. Instead they are merely using it as a monitoring tool or as a way to disseminate information. However, the research shows that the members of the public are utilising the Facebook site(s) to engage in discussion of a political nature as well as using the platform to connect with and reach individuals in new ways.

Set against the background of public life and political practice in late capitalist mass democracies, this study presents information and communication structures as central to the formation of discursive opinion and the negotiation of social identities. Discussion and processes of exchange, that is, are conceived to be crucial to politics in the full democratic sense (as the pursuit and realization of human emancipation) . Taking the mass media to be the central institutions and a primary locus of power in the contemporary public sphere, this study seeks to explore both their semiotic, discursive natures, and the material, institutional context in which they are embedded. The concern to theorize the impact of the mass media on the public sphere 's internal processes of social, cultural and political discourse and therefore on individual and social orientation and action - is essentially a concern to come to terms with the operations of ideology and power in industrial capitalist democracies . The overall context of social communication is changing, and with it the ideological codes of power. It is therefore imperative to arrive at some understanding of the dynamics of signifying processes, the ways in which the culturally specific rhetorical lenses of the media filter and alter the wider framework of social understandings, and the possibilities for generating new social, cultural and political discourses critical of the mystifications of power. Chapter One discusses Habermas's analytical and historical account of the development of bourgeois forms of social criticism in England, France and Germany during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and their effacement in the nineteeth and twentieth centuries by the forces of mass culture and industrial capitalism . Chapter Two then proceeds to address several theoretical problems and methodological flaws in Habermas formulation. Of particular concern are his understanding of the role of the media in shaping cultural criticism, and his conceptualization of the process of communication, in which the audience is cast as passive. A critical interrogation and reconstruction of Habermas category of the public sphere to suit the changing environment of public communication is therefore called for. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process.Chapter Six explores the political economy of late capitalism and demonstrates the need to balance semiology's textualist approach to meaning construction with an understanding of the relevance of the wider institutional context. Notwithstanding the inherent polysemy of media texts and the active role of audiences in the construction of sense and identity, this chapter argues that the character and quality of the discursive relations of advanced capitalist societies are profoundly shaped by the dynamics and principles of industrialization, commercialization, commodification and profit realization . This mediating institutional context of social communication must be taken into account by those concerned to demystify the discourses of power and their implicit agendas. Chapter Six then proceeds to address the democratic potential of new information and communication technologies. The background for this cautionary discussion is the technologization of human culture , as well as certain depoliticizing trends within the infrastructure of so-called "Information Society ", such as the growing prevalence of market principles and the increasing demands of "corporate imperatives". The chapter ends with a brief discussion of Tim Luke's argument that the participatory nature of new technologies can be exploited by counter-hegemonic groups seeking to broaden the scope of public communication in order to build a firebreak against the further colonization of the lifeworld by capital and the State. The study concludes by arguing that despite observable tendencies towards the privatization of information and the centralization of meaning, ideology remains everpresent in modern industrialized countries, and is always open to contestation. It further suggests that the ability of audiences to actively decode ideological cultural forms according to their own interests and lived experiences, together with the potential of new technologies to circulate these alternative and often counter-hegemonic meanings augurs well for democratic practice. For not only is it possible to expose and challenge the dynamics of power, but it is also increasingly possible for audiences to contribute to the agenda of political discussion, and thereby lend substance and credibility to the discursive formations of the (much maligned) contemporary public sphere.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎，探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素，以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻，團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」）及個人對自身的政治功效意識 （「political efficacy」）往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與（稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」）程度的決定因素。不過，個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而，這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。
關於網上新聞的影響，主要的文獻論述有二：工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得，且成本極低，網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響（本論文將驗證此觀點，是為假設一）；心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」；而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇，因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊（即「選擇性暴露理論」），以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊（即「使用與滿足理論」）。本文提出下列觀點，並加以驗證：網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」（假設二）、提昇「集體功效意識」（假設三）、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」（假設四），而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用（假設五）。
本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析，分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗，其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查（各地兩項；所涉及的調查相隔一年），並作迴歸分析，以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設，研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一（即工具性論述）及假設三（即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述）的有效性。假設二（有關「個人功效意識」）及假設四（有關「社會認定」）可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五（有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度）的有效信度。
最後，研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。
Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed “intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant.
Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The “instrumental“ view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on political participation and typically emphasizes the reduced costs and the relative “informational richness“ associated with Internet news use (Hypothesis 1). The “psychological“ view argues that the effects of the Internet depend to an extent on individual’s preexisting psychological dispositions. It is further hypothesized that two dimensions of political efficacy are important antecedents of participatory actions: ‘individual efficacy’ and ‘collective efficacy’.
The thesis argues that individuals’ willingness to participate in a collective action and participate in politics depends on high levels of social identity and political efficacy, which can be heightened by exposure to Internet news because individuals are likely to consume media content that reinforces their existing attitudes and opinions (as put forward by Selective Exposure Theory) and reinforces their psychological need to feel like a member of a social group (as put forward by Uses and Gratifications Theory). Conceptually, this means that individual efficacy (Hypothesis 2), collective efficacy (Hypothesis 3), and social identity (Hypothesis 4) will accentuate the effects of Internet news use on intergroup participatory actions. Moreover, social identity gratifications will accentuate the effects of social identity on intergroup participatory actions (Hypothesis 5).
Secondary data analyses of national data in the United States and Hong Kong provide initial support for the hypotheses. Moreover, an embedded quasi-experiment provides support for the validity of ‘individual efficacy’ as a unique dimension of political efficacy. Subsequent exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses also showed that both individual and collective efficacy to be unique dimensions of political efficacy, along with internal and external efficacy.
Regression analyses using two Hong Kong and two American samples collected a year apart test the hypotheses for a variety of participatory behaviors, including voting intention, protest intention, issue participation and civic participation. In general, the findings were supportive of the ‘instrumental’ view of Internet effects (H1) and the ‘psychological view’ with respect to collective efficacy (H3). There was less evidence for the effects of individual efficacy (H2) and social identity (H4). All significant interactions for social identity gratifications (H5) were in the opposite direction as hypothesized.
Implications of these findings are discussed and suggestions for further research are specified.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Chan, Che Ming.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-247).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Acknowledgements --- p.iv
Contents --- p.v
List of Tables --- p.vii
List of Figures --- p.ix
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Overview of the Thesis Structure --- p.6
Contributions to the Literature --- p.9
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Antecedents of Collective Action and Political Participation --- p.11
Collective Action and Political Participation as Forms of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.12
Perceived Injustice --- p.15
Efficacy --- p.19
Identification --- p.27
Summary and Way Forward --- p.34
Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Role of the Internet in Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.37
The Mobilizing Potential of the Internet --- p.37
The Role of Internet News in Political Participation --- p.39
The Role of Internet News in Protests and Demonstrations --- p.43
The Internet and Participatory Actions in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45
Summary and Hypothesis --- p.46
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Contingent Effects of Efficacy and Social Identity --- p.48
Efficacy, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.50
Social Identity, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.56
Social Identity, Uses and Gratifications, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.61
Summary of Hypotheses --- p.65
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Secondary Data Analyses of National Survey Data --- p.68
Theoretical Approach to Analyses --- p.68
American National Election Studies Survey (2004-2008) --- p.70
The National Annenberg Election Survey (2008) --- p.97
The PEW 2009 Values Survey --- p.110
Hong Kong Survey 2009 --- p.114
Summary and Way Forward --- p.118
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Measurement and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.124
Question Item Selection and Analytic Strategy --- p.125
Sampling and Operationalization --- p.129
Results --- p.131
Summary and recommendations --- p.153
Chapter Chapter 7 --- Predicting Intergroup Participatory Actions Among Young Adults --- p.156
Young Adults, the Internet, and Participation --- p.157
Sampling --- p.166
Operationalization --- p.166
Results --- p.174
Discussion --- p.187
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Discussion and Future Research --- p.200
Interdisciplinary Perspective of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.201
Complementary Explanations of Internet News Effects --- p.205
Expansion and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.212
Extension of Uses and Gratifications Theory --- p.213
Contributions to the Hong Kong Literature --- p.214
Appendices --- p.215
Chapter Appendix A --- Social Identity Studies in Hong Kong --- p.216
Chapter Appendix B --- Mass Media and Collective Action in the Hong Kong Context --- p.219
Chapter Appendix C --- Theoretical Basis for Group-Based Perspective of Uses and Gratifications --- p.222
Chapter Appendix D --- Questions Items in 2010 Surveys --- p.226
Chapter Appendix E --- Questions Items in 2011 Surveys --- p.229
References --- p.232

