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1
Stephens, Elizabeth. "United States policy towards Israel : the politics, sociology, economics & strategy of commitment." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2117/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The rationale for Washington's enduring and often forbearing commitment to Israel has long been a puzzle. During the Cold War it was argued that Israel, a "bastion of democracy" amidst a world of semi-authoritarian and often pro-Soviet states, was a natural ally. But the Cold War is over, and the Arab world awash with oil, a resource that is always in short supply in the US. Yet the American commitment to Israel, a small state that is largely oil free, and of little tangible economic benefit, remains. An alternative view is that the US commitment is underwritten by the Jewish lobby which exercises a disproportionate influence on American policy. Yet the Jews comprise little more than six million out of a total of nearly 300 million people. Even when combined with the influence of Protestant fundamentalists who for largely religious reasons, increasingly support Israel, it is still questionable whether interest group politics could determine American foreign policy to such an extent. Yet irrespective of transitions between Republican and Democratic presidents, bureaucratic support for Israel remains relatively constant indicating that support for Israel is not a product of partisan politics but a given firmly ingrained in the political agenda and discourse. This thesis examines some of the commonplace theories of explanation and finds them wanting. Instead it proposes to explain the American commitment to Israel in terms of a somewhat imprecise and yet still serviceable concept - that of political culture. For reasons that are elaborated in this thesis, the concept best solves the puzzle of an American commitment that is often costly in both economic and diplomatic terms. This thesis does not seek to argue that political culture is the sole explanatory factor in the development of US policy toward Israel, but that it has played a key role in serving to shape and define the American approach to foreign affairs, thus contributing to decisions and operations that cannot easily be explained solely in geopolitical, economic or military terms. It is argued that in perceiving their society to be a beacon of what they like to call 'freedom' and 'democracy', in a world in which these values are largely absent, Americans have been encouraged to believe that they share a political kinship with societies similarly imbued and that they have an obligation to assist where such values are under threat. It is this belief that sets Israel apart from other nations and forms the bedrock of the US-Israeli 'special relationship.' The relevance of the concept of political culture in accounting for US policy toward Israel is examined in a series of case studies. These focus on crisis decision-making during the presidencies of Johnson, Nixon, Reagan and Bush Sr., when domestic and organisational constraints were somewhat relaxed and decision-makers tended to act on pre-existing values and beliefs. In comparing and contrasting US decision-making both during and following the Cold War, the thesis attempts to provide an explanation for the relative continuity in US policy toward Israel in times of significant international and domestic change.
2
Fosse, Ethan. "Cultural Continuity and the Rise of the Millennials: Generational Trends in Politics, Religion, and Economic Values." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17463122.
Testo completo
3
Davidson, Zachary P. "Political identification of STEM workers in the US." Thesis, University of Nevada, Reno, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10161306.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> The world is increasingly moving toward a technology- and information-based economy. With this change, a growing occupational category involves working in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). What is the political identification of STEM workers? Quantitative work has shown that professionals, in general, are moving toward the Democratic Party (see, e.g. Hout, Brooks, and Manza 1995); but a qualitative interview-based study suggested that STEM workers, specifically, may be more conservative than others (Zussman 1985). The primary purpose of this study is to bring quantitative analyses to bear on this question to determine if STEM workers, are, indeed, more conservative than others. A secondary purpose is to begin explaining why they are more conservative, if such a pattern is found. The primary research hypothesis follows Zussman (1985) and predicts that STEM workers are significantly more conservative than other workers; a secondary hypothesis is that this significant difference will remain even when controlling for key demographic variables. Regression analyses provide support for both hypotheses, which suggests that STEM workers are, indeed, more conservative than others—a pattern that may be rooted in the structure of their work, a la Kohn (1989).</p>
4
Teele, Langan Dawn. "The logic of women's enfranc|-isement| A comparative study of the United States, France, and the United Kingdom." Thesis, Yale University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3663657.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> A broad-based franchise - that is, an inclusive policy for who elects leaders - is fundamental to the spirit of democracy in the twenty-first century. Yet the world's earliest democratic constitutions in Europe and the Americas either made no provision for women's participation, or explicitly prohibited it in their founding documents. Women were barred from the franchise even in those countries that went the furthest in guaranteeing men political equality, such as France and the United States. Things began to change in the 189os, when women around the world began to vote alongside men. What explains this sea-change in women's rights? Were women agents of their own political emancipation, or did politicians preemptively grant women voting rights in a bid for electoral success? Studying the political inclusion of women around the turn of the twentieth century, this dissertation argues that both electoral politics and the ordinary strategies of women's movements explain the extension of female suffrage. </p><p> The argument is simple. Politicians care about getting re-elected and so will only support reform if they think it serves that end. But even if politicians believe they can win the votes of the excluded group, they will not deviate from the status quo unless they anticipate losing future elections without female voters. Hence voting rights reform is more likely to occur in highly competitive political environments. In combining these insights, I construct an intuitive theory of the electoral conditions under which franchise extensions should be forthcoming, predicting that vulnerable political parties that foresee an electoral advantage will push for reform. Along with electoral vulnerability and the political preferences of the excluded group, organized political movements add a critical third dimension to this story. Political movements can intervene in the electoral arena, either by changing politician's beliefs about how the disfranchised will vote, or by changing the relative strength of competing political parties. </p><p> I substantiate this theory through a comparative historical study of women's suffrage reform in England, France and the United States. Drawing on multiple forms of evidence, including large-n statistical analyses, roll-call analysis, close reading of legislative debates, and primary research into the interactions between suffrage organizers and elected politicians, I show how male representatives were induced by party competition, preference convergence, and organized activism to restrict women's access to political decision-making or to grant women the right to vote.</p><p> Whereas most recent scholarship on franchise reform has avoided the subject of female voting rights, determining a priori that it is distinct from, and thus not comparable to, male enfranchisement, my research bridges this gap by highlighting the semi-democratic context in which most moments of voting rights reform have taken place. This re-formulation allows women to emerge as an interesting and relevant group for comparative analysis, and provides an analytical structure for future work to examine the enfranchisement of other groups in a semi-democratic context, including minority groups and segments of the non-ruling classes.</p>
5
Neilson, Lisa Anne. "Social capital and political consumerism: a multilevel analysis." Connect to resource, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1156951934.
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6
Hughes, Frank R. "Economic and spatial transformations in Atlanta : a political economy approach." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/20858.
Testo completo
7
Alshammasi, Abdrabalamir Abbas Abdullah. "The influence of economic, political and socio-cultural factors on the development of health services in Saudi Arabia." Thesis, University of Hull, 1986. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis I examine the influence of economic, political and socio-cultural factors on the development of health services in Saudi Arabia. There are four main parts and a conclusion. In Part One I review the situation in developing countries. Many commentators have argued that economic factors, and to some extent political factors, are the main determinant of health services development in developing countries. Socio-cultural factors are generally neglected in these analysis. In this thesis I redress the balance by examining the relationship between economic, political and socio-cultural factors in the development of the Saudi health care system.In Part Two I analyse the Saudi resource situation. Although the health service is not considered a priority in the overall Saudi development strategy, the government provides generous financial resources for its development. However, non-financial resources remain a problem. Relatively abundant financial resources can provide a short-term solution to some of the resource shortages, such as the lack of skilled manpower, but the use of expatriate health personnel may have unanticipated negative consequences.In Part Three I examine the resource allocation process. The Saudi political system contains a mixture of modern and traditional elements, and the decision making process is affected by traditional social relationships. The King and public bureaucrats play a key role in the allocation process, but local leaders and Governors have wide scope to influence their decisions. While health provision is not a political issue in the country, it contributes to the social cohesion between the government and the general public.In Part Four I examine the influence of socio-cultural factors on the development of the Saudi health service. In the Saudi society socio-cultural factors affect the behaviour of individuals in their interaction with the health system. For example, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca by millions of moslems from all over the world presents a formidable challenge to health authorities. Health authorities accept the importance of socio-cultural factors, and respond by compromising policies. In the conclusion I consider the policy and theoretical implications of the study. In particular I examine the need for the formal recongnition and incorporation of socio-cultural factors into health policy decision making. This would lead to the generation of alternative policy options which complement other options based on economic and political considerations. The socio-cultural oriented approach can contribute significantly to the improvement of the long term prospect for health services in Saudi Arabia, and developing countries generally.
8
Derossett, David L. "Crisis, conflict, and consumption| Case studies of the politics and culture of neoliberalization in urban responses to global economic transformations." University of Missouri - Columbia, 2013.