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史，並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構，不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ，在1980年代改革開放以前，中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年（1955-1984）連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是，中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要，同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」，鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機，用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年，隨著阿尔文.托夫勒（Alvin Toffler）的《第三次浪潮》（The Third Wave）風靡中國大陸，革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。
作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件，電子計算機及其衍生科技（臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等）是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中，它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化（informationalization）或曰計算機化（computerization）過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的，這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係？時至今日，批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折，探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策，論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒，如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識，有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解，重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。
This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of state socialism by a massive market-oriented "reform and open-up" process. It is during the same period that the self-reliant computer industry system was replaced step-by-step by a western-oriented system, signified by the popularity of Alvin Toffler’s The Third Wave. In this context, computer became a machine for labor control and scientific management, no longer a machine for people’s emancipation.
With a focus on technology politics of computer in China during 1955-1984, this study examines how the concept of computer was introduced into the country and conceived by key players at the time, how such discourses led to the production and consumption of computer by different actors, and how this process triggered the transformation of hegemony and practice related to computer-mediated labor relationship, and finally how such a historical formation was conditioned by the post-cold war structure in East Asia, as well as struggles between Maoist socialist legacy and transborder neo-liberalism ethic. This dissertation revisits this transformation, traces its Key Figures and several historical moments, which shows debates and struggles on computer as the articulation of technology and class politics. Reflections from this flashback will rehistorize China’s working-class formation in its electronic industry nowadays into the ebbs and flows of China’s revolutionary modernity.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
王洪喆.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-360).
Abstracts also in English.
Wang Hongzhe.