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9
Agnoletto, Stefano. "Building an economic ethic niche : Italian immigrants in the Toronto construction industry (1950s-1970s) : a case study." Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28226/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The focus of the thesis is on labour, business, social and cultural history of Italian immigration to post WWII Toronto. In particular, this study addresses fundamental issues such as ethnic niching, unionization, urban proletarianization and entrepreneurship. From this perspective, this investigation addresses and analyses a list of key questions. How did a mass of former peasants, unskilled workers, artisans and merchants become urban wage-earners or small business entrepreneurs in an urban and Capitalist society? How did the process of unionization work? How did an economic ethnic niche develop? What role did 'ethnicity' play in the processes of both urban proletarianization and unionization as well as entrepreneurship? What made immigrant unionization and entrepreneurship successful or a failure? What other factors impinged on these processes? Lastly, what impact did these processes have on the host society? In addressing these questions the thesis focuses on the role played by a specific industry in enabling immigrants to find their place in the new host society. More specifically, the research has looked at the construction industry that, between the 1950s and the 1970s, represented a typical economic ethnic niche for the Italian community. In fact, tens of thousands of Italian males found work in this sector as bricklayers, labourers, carpenters, plasterers and cement finishers, while hundreds of others became small employers in the same industry. The analysis of the cultural and structural factors that were at the origin of the Italian niche of the construction industry is the central point of this study.
10
Junisbai, Azamat. "Market transition outcomes, economic justice and system legitimacy in post-Soviet Central Asia." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378358.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4076. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson.
11
Ehrhart, Ryan. "Scaling food security| a political ecology of agricultural policies and practices in Bukidnon, Philippines." Thesis, City University of New York, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3561582.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> Debates over food security strategies in the Philippines have pitted the neoliberal paradigm of trade liberalization, export cropping, and chemical and biotech agricultural methods against the food sovereignty paradigm of protectionism, staple cropping, and sustainable agriculture methods. </p><p> The Philippine government has long pushed for yield increases of staples. However, there has been dissonance between governmental desires for rice self-sufficiency and pursuit of a more export-oriented agricultural economy. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Asian Development Bank, and the World Trade Organization have pressured the government of the Philippines to adopt various tenets of neoliberalism (trade liberalization, privatization, deregulation, and budgetary austerity), which have hindered the achievement of Philippine goals for self-sufficiency in its staple foods and stunted the potential benefits of land reform. </p><p> Through ethnographic research of the social and ecological conditions in three rural villages in the province of Bukidnon, this examination of agrarian change explores how various actors—small farmers, collectives, large planters, and agribusiness corporations—have been scaling their projects in the agricultural economy. </p><p> The use of chemical inputs has damaged soils and saddled farmers with debts. In many cases, control of land has been lost to elites through sales or pawning arrangements. Relatively egalitarian corn- and rice-farming areas have given way to a stratified landscape of sugarcane and banana plantations, as former smallholders have been forced to work as wage laborers. Multinational agribusinesses have steered the area away from staple production and threatened human and environmental health with pesticide exposure and erosion. </p><p> Some farmers though have organized against these prevailing trends. Production and social reproduction have been rescaled through collective marketing, reciprocal labor arrangements, and more equitably gendered divisions of labor. Agroecological methods, such as composting, organic fertilization, seed saving, and indigenous pest control have scaled the reproduction of environmental conditions more locally and increased farmer incomes because their inputs are created on the farm. Protecting local control of the means of production—seeds, fertilizers, and especially land—has become an important method for preserving a smallholder class, maintaining more self-determination, and working toward greater food sovereignty.</p>
12
Marklin, Scarlett D. "Examining the Influence of Race, Class and Gender Inequalities on Perceptions of the American Dream Since the 2008 Economic Recession." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1390.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
America has a national ethos embodied in the moniker “land of the free” and defined by a set of ideals in which being free means all men and women have an equal opportunity for prosperity, the pursuit of happiness and success. In essence, simply having access to upward social mobility achieved through one’s own perseverance and hard work, the quintessential American Dream. The first use of the phrase American Dream was by James Truslow Adams to characterize the ideal that every man should live a richer and fuller life than his ancestors based on opportunity according to ability or achievement (1931). The current study examines whether perceptions of being able to achieve the American Dream have changed in light of the economic recession of 2008 using data from the General Social Survey (n=4217). Findings show that perceptions of the American Dream have changed based on an individual’s race and class over time. Those in society who are lower class, female, who do not believe in hard work, having below average income/financial situations stand to have lower odds in the belief in their ability to attain the American Dream. Whites have lower odds of believing in the American Dream when compared to Blacks. Furthermore, respondents in 2006 and 2010 had greater odds of belief in the American Dream compared to those in 2008.
13
Kipnis, Hillel. "The relationship between a state's use of voter-approved debt and its credit ratings." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1554795.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> This paper explores the relationship between a state's use of voter-approved debt and its credit ratings. The variation in credit ratings from 1973 - 2008 across the 50 US states is explained as a function of states' use of voter-approved debt while controlling for confounding variables. The analysis attempts to estimate the effect of issuing voter-approved debt on credit ratings relative to the effect of issuing legislature-approved debt using a panel dataset constructed from three data sources: the National Conference of State Legislature's Ballot Measure Database, the US Census Bureau's Survey of Government Finances and Standard & Poor's credit ratings. While prior literature has focused on the effect of voter approval requirements on measures of state credit health, this paper investigates the use of voter-approved debt by relying on a variable that measures the share of voter-approved debt issued by a state, in a given year and over time. Ordered probit models controlling for state and year fixed effects, as well as state demographics, finances, economic performance and financial institutions are used to explore the relationship between the use of voter-approved debt and a state's credit rating. The paper finds a statistically significant negative relationship between a state's use of voter-approved debt and its credit ratings. The results show that issuing 60% of state debt using voter-approval (the average for states that issue voter-approved debt in a given year) is related to a 0.71 lower state credit rating on a scale from 1-7 (BBB=1, AAA=7).</p>
14
Zulfiqar, Ghazal M. "Microfinance| A tool for financial access, poverty alleviation or gender empowerment? -- Empirical findings from Pakistan." Thesis, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3608538.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> In just 30 years microfinance has transformed from a credit-based rural development scheme that has claimed to reduce poverty and empower poor women, to a $70 billion financial industry. In the process, the traditional NGO-led model has given way to commercialized institutions, resulting in an increased emphasis on profitmaking. This has also led to confusion in the sector around its mission: is it to alleviate poverty and empower poor women or simply to provide the "unbanked" with access to formal sources of finance? This research considers the main debates in microfinance with regard to its mission and presents empirical evidence on the effectiveness of microfinance. The study is based on the Pakistani microfinance sector, which provides an ideal opportunity for a comparative analysis of two distinct models of microfinance – the nonprofit microfinance institutions (MFI) and the microfinance banks (MFB). The research compares the depth of outreach, mission, practice, and borrower experiences of MFIs and MFBs, employing a political economy framework. The data includes 140 interviews with policymakers, donors, senior, mid and low-level microfinance officers, and their clients; as well as observations of practitioner-client interactions, including the process of disbursement and collection, group meetings, and field visits with loan officers in urban Pakistan. It also comprises two district-level surveys: the microfinance outreach survey from the Pakistan Microfinance Network (PMN) and the Government of Pakistan's Social and Living Standards Survey (PSLM). The surveys are analyzed econometrically to test whether district-level socioeconomic differences affect patterns of outreach. This study broadens our understanding of the extent to which the local political economy shapes the outcomes of a market-based intervention, such as microfinance. It also provides an insight into the evolution of microfinance, specifically as framed by the global development discourse and subsequent public policy choices. Finally, the study provides an authoritative account of how institutional structure affects microfinance's effectiveness as a tool for poverty alleviation, empowerment and financial access.</p>
15
Jewoola, Olatubosun Emmanuel. "Employer/employee perceptions of performance appraisal and organizational outcomes| A case study approach." Thesis, University of Phoenix, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3648298.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> There is a limited knowledge on the meanings, experiences, and perceptions of organizational members regarding performance appraisal and how the various experiences and perceptions are perceived to bear on organizational outcomes. With this qualitative study, I explored the experiences and perceptions of organizational personnel regarding performance appraisal systems and how these are perceived to bear on work outcomes. Using case study as research design, a detailed analysis of semi-structured interview involving organizational personnel (leaders, managers, and frontline employees) who lived in northeastern New York, and working in various disciplines and professions was conducted and recorded. NVivo software was used in generating the major thematic links and invariant constituents of the study. Results of the study revealed five significant themes: (a) essential descriptions of performance appraisal, (b) perceived rewards of performance appraisal, (c) differences and similarities of performance appraisal systems across different organizations, (d) perceived association of performance appraisal systems and work outcomes, and (e) recommended changes in performance appraisal systems. Employees who have positive experiences with the system associate performance appraisal with something equally beneficial to employees’ improvement and the operational performance of the organization. These employees reported experiences of motivation, loyalty, commitment, and productivity as they received their feedback. The study identified human resource development activities that could further achieve the real and genuine objectives of performance appraisal system.</p>
16
Moulton, Stephanie. "Private originating lenders and public homeownership outcomes an evaluation of publicness and the Mortgage Revenue Bond program /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3344590.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2008.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Oct. 5, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-02, Section: A, page: 0684. Adviser: David Reingold.