Ma Lai Yee.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Acknowledgements --- p.i
Abstract (English version) --- p.ii
Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction
Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1
Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong
Chapter I) --- Political Background
The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7
The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8
The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9
Chapter II) --- Technological Background
Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature
Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects"
The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14
Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15
Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17
"Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19
Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet"
Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23
Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26
Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28
The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30
Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong
1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36
The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology
Research Design and Sampling --- p.44
Survey Sample Profile --- p.45
Content Analysis --- p.46
Textual Analysis --- p.47
Measurements of variables --- p.48
Analytical Procedures --- p.50
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations
Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52
Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54
Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60
Correlational Analysis of Collective Identity --- p.71
Predictors of Collective Identity --- p.74
Correlational Analysis of past political participations --- p.77
Predictors of past political participations --- p.80
Correlational Analysis of intentions for future political participations --- p.82
Predictors of intentions for political participations --- p.85
Chapter Chapter 7 --- Discussions and Conclusions
Uses and Gratifications and its Theoretical Contribution --- p.88
Collective Identity Formation in Yumkung.com --- p.92
Political Participations among Participants in Yumkung.com --- p.94
Theoretical and Practical Implications --- p.99
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research --- p.102
References --- p.105
Appendix 1 Questionnaire --- p.110
Appendix 2 Coding Guide of Content Analysis --- p.115
"Appendix 3 Invitation letter to Mr. Paul Lin, Yumkung.com's Webmaster" --- p.117

Tang, Li.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9
Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11
Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12
Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14
Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16
Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17
Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19
Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19
Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21
Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23
Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25
Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28
Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32
Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32
Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33
Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36
Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36
Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39
Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43
Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43
Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46
Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50
Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53
Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53
Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53
Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54
Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59
Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61
Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62
Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64
Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65
Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68
Chapter 5.3 --- Summary --- p.70
Chapter 6 --- Empowerment and Collective Action --- p.73
Chapter 6.1 --- The State --- p.73
Chapter 6.1.1 --- State's Impact on HBV Carriers --- p.75
Chapter 6.1.2 --- Resistance Enabled by the Internet --- p.76
Chapter 6.1.3 --- Challenges from the State --- p.84
Chapter 6.1.4 --- Compromise with the State --- p.86
Chapter 6.2 --- The Market --- p.88
Chapter 6.2.1 --- Market Domination --- p.89
Chapter 6.2.2 --- Resistance against the Market --- p.91
Chapter 6.2.3 --- Challenges from the market --- p.99
Chapter 6.3 --- The Mass Media --- p.101
Chapter 6.3.1 --- Mass Media's Domination --- p.102
Chapter 6.3.2 --- Forum's Efforts to Get Favourably Represented --- p.106
Chapter 6.3.3 --- Mass Media's Influence over the Forum --- p.111
Chapter 6.4 --- Summary --- p.113
Chapter 7 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.116
Chapter 7.1 --- Assessing Empowerment Capacity --- p.116
Chapter 7.1.1 --- Formation of a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.116
Chapter 7.1.2 --- Discursive Empowerment --- p.117
Chapter 7.1.3 --- Transformed Relationships with External Parties --- p.118
Chapter 7.2 --- Internet and Empowerment --- p.123
Chapter 7.3 --- Limitations of the study --- p.127
Bibliography --- p.130

Thesis explores the ways in which Information and Communication Technology (ICT)use, specifically that of telephones and the Internet, impacts the lives of Eritrean refugees in Rome, Italy. Informal interviews, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation were carried out in a 'center of second reception.' Results show that information obtained through the use of ICT acts on the imaginations of refugees, encouraging or discouraging movement to alternative locations. ICT use can help maintain a sense of emotional "closeness" to family members abroad for some, but not for others. Limitations in access to ICT exist for the refugees and their families in Eritrea that crosscut multiple socio-demographic categories. Finally, surveillance, enacted through ICT use, negotiates power between the Eritrean state and its subjects in the diaspora.
Graduation date: 2012