17
Smith, Trevor K. "Relationships Between Political Competition and Socioeconomic Status in the United States." Walden University, 2013.
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18
N'Diade, Ahmadou Bocar. "Capital formation and ethnic entrepreneurship in modern Guinea." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/283978.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation explores the link between Fulbe ethnicity and Fulbe control of the entrepreneurial sector in Guinea following the liberalization policies that were instituted after April 1984, when the country's socialist regime fell. The study is based on a mixed method approach that used interviews, focus group discussions, questionnaires and archival research. Although an abundant literature deals with ethnic entrepreneurs and their strategies of capital formation and in-group recruiting, insufficient attention has been paid to the impact of macro-level politico-economic factors on the emergence or demise of ethnic entrepreneurs. The rise of ethnic entrepreneurship is sometimes explained by reference to particular group's cultural traits or resources it harnesses in an attempt to further its business interests. Other explanations emphasize the presence of economic opportunities for a given ethnic group or historical processes which allowed that group to acquire the necessary knowledge to maintain a competitive edge over other ethnic groups. Finally, the emergence of ethnic entrepreneurs is often attributed to an ethnic group's control of economic resources especially capital or to its control of the political power which gives access to these resources. The impact of national institutional settings is viewed either as unproblematic or as insignificant in comparison with the factors outlined above. This dissertation attempts to correct this theoretical oversight or lacuna by linking political-economic conditions to socio-cultural conditions in Futa Djallon to show at the national level how the Fulbe (Pullo) established a monopoly over the commercial sector in Guinea against "all odds." A careful and detailed review of the history of the Fulbe, from their establishment on Guinean soil in the eighteenth century until the end of the socialist regime in 1984, reveals their relatively meager endowment with the capital, knowledge and economic opportunities thought to be the key prerequisites for the development of entrepreneurship. Fulbe economic, political and social history during the colonial period (1890s to 1958) and after Guinea proclaimed its independence from France, and their region's natural resources did not foster the achievement of these entrepreneurial prerequisites. Moreover, the Fulbe seriously lagged behind the Malinke in these categories on the eve of the country's independence in 1958. This dissertation analyzes the circumstances that helped the Fulbe close that gap and, eventually, to dominate the Guinean economic sector despite a political and economic environment that was not conducive to their emergence as the country's main economic operators. Although certain Fulbe cultural elements are isolated to illustrate the ethnic group's use of cultural features for entrepreneurial ends, the main thrust of this dissertation is to argue that the Fulbe economic monopoly in Guinea results from the unintended outcomes of national political and economic decisions that were taken during the socialist regime rather than from the Fulbe intrinsic cultural values and their managerial styles.
19
Wishart, William. "Underdeveloping Appalachia: Toward an Environmental Sociology of Extractive Economies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18414.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation uses mixed methods to examine the role of the coal industry in the reproduction of Central Appalachia as an internal periphery within the United States and the economic, ecological, and human inequalities this entails. It also analyzes the related political economy and power structure of coal in a national context. Particularly important for analysis of the region's underdevelopment are the class relations involved in unequal ecological exchange and the establishment of successive "modes of extraction."
I employ a historical comparative analysis of Appalachia to evaluate Bunker's thesis that resource dependent peripheries often become locked into a "mode of extraction" (with aspects parallel to Marxist concepts of mode of production) triggering economic and ecological path dependencies leading to underdevelopment. This historical comparative analysis establishes the background for a closer examination of the political economy of the modern US coal industry.
After sketching the changes in the structure of monopoly and competition in the coal industry I employ network analysis of the directorate interlocks of the top twenty coal firms in the US within the larger energy policy-planning network to examine their connections with key institutions of the policy formation network of think tanks and business groups. My findings show the importance of the capacities of fossil fuel fractions of the capitalist class in formulating energy policy around issues such as the 2009 climate legislation.
As a contribution to the growing literature applying the concept of metabolism as link between contemporary and classical theory, I examine the conflict at Coal River Mountain from the vantage points of ecology, political economy, and human development in dialectical rotation. Utilizing Marx's method of successive abstractions, the mountain is presented as a nexus of metabolic rifts in the human relationship to the earth's natural systems and an impediment to genuine human development. Finally, I conclude with some implications of this analysis for building a critical environmental sociology of extractive economies.
This dissertation includes previously published materials.<br>2016-09-29
20
Pezzini, Barbara. "Making a market for art : Agnews and the National Gallery, 1855-1928." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/making-a-market-for-art-agnews-and-the-national-gallery-18551928(4f296d6c-997a-4eab-95ca-bace7b9c3596).html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis investigates the interaction that developed between a major art dealer, Thos. Agnew and Sons (Agnews), and a principal public collection, the London National Gallery, from 1855 to 1928. Agnews played a crucial role in the life of the National Gallery and greatly facilitated the museum accession of important paintings, such as the Madonna Ansidei by Raphael, the Rokeby Venus by Velazquez, the Portrait of Doge Vincenzo Morosini by Tintoretto, and many others. In turn, collaborating with the National Gallery allowed Agnews to penetrate the international Old Masters market and reach for higher social standing. Through the analysis of ten case studies of acquisitions, which are supported by new archival evidence and are contextualised within a broader historical and theoretical framework, this thesis charts the emergence, development and decline of the rapport between the two organisations. It analyses how Agnews and the National Gallery began as two unconnected entities in the mid-nineteenth century, explores how their distinct trajectories turned into a close, collaborative rapport during the 1880s, and finally examines how in the third decade of the twentieth century they separated and initiated a newly detached professional relationship. Appropriating sociological theories by Pierre Bourdieu, Bruno Latour, Viviana Zelizer and others, this study investigates museum acquisitions as resulting from complex interplays of cultural and commercial forces within the field of cultural production. Acquisitions are further enlightened by the analysis of the networks that underpin them, which provide additional evidence on how economic factors are embedded within broader social constructs. By detailing and locating these processes and relationships within the historical context of a broad shift towards commercialisation, yet demonstrating that cultural elements are part of the dealers activities and that commercial values are an intrinsic component of the museum, this study provides an insight into the historical origins of modern-day relationships between museums and art dealers.
21
Velázquez, José Luis. "Nicaragua: Outcomes of revolution, 1979-1990." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298766.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.
22
Jonna, R. "Toward a Political-Economic Sociology of Unemployment: Renewing the Classical Reserve Army Perspective." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13340.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The following study is concerned with the problems posed by contemporary unemployment--especially the U.S. but also globally to some extent. The most immediate problem is the dominance of neoclassical models, which routinely neglect the deeper issues raised by contemporary mass unemployment. To go beyond these inadequacies, the study also assesses the performance of sociological interpretations. One key finding is that sociological analyses also largely fail to provide a compelling theory of unemployment and, moreover, that most perspectives implicitly adopt problematic assumptions from neoclassical economics. This highlights the dual nature of the problems posed by unemployment: on one hand, it is an urgent social issue; and, on the other hand, it exemplifies significant weakness within most sociological paradigms.
In order to address the challenges posed by unemployment, the narrative centers on the resolution of three key anomalies of unemployment: 1) persistent unemployment; 2) so-called "jobless recoveries;" and 3) the rise of worker precariousness. The anomalies are taken as evidence of paradigmatic contradictions within neoclassical economics and, to some extent, sociology.
The main theoretical contribution of the study is a careful reconstruction of Marx's classical theory of the reserve army of labor (part of "The General Law of Accumulation"), which has inspired all critical sociological perspectives on labor markets to date. The investigation highlights distinctive characteristics of "political-economic sociology," a term that refers to economic sociologists who draw heavily on notions of class and power reminiscent of classical political economy and classical sociology, forming an important bridge with heterodox economic approaches.
The theory of the reserve army is in need of "renewal," however, because even political-economic sociologist have failed to carry the analysis forward and build upon the firm foundation provided by Marx. The study's conclusion is that the reserve army framework has enormous potential to strengthen existing work within political-economic sociology.
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Blase, Brian Christopher. "Three Papers Toward a Better Understanding of State Medicaid Programs and Program Efficiency." Thesis, George Mason University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3562261.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p> The federal government provides an uncapped reimbursement of state Medicaid spending. In theory, states can use the federal Medicaid funds as a replacement for state funds or the federal funds, which take the form of a matching grant that reduces the relative price of Medicaid, can increase (or stimulate) spending on Medicaid with state-raised tax revenue. In the first dissertation paper, <i> Subsidizing Medicaid Growth: The Impact of the Federal Reimbursement on State Medicaid Programs,</i> I use a state panel data set from 1992 to 2006 to assess the impact of the federal reimbursement on the size of state Medicaid programs. I find that a one point increase in a state's Medicaid reimbursement percentage increases state per capita Medicaid spending between $5 and $16 and increases the percentage of the state's population receiving Medicaid benefits by 0.04 percent to 0.29 percent. </p><p> The first paper also utilizes a case study that shows significant growth in Alaska's Medicaid program after its effective federal Medicaid reimbursement increased 50 percent between 1998 and 1999. The large growth in Alaska's Medicaid program after this increase provides evidence that states respond to large increases in the federal Medicaid subsidy in a stimulative manner by increasing spending with state-raised revenue. Overall, the results in the first paper are consistent with the hypothesis that decentralization in the form of intergovernmental matching grants increases the size of government. I also find that states with wealthier and more liberal populations tend to have larger Medicaid programs and that states with Democratic legislatures tend to have more Medicaid beneficiaries than states with Republican legislatures all else equal. </p><p> Since 2008, states have experienced significant budgetary pressure; in large part, because of rising Medicaid enrollment due to the recession and weak recovery. Between 2009 and 2011, many states enacted health care provider taxes as a way to bring in additional revenue through the federal Medicaid reimbursement. Provider taxes are generally supported by health care providers since states often give providers an implicit or explicit guarantee of a return of at least as much funding through higher payment rates or supplemental payments. In the second dissertation paper, <i>Impact of Hospital and Nursing Home Taxes on State Medicaid Spending,</i> I assess the impact of the two largest provider taxes, the hospital tax and the nursing home tax, on state Medicaid expenditures using a panel dataset of 42 states from between 2007 and 2011. I find significantly larger Medicaid spending growth for hospitals in states that added hospital taxes and significantly larger Medicaid spending growth for nursing homes in states that added nursing home taxes within the first two years of the enactment of the tax. I also find some evidence that states with hospital taxes were able to increase their total Medicaid spending more than states without hospital taxes during the economic downturn and initial recovery period. This paper also contains evidence that nursing home taxes diverted Medicaid spending from home and community based services to nursing homes. </p><p> In the third dissertation paper, <i>Statewide Health Impact of Tennessee's Medicaid Expansion,</i> I utilize a quasi-experimental approach to assess the impact of a large statewide public health insurance expansion on access to health care services, health care utilization, and health outcomes. In 1994, Tennessee expanded its state Medicaid program, called TennCare, by about ten percent of the state's population. Along with a major Medicaid expansion, Tennessee increased government subsidies for individuals to purchase health insurance coverage and emphasized managed care. Using a difference-in-difference methodology with Tennessee's neighboring states as controls, I found that TennCare's impact on utilization was mixed as blood pressure and cholesterol checks increased but regular physician check-ups decreased relative to the surrounding region. Surprisingly, both self-reported health and mortality rates were less favorable in Tennessee relative to the control states after TennCare. Ultimately, the evidence in this paper suggests that health reform built around a significant public insurance expansion is likely to result in minimal, if any, overall health gains measured in the entire population, at least in the short run. </p><p> The final dissertation section summarizes the findings from the three dissertation papers, discusses the economic efficiency of the uncapped federal Medicaid reimbursement and state provider taxes, and makes several predictions related to the Medicaid expansion in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.</p>
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Byrne, Michael J. "An exploratory analysis of free will in the social sciences." Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1304710552.
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Parra, Henrique Zoqui Martins. ""Liberdade e necessidade: empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas e a construção sócio-política da economia"." Universidade de São Paulo, 2002. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-02122003-211124/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
No plano teórico, ao problematizar a rígida sepação entre meios e fins, liberdade e necessidade, esta dissertação interroga sobre as possibilidades e os entraves à criação democrática no interior de relações de produção, que estão submetidas aos imperativos da esfera da reprodução. No plano empírico, as empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas, que surgiram a partir das transformações no mundo do trabalho no Brasil da década de 90, introduzem de forma contraditória elementos da ordem moral no seio das relações de trabalho. O que emerge do conflito entre a lógica gestionária e a lógica política? Quais são os dilemas que estão postos por essas experiências? Essas questões são analisadas em três dimensões: as relações de produção, os trabalhadores e o contexto socioeconômico em que as empresas autogeridas estão inseridas. Partindo das contradições (internas e externas) vividas pelas empresas autogeridas a discussão evidencia a própria constituição sócio-política do campo econômico e das condições de eficiência. Na parte final, o texto questiona a emergência das empresas autogeridas e da Economia Solidária a partir das seguintes encruzilhadas: a relação entre a criação de espaços democráticos e o processo de desregulamentação das relações de trabalho; a relação entre teoria e instituição do real; entre técnica e política, e ainda, entre ação de sobrevivência e ação criativa. A dissertação conclui afirmando que é justamente o fato das empresas autogeridas introduzirem uma descontinuidade na ordem gestionária da vida (não-política e não-humana), que cria a possibilidade de constituição de um espaço potencialmente democrático que pode ou não se realizar.<br>From a theoretical perspective, throughout a reflection on the rigid separation between ends and means, freedom and necessity, the following thesis intends to investigate the possibilities and the limits for democratic creation inside productive relations that are under the rules of the reproduction sphere. From the empirical perspective, the worker´s self-management enterprises - that arose from the 90´s Brazilian labor´s world transformation context introduce moral elements into the labor relation in a contradictory way. What does come out of conflict between the management and political logics? What are the dilemmas posed by those experiences? Those questions are analysed in three dimensions: production relations; workers, and the socioeconomic context that selfmanagment enterprises are embeded in. As the discussion departes from the contradictions (internal and external) lived by the self-management enterprises, it shows the economic field and the conditions of efficiency as a socio-political construction.The last part of the text interrogates self-management enterprises and Solidary Economy emergence from the following crossroads: the relation between the creation of democratic spaces and the labor relations de-regulation process; theory and reality construction; technique and politic, and between survival and creative actions. To conclude, the thesis proposes that is the very fact that self-management enterprises introduces a discontinuity into the lives´ management order (non-political, non-human) that creates the potential to constitute democratic spaces that might, or might not, be accomplished.
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Ronconi, Luciana Francisco de Abreu. "A Secretaria Nacional de Economia Solidária." Florianópolis, SC, 2008. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/91635.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política.<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-24T01:00:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
262293.pdf: 2077757 bytes, checksum: 7e8542dc3559851cb4c5d000bbde42a6 (MD5)<br>Esta tese analisa a experiência da Secretaria Nacional de Economia Solidária - SENAES no campo da governança pública. Considera-se que a governança pública desponta como um arranjo institucional imprescindível para a operacionalização dos princípios democráticos, pois se refere a um tipo de gestão que favorece e reforça a participação de atores sociais nos processos de decisão e de formulação das políticas públicas. Rompendo com a concepção tradicional do Estado como núcleo exclusivo da formulação e implementação das políticas públicas, a governança pública se pauta em uma visão de Estado que reafirma os valores da democracia, da cidadania e do interesse público. Pressupõe, assim, a ampliação dos mecanismos de participação e decisão nas instâncias de deliberação do Estado e a incorporação de ações transparentes e compartilhadas. A pesquisa buscou identificar a capacidade propositiva e o poder de influência do Fórum Brasileiro de Economia Solidária - FBES nos processos de decisão e formulação das políticas públicas no campo da economia solidária; as disputas políticas, embates, confrontos e consensos estabelecidos entre a SENAES e o FBES nesse processo; e, a construção, por parte da SENAES, de um desenho institucional ou um tipo de gestão pública que favorece e reforça os processos participativos e a construção de política pública compartilhada. Pretendeu-se, assim, verificar se a SENAES tem desenvolvido uma experiência de governança pública. Em termos metodológicos, a forma escolhida para esse trabalho foi a pesquisa qualitativa, caracterizando-se como estudo de caso descritivo e interpretativo. Foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, assim como entrevistas semi-estruturadas, sendo sujeitos da pesquisa os atuais gestores da SENAES e membros do FBES. Os resultados apontaram uma significativa capacidade propositiva e poder de influência do FBES nos processos de decisão e formulação das políticas públicas na área da economia solidária. Apontaram, ainda, que a existência e explicitação dos conflitos ocorrem em um campo de ação política compartilhada, através de um desenho institucional ou, ainda, de um experimento de gestão que tem permitido a construção de uma política de participação democrática.