This study examines the mediation of multilingualism, localism and the nation in the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, henceforth, ZBC as the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies subsumed in the Broadcasting Services Act (2001) and the Broadcasting Services Amendment Act (2007) respectively translated into radio and television programming. This purpose is pursued by analysing the language choices and practices on the ZBC radio and television stations and programming. This study is informed by an eclectic approach within the critical theory tradition and therefore it disapproves the domination, marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC as a public sphere. Against this backdrop, the study envisages the promotion of linguistic diversity and indigenous African languages in the ZBC broadcasting. Data for this study was gathered from the ZBC employees, academics and the ZBC audience using questionnaires, interviews, and focus group discussions. As the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies translated into ZBC programming, this study detected a hierarchical organisation of the languages spoken in Zimbabwe on the radio and television stations where English is the most dominant language, while Shona and Ndebele dominate the minority languages, Shona dominates Ndebele and the supremacy of the Zezuru dialect in the Shona language is easily felt. This is a confirmation of the fragility of Zimbabwean linguistic nationalism in the ZBC which is convoluted by the ideological and political nature of the media, electronic colonisation, the political economy of broadcasting, the transformation of the ZBC public sphere by the market and state interests, the influence of the global media firms, and the relentless hegemony of the western countries in the world system. This study established that broadcasting in indigenous African languages is obligatory if the informative, communicative and symbolic functions of the public service broadcasting are to be achieved. However, this study contends that it is remarkably insufficient for linguists to minimally identify, lament and deplore the marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC without taking into account the economic, political and technological factors which contribute to the marginalisation and exclusion of these languages in the ZBC broadcasting in the context of the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies. Therefore, this study implores scholars in the discipline of language studies to ameliorate their sophistication by espousing a multidisciplinary approach to the study of language if they are to make meaningful arguments which can influence meaningful language policy outcomes instead of parroting.
African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The author employs Hoffman and Ford’s method for analyzing organizational rhetoric to examine the discourse of Google, Inc. Employing a hybrid method, built on rhetorical criticism which incorporates elements of organizational communication theory, the analysis examines identity rhetoric present in Google’s discourse regarding its operations in China. Using this approach, the author leverages the method to critically examine hegemonic aspects of the discourse in order to examine how Google constructs its Western consumer based audience regarding online privacy and free speech.

German text
Diese Forschungsarbeit versucht aufzuzeigen, inwiefern der Glaube an die Trinität als Gemeinschaft von Vater, Sohn und Heiligem Geist zu einem erfüllenden zwischenmenschlichen Zusammenleben in sozialen Online-Netzwerken beitragen kann. Im Gespräch mit den drei Theologen Jürgen Moltmann, Leonardo Boff und Gisbert Greshake wird das Konzept der Sozialen Trinität mit seinen Implikationen für das zwischenmenschliche Zusammenleben erarbeitet. In einem zweiten Teil werden die neuen Möglichkeiten von sozialen Online- Netzwerken und die deutlichsten damit verbundenen Mängel für das zwischenmenschliche Zusammenleben am Beispiel von Facebook dargestellt. Schlussendlich wird danach gefragt, inwiefern die Erkenntnisse aus der theologischen Diskussion für den spezifischen Kontext sozialer Online-Netzwerke fruchtbar gemacht werden können. Es werden drei unterschiedliche Aspekte herausgearbeitet, in denen der Glaubende durch das Eingebundensein in die göttliche Gemeinschaft eine neue Sicht auf seinen sozialen Kontext erhalten und eine hilfreiche Ressource finden kann, um den Unzulänglichkeiten des zwischenmenschlichen Zusammenlebens in sozialen Online-Netzwerken entgegenzuwirken.
This thesis wishes to demonstrate in how far faith in the Trinity as community of Father, Son and Holy Spirit can contribute to a fulfilling human communal life on social networking sites. In conversation with the three theologians Jürgen Moltmann, Leonardo Boff and Gisbert Greshake, a concept of the Social Trinity and its implications on human communal life is being elaborated. In a second part, the new possibilities and the gravest shortcomings of human interactions on Facebook are depicted. Finally, it is asked, in how far the findings of the theological discussion can be fructified in the specific context of social networking sites. In three different aspects it will be elaborated, in which the believer can find, through his or her incorporation into the godly community, a new perspective for his social context and a helpful resource to counter the shortcomings of human communal life on social networking sites.
Philosophy & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Systematic Theology)