This thesis examines the experience of the National Secretary of Solidary Economy - SENAES in the field of public governance. It is understood that the public governance dawns as an essential institutional arrangement for the operation of democratic principles, as it refers to a type of management that encourages and strengthens the participation of social individuals in decision-making and in the formulation of public policies. Breaking with the traditional concept of the State as an exclusive nucleus of the formulation and implementation of public policies, the public governance is guided by a vision of State that reaffirms the values of democracy, citizenship and public interest. It assumes the broadening of decision and participation mechanisms in the deliberation of the State and incorporation of transparent and shared actions. The research aimed to identify the capacity of suggestion and the influence of the Brazilian Forum of Solidary Economy - FBES in decision-making and formulation of public policies in the field of solidary economy; the political disputes, battles, clashes and consensus established between the SENAES and the FBES, and the construction, lead by the SENAES, of an institutional design or a type of governance that promotes and enhances the participation process and the construction of shared public policy. Through this work, it's checked if the SENAES has developed an expertise in public governance. In methodological terms, the format chosen for this work was the qualitative research, being characterized as a descriptive and interpretative case study. Bibliographic and documentary searches were conducted, as well as semi-structured interviews with the current managers of SENAES and members of the FBES. The results showed proactive and significant power of influence of the FBES in decision-making and formulation of public policies in the area of solidary economy. Also, it's pointed out that the existence and the disclosure of the conflicts occurs in an area of shared political action, through an institutional design, or a management experiment that has allowed the construction of a policy of democratic participation.
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Gubernat-Rammelt, Ruxandra. "L’existence du champ journalistique roumain après la crise économique de 2008." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100187/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette étude se propose d'analyser les développements qui ont mené à l'état actuel du champ journalistique roumain, après la crise financière de 2008, par lesquels ce milieu professionnel ne parvient pas à convaincre ses acteurs de la viabilité de ses principes. Ma principale hypothèse est que la collision entre deux systèmes de valeurs divergents –l'intersection du modèle allogène, néolibéral, avec les valeurs et les nécessités locales –établit un champ hybride intégrant des éléments des deux cultures, sans incorporer la somme de leurs éléments. Ce champ hybride, caractérisé par un haut degré d'ouverture envers la renégociation, la réinterprétation et le rétablissement des principes qui guident le journalisme, engendre aussi une certaine dimension anomique au sein de ses acteurs. Afin d’établir l’existence du champ journalistique en Roumanie après 2008, une analyse à partir de trois dimensions principales était envisagée : une première dimension serait la rupture politique, qui a imposé une réflexion sur les directions et les choix des modèles dans le nouveau marché médiatique pluraliste ; une deuxième dimension identifiée est le profond changement technologique superposé sur cette étape de compréhension de l’agir journalistique ; troisièmement, la crise financière débutée en 2008, qui a déstabilisé mondialement le milieu journalistique et qui a engendré une remise en cause du journalisme. Nous avons pu remarquer : • Une contradiction idéologique au niveau macro, c'est à dire que les institutions adhèrent au modèle, mais ce n'est pas le principe directeur de leurs démarches, qui sont surtout guidées par les réalités en place ; • Et au niveau micro, une contradiction marquante entre la compréhension du modèle et la manière d’agir : décalage entre le niveau argumentatif – avec la compréhension que le modèle de l'Ouest qui est fortement attractif – et le mode d'agir, où les individus doivent se plier aux coutumes et aux valeurs locales, qui ne sont pas en concordance avec le système de référence auquel ils adhéreraient<br>This study aims to analyze the developments that led to the current state of the Romanianjournalistic field, after the financial crisis of 2008, by which this professional environment fails to convince its actors of the viability of its principles. My main hypothesis is that the collision between two divergent value systems - the intersection of the neoliberal allogeneic model with local values and necessities - establishes a hybrid field integrating elements of both cultures without incorporating the sum of their elements. This hybrid field, characterized by a high degree of openness towards renegotiation, reinterpretation and restoration of the principles that guide journalism, also creates a certain anomic dimension of its actors. In order to establish the existence of the journalistic field in Romania after 2008, an analysis based on three main dimensions was envisaged: a first dimension would be the political rupture which imposed a reflection on the directions and choices of models in the new pluralist media market;; a second dimension identified is the profound technological change superimposed on this stage of understanding journalistic acts;; third, the financial crisis which began in 2008, which destabilized the journalistic environment in Romania. Our main discovery is that of the existence of double standards in the practice and in the evaluation of Romanian journalism by its actors:• An ideological contradiction at the macro level, i.e. institutions adhere to the model, but this is not the guiding principle of their approaches, which are mainly guided by the realities in place ;• At the micro level, the contradiction between the understanding of the model and the waythis model is enacted: a discrepancy between the argumentative level - with theunderstanding that the Western model is highly attractive - and the mode of action whereindividuals must comply with local customs and values, which are not in accordance with thesystem of reference to which they adhere
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Popovic, Dunja. "Economic inequality and Nationalism : Relationship between the discourse of Nation and the National and economic reforms in Yugoslavia, Case Study: Serbia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-327039.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Taking into consideration that national identity and nationalism are not purely political, and trying not to simplify the factors that led to fallout of the state, I will try to research the history of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and the discourse in literature and media. Most analysis turn to ethno-nationalism and deep-rooted hate. However, this master thesis will take into consideration some other variables, like the economic reforms and the role of the media, literature and political elites that followed. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that were introduced during transition weakened the previous economic system in Yugoslavia and that these reforms went hand in hand with the rise of nationalism in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalistic discourse in different parts of Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that went hand in hand with the nationalistic discourse in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalism in different parts of Yugoslavia. The most important unit around which I will define the main research is the question of neoliberal reforms and its effects on the nation and the national discourse through media and literature in former Yugoslavia. This is going to be a research on the consequences of those variables in Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism in Serbia, and with that respect, the main research question will be: ‘’What is the relation between the economic reforms, politics, literature and media on the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia before the fallout?’’ Additional questions are: ‘’How did economic reforms in the 1960s affect the rise of nationalism?’’, How did media, literature discourse and the political elite affect the rise of nationalism?’’ This thesis describes the break-up of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and literature and media, perceiving it as a political, economic, as well as a cultural project.
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Balaev, Mikhail 1976. "International trade ties and democracy in the post-Soviet world-system." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9149.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
xiii, 202 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and international economic ties. The effects of economic processes on domestic politics have long been a subject for debate in the literature: some authors argue that economic liberalization advances democracy, while others advocate that economic liberalization impedes democracy. I argue that both sides of the debate omitted an important factor in the analyses of trade ties and democracy. The empirical studies predominantly used the volumes of international trade, without analyzing the structural position of trade partners in the international political arena. I argue that it is not how much a country trades, but the kind of states it trades with that determines its democracy. I analyze the current theories of democracy and identify that the main weakness of these theories is the inability to incorporate international processes and globalization in the analysis of democratization. I show that World-Systems theory (WST) can improve current theories of democracy. I employ WST and a number of alternative theories to create theoretical models of democracy. I then discuss the relevance of the former Soviet states to WST and to the analysis of democracy. I further construct a panel data set and apply pooled time-series regression, using three indexes of democracy as the dependent variables and two sets of theoretically distinct control variables. I find a negative relationship between core-periphery trade and democracy, and a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy in the periphery, which supports my main argument that trade ties must be reexamined based on the structural position of the trade partners. Contrary to conventional application of WST, the structure of the core-periphery trade shows that the core uses its economic ties to politically exploit the periphery, not the other way around. Hence, international trade is identified as a major tool for the modern hegemonies to broaden their political influence. Lastly, I found that both within- and between-states sets of control variables had influential predictors, which points out that modern theories of democracy must be restructured to incorporate multiple international processes in the analysis of the domestic politics of a state.<br>Advisers: Vallon Burris, Robert O'Brien
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Rylander, Anna-Lotta. "Vad är viktig kunskap i Samhällskunskap? : En analys av läraruppfattningar." Thesis, Södertörn University College, Lärarutbildningen, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-771.
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<p>Title: What is important knowledge in social studies- An analyse of opinions among teachers in social studies</p><p>The aim of this paper is to increase the awareness about how teachers in Social studies think about goals and substance in the subject. I also want to get a picture about what kinds of problems teacher’s experiences when teaching Social studies. My expectations told me that Social studies are complex to teach, because it derives from several university disciplines such as Political science, Economics, Sociology, Law and Geography, which I believe makes the subject harder to define and what to give priority to. Finally, I want to increase the awareness, if it seems to be any fundamental essence in Social studies as a subject.</p><p>To achieve my goals with this paper I have studied relevant literature about Social studies. I also made an investigation with seven teachers who teach Social studies.</p><p>The results of the investigation showed that political science is very wide and contains a lot of different areas. The basic view about Social studies varied among the investigations participants, however the majority thought that the subject should convey practical training skills and ought to, in some way, prepare students for later acts in life. The investigation also showed that the participants mainly focused on areas from Sociology and Political science and less often from Law, Geography and Economics. Finally, when it comes to the essence of the subject, the investigation showed that that democracy has a very special place. However, in what way the teachers work with and discuss democracy, vary.</p><br><p>Uppsatsens syfte är att öka kännedomen om hur samhällskunskapslärare tänker kring mål och innehåll i ämnet Samhällskunskap. Jag vill också få en bild av vilka problem, man kan uppleva som samhällskunskapslärare i sin undervisning i Samhällskunskap, då ämnet är väldigt komplext och härstammar från flera olika universitetsdiscipliner vilka är Statsvetenskap, Sociologi, Nationalekonomi, Rättskunskap och Samhälls/Kulturgeografi. Den varierande bakgrunden och mängden stoff kan, menar jag, eventuellt medföra stoffträngsel, prioriteringssvårigheter och att ämnet upplevs vara svårdefinierat. Slutligen vill jag få ökad kännedom om det verkar finnas någon grundläggande kärna i ämnet?</p><p>För att uppnå mina syften med uppsatsen studerar jag dels studerat relevant litteratur om Samhällskunskap både ur ett beskrivande och problematiserande perspektiv. Jag genomför även en undersökning, i form av en enkät med öppna svarsalternativ, som besvaras av sju verksamma gymnasielärare i Samhällskunskap.</p><p>Undersökningens resultat visar att Samhällskunskap är vitt och mångfacetterande, då undersökningsdeltagarna lyfter fram många och olika tankar kring vad som är viktigt stoff i ämnet. Synen på målen med Samhällskunskap varierar hos undersökningsdeltagarna även om majoriteten lyfter fram att Samhällskunskap skall innefatta färdighets och förtrogenhetskunskap och att man som elev skall förberedas för senare agerande i livet. Man kan utifrån undersökningen även se att de områden och begrepp som lärarna främst lyfter fram härstammar från universitetsdisciplinerna Sociologi och Statsvetenskap. Däremot lyfts mer sällan begrepp från Rättskunskap, Samhälls/Kulturgeografi och Nationalekonomi fram vilket tyder på ”stoff prioritering” i en viss riktning. När det gäller ämnets kärna kan man se att demokrati verkar ha en särskild plats inom ämnet, på vilket sätt, varierar dock. Demokratins särskilda plats harmonierar dock väl med de intentioner man har haft och fortfarande har med Samhällskunskap som ämne.</p>
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Goe, W. Richard. "Food production in the emerging information society : a political-economic analysis /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487596807820783.
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LOMBARDO, ENZO. "Turismo e sostenibilità: fra geografia e sociologia." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/1047.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Uno dei fenomeni più vistosi legati alla globalizzazione e alla crescita degli spostamenti nel mondo è il turismo. Anche il turismo deve osservare le regole dello sviluppo sostenibile. La tesi analizza come e quando discipline come la geografia e la sociologia si sono interessate alle tematiche ambientali e, specificatamente, al turismo.
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Santos, Ana Maria de Almeida Pinto dos. "A sociologia económica na obra de Marnoco e Sousa : análise sociológica da troca." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3699.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Mestrado em Sociologia Económica e das Organizações<br>O objectivo central deste trabalho é analisar a obra económica do jurista e professor de Economia e Direito na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Coimbra, J. F. MARNOCO e SOUSA (1869-1916), do ponto de vista da Sociologia Económica. Partindo da sua vida e da sua obra, procuramos em primeiro lugar delinear o estado do ensino das Ciências Sociais na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Coimbra naquela época, para em seguida pesquisar a influência que Marnoco e Sousa teria sofrido, do ponto de vista metodológico e doutrinal do seu tempo. Partimos da ideia central da sua obra: "não pode haver ciência económica sem sociologia económica", e da análise sociológica muito aprofundada que faz ao "fenómeno económico", para analisarmos a troca em Marnoco e Sousa do ponto de vista sociológico.<br>The main objective of this thesis is an analysis of the economic work of the jurist and professor of Economics and Law in Law School of Coimbra University, J. F. MARNOCO e SOUSA (1869-1916), under an Economic Sociological point of view. Taking up his life and work, we search first the state of Social Sciences teaching in Law School of Coimbra University at his time; second we look at his methodological and doctrinal influence. Departing from SOUSA's central idea: "there is no economic science without economic sociology", and his deep study of "economic phenomenon", we analyse the economic trade in Marnoco e Sousa's work from a sociological perspective.
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Raimundo, Luciana. "Finanças solidárias e a luta contra hegemônica." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2014. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/129643.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2014<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-05T21:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2014<br>Discuto nesta pesquisa a Economia Solidária e as Finanças Solidárias no Brasil, propondo um estudo de caso do Banco Comunitário União Sampaio e da Agência Popular Solano Trindade, localizados na periferia da zona sul da cidade de São Paulo, bairro Jardim Maria Sampaio, mais especificamente no interior da Associação de Mulheres do Campo Limpo e Adjacências, ou União Popular de Mulheres do Campo Limpo (UPM), como também é conhecida. Exponho as estratégias da comunidade diante das dificuldades no acesso a determinados serviços da rede bancária convencional e a subsídios de produtoras artísticas comerciais, além dos impactos que tais estratégias promovem na vida dos moradores da região. Assim sendo, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa é investigar e analisar o alcance e os limites de um banco comunitário e de uma agência popular, mais especificamente a experiência supracitada, no que tange às transformações na vida privada e comunitária dos moradores do bairro Jardim Maria Sampaio, à formação de uma identidade de grupo e de classe e à articulação de ações coletivas e formativas. De modo geral, para contextualizar a problemática desta pesquisa, recupero, brevemente, o panorama brasileiro e internacional de crise do sistema financeiro, no início do século XXI, e suas implicações na relação entre centro e periferia da economia mundial. Descrevo as ações do governo brasileiro contra a estagnação econômica, envolvendo o sistema bancário público e privado, e reflito sobre as últimas reformas bancárias brasileiras. Abordo a maneira como projetos de bancos comunitários e moedas sociais podem devolver liquidez e estimular a circulação de capital nas regiões periféricas empobrecidas, potencializando o desenvolvimento local. Sob esta reflexão e diante do atual contexto de crise, reflito sobre duas possíveis alternativas à atual crise do capital: reformar as políticas econômicas existentes, oportunizando a recuperação do atual sistema dominante, ou investigar e aplicar projetos que promovam a transição da velha para uma nova forma de sociedade, entendendo a transição como o processo em que uma sociedade, com uma nova forma de ser social, se constitui a partir da sociedade anterior, carregando, contudo, o peso do passado ainda não totalmente superado (MARX, 2011). A premissa que coloca a Economia Solidária e as Finanças Solidárias como projetos de superação não é unânime. Acreditar que elas, por si só, podem transformar o atual sistema é tropeçar em barreiras, dispostas nos campos teórico, metodológico e político, que ainda necessitam ser superadas. No entanto, considero que tanto a Economia Solidária quanto as Finanças Solidárias podem contribuir para a reflexão acerca do projeto de sociedade que queremos defender e implementar neste processo de transição, agregando-o, inclusive, à disputa por hegemonia.<br><br>Abstract: I discuss in this research Solidarity Economics and Solidarity Finances in Brazil, through a case study of the Community Bank Sampaio Union and the People's Agency Solano Trindade, located on the outskirts of the southern region of the city of São Paulo, in the neighborhood Jardim Maria Sampaio, specifically in the Women's Association of Campo Limpo and adjacencies, or Popular Union of Women in Campo Limpo (UPM), as it is also known. I expose the strategies of the community in the face of difficulties in accessing certain services of the conventional banking system and subsidies of commercial artistic producers, in addition to the impacts that these strategies promote to the lives of local residents. Therefore, the objective of this research is to investigate and analyze the scope and limits of a community bank and a popular agency, specifically the aforementioned experience, regarding changes in the private and community life of the residents of the neighborhood of Jardim Maria Sampaio, the construction of a group and class identities and the articulation of collective and formation actions. To contextualize the problematic of this research, I expose, briefly, the Brazilian and international panorama of the financial system crisis in the early twenty-first century and its implications on the relationship between center and periphery of the world's economy. I describe the Brazilian government's actions against economic stagnation, involving its public and private banking system, and reflect on the latest Brazilian banking reforms. I discuss how projects of community banks and social currencies may return liquidity and stimulate the circulation of capital in impoverished outlying regions, enhancing local development. Through the discussion outlined above, and given the current context of crisis, I reflect on two possible alternatives to the current crisis of the capitalist system: reforming the existing economic policies, providing opportunities for the recovery of the current dominant system, or investigating and implementing projects that promote the transition from the old to a new form of society, understanding the transition as a process in which a society, with a new way of social being, constitutes itself from the previous society, carrying, however, the weight of the past not yet fully overcome (Marx, 2011). The premise that puts Solidarity Economics and Solidarity Finances as projects for overcoming capitalism is not unanimous. Believing that they, alone, can transform the current system is tripping over barriers - theoretical, methodological and political - that still need to be overcome. I conclude, however, that both Solidarity Economics and Solidarity Finances can contribute to our reflections on the design of society we want to defend and implement in this transition process, aggregating it to the dispute for hegemony.
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Knox, Sam Michael. "A MATTER OF LIFE AND DEATH: POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, ECONOMIC, AND SOCIAL CONCERNS MANIFESTED IN SOCCER HISTORY." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1465739092.
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Ogando, Cláudio Barcelos. "Economia solidária e desigualdades uma análise a partir da sociologia econômica." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2011. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/130858.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2011<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-18T20:30:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2011<br>Esta dissertação aborda o tema da economia solidária e da desigualdade econômica. A desigualdade econômica é um tema amplamente debatido na ciência econômica e social brasileira, mas, ao mesmo tempo, um dos mais controversos. Se as desigualdades tendem sempre a se reproduzir, medidas de crescimento que não levem em conta estas próprias desigualdades sociais já existentes, como a desqualificação, ou a oportunidade, serão, ainda assim, excludentes. A economia solidária, por sua vez, é um tema que vem recebendo cada vez mais atenção, seja no campo acadêmico, seja no de políticas, principalmente desde a criação da Secretária Nacional de Economia Solidária (SENAES), inserida dentro do Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego (MTE) em 2003. Através da SENAES foi finalizado em 2007 o Primeiro Mapeamento Nacional de Economia Solidária no Brasil. Os dados deste mapeamento compõem o Sistema Nacional de Informações em Economia Solidária (SIES), primeira grande fonte de pesquisa quantitativa sobre o tema no Brasil. Como objetivo principal esta pesquisa visa oferecer uma contribuição à análise dos efeitos econômicos proporcionados pela economia solidária para reduzir os índices de desigualdade socioeconômicos no Brasil. Além disso, analisa a construção social do campo da economia solidária à partir de conceitos-chave da NSE como redes sociais, enraizamento, racionalidade, agente econômico, interesse, solidarismo. Os resultados apontam para a potencialidade da economia solidária no combate às desigualdades, tanto internamente - nas células produtivas - quanto externamente, promovendo uma parcela da população na geração de trabalho e renda. Como política pública tem efeitos positivos na diminuição das desigualdades, mesmo ainda tendo grandes desigualdades internas pelas diferentes formas de organização. Como outra economia, a economia solidária, não configura um outro mercado ou outra economia - inserindo-se dentro da economia capitalista -, mas outra forma de produção. A relação entre seus agentes dá mais como movimento, na forma de capital social e nas disputas por espaço nas esferas política, que influem, muitas vezes, nas oportunidades dos empreendimentos.<br><br>Abstract: This thesis addresses the issue of economic solidarity and economic inequality. Economic inequality is a widely debated in the Brazilian economic and social science, but at the same time, one of the most controversial. If inequalities tend to reproduce ever, growth rates that do not take into account these very inequalities that already exist, such as disqualification, or the opportunity will still exclusive. The solidarity economy, in turn, is a topic that has received increasing attention, both in the academic field, whether in policy, especially since the creation of the National Secretary of Solidarity Economy (SENAES), inserted within the Ministry of Labour and (MTE) in 2003. The national mapping database resulted in the National Information System on Solidarity Economy (SIES), the first major source of quantitative research on the subject in Brazil. Based on previous studies this work examines the data from national mapping, addressing also the question of their internal inequalities. The main objective of this research is to provide a contribution to the analysis of economic effects provided by the social economy to reduce levels of socioeconomic inequality in Brazil. It also examines the social construction of the field of social economy from the key concepts of social networks such as NSE, rooting, rationality, economic agents, interest, solidarism. The results indicate the potential of economic solidarity in the fight against inequalities, both internally - in production cells - and externally, promoting a portion of the population in the generation of employment and income. As public policy has positive effects on reducing inequalities, even still having great internal inequalities between different forms of organization. As another economy, social economy, not set up another market or another economy - inserting themselves into the capitalist economy - but another form of production. The relationship between your staff and gives more movement in the form of capital and the disputes over the political space, which influence, often in the opportunities of the enterprises.
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Lambert, Simon J. "The expansion of sustainability through New Economic Space : Māori potatoes and cultural resilience." Lincoln University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/309.
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The return of Māori land to a productive role in the New Economy entails the innovation and diffusion of technologies relevant to the sustainable development of this land. Sustainable development requires substantive changes to current land and resource use to mitigate environmental degradation and contribute to ecological and sociological resilience. Such innovation is emerging in 'New Economic Space' where concerns for cultural resilience have arisen as political-economic strategies of the New Economy converge within a global economic space. New Economic Space comprises policy, technology and institutional innovations that attempt to influence economic activity, thus directly engaging with local 'place-based' expressions of geohistorically unique knowledge and identity. This thesis approaches contemporary Māori development from three perspectives. First, by viewing the changing links between ecosystems and communities as examples of innovation diffusion, the evolution of relevant policies, technologies and institutions can be examined for their impact upon Māori resilience. Second, such innovation diffusion can be described as a form of regional development, acknowledging the integral role of traditional territories in Māori identity and culture as well as the distinct legislative and governance contexts by which this land is developed. Third, by incorporating the geohistorical uniqueness of Māori ideas, values and beliefs, standard concepts of political-economy can be reformulated to show an explicit cultural economy – Māori Traditional Economic Space – in which Māori horticulturalists participate in parallel with the New Economy. Two methods are used in the analysis of the participation by Māori horticulturalists in New Economic Space. Fuzzy set/Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fs/QCA) allows the rigorous investigation of small-N studies of limited diversity for their partial membership in nominated sets. This thesis uses fs/QCA to organise theoretical and substantive knowledge of each case study to score its membership in agri-food networks, Māori institutions and post-production strategies, allowing the identification of causal configurations that lead to greater resilience for Māori growers and their communities. The second method is Actor-Network Theory (ANT) that incorporates elements of nature and society, showing the extensive and dynamic entwinement that exists between the two. ANT describes the enrolment of diverse 'actants' by a range of eco-social institutions and the subsequent translation of the resulting assemblages into resilience strategies. The results of this research first show a 'System of Provision' (SOP) in which Māori development strategies converge with non-Māori attempts to expand research and marketing programmes. These programmes seek to implement added-value strategies in supplying novel horticultural products within New Economic Space; parallel 'cultural logics' ensure food is supplied to traditional Māori institutions according to the cultural logics of Māori. In addition to this finding, results also show that the participation of Māori growers in New Economic Space can paradoxically lead to an expansion of the Traditional Economic Space of Māori. This expansion is not simply contingent upon configurations of policy, technology, and institutional innovations that originate in New Economic Space but is directed by Māori cultural logics, located in Māori territories but seeking innovations from an amorphous universal 'core'. The interface between the global New Economy and the localities of a Māori cultural economy is defined by the 'interrogation' of these innovations, and innovators, through eco-cultural institutions in their diffusion to and from Māori land, Māori resources and Māori people. Within the boundaries of this interrogation border resides a malleable assemblage of actants, enrolled by Māori as components of resilience strategies, which can lead to the endurance of Māori culture.
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Haj-Ismail, Hanan Ahmad. "The participation of urban women in political and economic activities in the Arab World." Thesis, Keele University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261485.
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McKie, Ruth. "Rebranding the climate change counter movement through a criminological and political economic lens." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2018. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/33466/.
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The climate change counter movement (CCCM) has been the focus of social scientists and environmental activists for several years (e.g. Greenpeace). The movement is made up of an organised group of actors that have campaigned, distorted and minimised the impacts of climate change, and criticised domestic and international level policy to remedy climate change. The purpose of this study is to add to this area of investigation having located 465 CCCM organisations across the globe. To examine the CCCM I adopt a two-part theoretical framework synthesising a perspective from the political economic and sociology of crime and deviance literatures. First, I propose that the operation of CCCM organisations can be explained through a Gramscian lens of Hegemony. Second, I propose the messages adopted by CCCM organisation can be understood through a crime and deviance lens. Specifically, I propose these messages can be rebranded as CCCM neutralisation techniques. I conducted a content analysis of 805 documents taken from these organisations to see if CCCM organisations adopted messages that could be rebranded as techniques of neutralisation. I then conducted a cross-national analysis to (1) predict the number of organisations, and (2) predict the use of neutralisation techniques across countries. A series of negative binomial regression and ordinary least squared regression equations to test whether political, economic, and ecological factors can explain the number of CCCM organisations across countries and the messages they adopt. These results reveal strong support for the notion that CCCM organisations operate and use CCCM neutralisation techniques to protect fossil fuel hegemony against climate action. Several techniques of neutralisation are used to justify the continued use of fossil fuels and rationalise the ecological consequences to help sustain support for the hegemonic global capitalist economy. Moreover, CCCM organisations operate to challenge the rise of environmentalism.
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Bendary, Azza T. "The Egyptian economic crisis, household adaptations and political-religious responses a study in two Egyptian villages /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487859313345856.
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Thomas, Melissa. "The Media and The Postmodern Athlete: A Political Economic Analysis of Mia Hamm and David Beckham." Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/5533.
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Casula, Mattia. "Economic Growh and Cohesion Policy Implementation in Italy and Spain: Institutions, Strategic Choices, Administrative Change." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201047.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Conceptualizing Cohesion Policy as A Case of Development Policy: A Framework for the Empirical Analysis. Understanding the Rules of the Game: How Cohesion Policy Works. The Italian Case: Between Decentralization and the Legacies of the Past. The Spanish Case: The Benefits of a National Coordination. Two Cases in a Comparative Perspective.
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Noury, Abdul Ghafar. "Essays on Economics of political Behavior." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
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Engle, Kathryn. "GROWING ECONOMIC POSSIBILITY IN APPALACHIA: STORIES OF RELOCALIZATION AND REPRESENTATION ON STINKING CREEK." UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/39.
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This project explores the agricultural heritage and current social landscape of the Stinking Creek community of Knox County, Kentucky, and the legacy of the local nonprofit organization the Lend-A-Hand Center. Through participatory research, this project presents a reflexive account of the Lend-A-Hand Center Grow Appalachia Gardening Program examining the diverse economy of the Stinking Creek watershed and possibilities for new economic imaginings and post-coal futures for central Appalachia. This dissertation includes an oral history project, a theoretical examination, and an ethnographic reflection, bridging several literatures in the fields of agricultural history, Appalachian Studies, Participatory Action Research, research within the diverse economy framework, and feminist political ecology. For three years I coordinated the Grow Appalachia program through the Lend-A-Hand Center, developing agricultural initiatives in Knox County, working to re-localize food systems through home gardens, community gardens, and the establishment of the Knox County Farmers’ Market, and gathering stories through oral histories on the Creek. Problematizing the 1967 book Stinking Creek, by John Fetterman, this account of the community seeks to call attention to the importance of critical analyses of representations of people, processes, and places. In the face of pressing social issues in central Appalachia and renewed interest in the discourses of development, local food, and post-coal transition, this work seeks to intervene in region-wide discussions and suggest avenues for change and possibility. The Lend-A-Hand Center Grow Appalachia Gardening Program illustrates the potentials for community-based agriculture projects in the region to promote a variety of economic processes, foster and preserve agricultural traditions, and impact the conversation about outlooks for the region. This research provides policy and programmatic suggestions regarding the importance of relocalization of food systems and different (re)presentations of community narratives as part of a multifaceted agenda toward a just, sustainable future for eastern Kentucky and the region.
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TRINO, NOEMI. "Are critical citizens a threat to democracy? Political trust and economic crisis in Europe." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201119.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Democratic crisis and organized distrust: what is the democratic deficit. Change or crisis? Citizens, parties and institutions in advanced
industrial democracies: theoretical perspectives. Cross-national determinants of political trust and democratic
responsiveness: consolidated trends and directions of analysis. Political disaffection and political performance: economic crisis and
political. The institutional perspective: the political consequences of economic
crisis. A threat from below? Critical citizenship in times of economic crisis: a tale from European countries.
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Soener, Matthew C. "Why Do Firms Financialize? Meso-Level Evidence from the U.S. Apparel and Footwear Industry, 1991-2005." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1397491808.
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Shannon, Charles L. "The politics of the family." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292963.
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Loughna, Sean. "The political economy of internal displacement in Colombia : the case of African palm oil." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b535409e-078a-49f2-918e-1a450a71ff29.
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Some 5 million people were classified as internally displaced in Colombia at the end of 2012, which represented about 10 per cent of the population and the highest number in the world at the time. Colombia differs from other countries with high levels of displacement in that it is comparatively politically stable, has effective national institutions, a relatively strong formal economy, and can by no means be described as a ‘failed’ or ‘failing’ state. The displacement literature tends to characterise the phenomenon as a humanitarian crisis and a side effect of the long-running civil war. But Colombians continue to be displaced in very large numbers despite the formal demobilization of the paramilitaries in 2006 and the diminished military capacity and engagement of the guerrillas since about the same period: the same groups that are widely regarded as being the main perpetrators of displacement. This thesis contends that displacement of the civilian population in Colombia is frequently not a consequence of violence, but rather the primary objective, where violence plays a facilitatory role. Moreover, the thesis asserts that these massive levels of displacement are substantively linked to predominantly economically-motivated logics and are regionally specific. By examining an agricultural commodity that has significantly expanded relatively recently in Colombia - African palm oil - this research examines if and how expanded cultivation may be linked to displacement. Using a political economy framework of analysis combined with empirical fieldwork, it explores the ‘localised displacement logics’ whereby land is coercively acquired by powerful local groups. The thesis concludes that the abandonment and dispossession of land from poor and marginalised groups constitutes part of an ongoing process of capitalist expansion and statebuilding in Colombia. Contrary to assertions that it is the intra-state conflict that constitutes the central obstacle to development, Colombia’s current trajectory of capitalist development may actually be a central obstacle to sustainable peace and not lead to an end to displacement.
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Ganser, Tim. "Politics and Policy: Essays in Economics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10407.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation consists of three essays investigating questions of politics and policy. The first essay proposes an index that assigns probabilities to all majority coalitions. This index takes as inputs the seat shares and policy positions of the parties represented in parliament. In addition to providing coalition probabilities, it has some desirable properties lacking from the commonly used concept of the minimum-connected winning coalition. In an empirical test, the proposed index slightly outperforms the predictions generated by this standard concept. Furthermore, the probabilities generated by the index are shown to be empirically meaningful. The second essay proposes a model of voter decision-making in proportional representation systems: ultra-rational strategic voters construct expectations of coalitions and policy outcomes based on expected seat distributions and attributed policy positions and vote to maximize their expected utility. The predictions of the model are examined using data from the Netherlands and successfully predict the voting behavior of significant numbers of voters. Nevertheless, other factors matter more than the strategic prediction. Three main take-aways follow: (1) At least to some extent, voters seem to take complex coalition considerations into account. (2) There is a need for large-scale qualitative studies about voter decision-making in proportional representation systems. (3) Narrowly defined strategic voting might matter less in proportional representation systems than in plurality systems. The third essay presents new data on effective corporate income tax rates in 85 countries in 2004. The data come from a survey, conducted jointly with the World Bank’s Doing Business unit and PricewaterhouseCoopers, of all taxes imposed on "the same" standardized mid-size domestic firm. In a cross-section of countries, the estimates of the effective corporate tax rate have a large adverse impact on aggregate investment, FDI, and entrepreneurial activity. Corporate tax rates are correlated with investment in manufacturing but not services, as well as with the size of the informal economy. The results are robust to the inclusion of many controls.
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Martén, Linna. "Essays on Politics, Law, and Economics." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-282782.
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Essay 1: Several countries practice a system where laymen, who lack legal education, participate in the judicial decision making. Yet, little is known about their potential influence on the court rulings. In Sweden lay judges (nämndemän) are affiliated with the political parties and appointed in proportion to political party representation in the last local elections. This paper investigates the influence of their partisan belonging when ruling in asylum appeals in the Migration Courts, where laymen are effectively randomly assigned to cases. The results show that the approval rate is affected by the policy position of the laymen's political parties. In particular, asylum appeals are more likely to be rejected when laymen from the anti-immigrant party the Swedish Democrats participate, and less likely to be rejected when laymen from the Left Party, the Christian Democrats or the Green Party participate. This indicates that asylum seekers do not receive an impartial trial, and raises concerns that laymen in the courts can compromise the legal security in general.<br>Essay 2: Although economic circumstances have been argued to be a major determining factor of attitudes to redistribution, there is little well identified evidence at the individual level. Utilizing a unique dataset, with detailed individual information, provides new and convincing evidence on the link between economic circumstances and demand for redistribution (in the form of social benefits). The Swedish National Election Studies are constructed as a rotating survey panel, which makes it possible to estimate the causal effect of economic changes. The empirical analysis shows that individuals who experience a job loss become considerably more supportive of redistribution. Yet, attitudes to redistribution return to their initial level as economic prospects improve, suggesting that the effect is only temporary. Although a job loss also changes attitudes to the political parties, the probability to vote for the left-wing is not affected.<br>Essay 3: A well-functioning labor market is characterized by job reallocations, but the individual costs can be vast. We examine if individual's ability to cope with such adjustments depends on their cognitive and non-cognitive skills (measured by the enlistment tests). Since selection into unemployment is a function of skills, we solve the endogeneity of a job loss by using the exogenous labor market shock provided by the military base closures in Sweden following the end of the Cold War. We find, first, that, on average, labor earnings decrease and unemployment and labor-related benefits increase for those affected. Second, there are heterogeneous treatment effects in terms of unemployment; the treated individuals with high non-cognitive and cognitive skills face lower unemployment effects than the treated individuals with low non-cognitive and cognitive skills.