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1
Aksenov, I. "Russia — Germany: trends in economic relations". Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), n. 7 (1 luglio 2020): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2007-05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article discusses current and prospective directions of development of Russian-German trade and economic relations. The article defines the specifics of interaction between Russia and Germany in the framework of environmental problems and safe waste disposal. The article reflects the peculiarities of the organization of investment partnership as a separate type of economic cooperation between countries. The prospects of relations between Russia and Germany in the field of training and retraining of personnel are revealed.
2
Tlemissova, Zh, e A. Mamyrbekov. "Cultural relations of Kazakhstan and Germany: the case of the German diaspora (1991-2020)". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, n. 3 (2022): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-106-121.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan has been pursuing a multi-vector policy with Western countries. The main directions are aimed at politics, economics, and the cultural and humanitarian sphere. Our country has established relations with Western countries, including Germany. Bilateral cooperation is a priority and enhances mutually beneficial partnerships between the two states. Economic relations and political integration as an impulse of the new time are a model for all states of the modern world. In addition, the strategic partnership between Kazakhstan and Germany is constantly strengthening and expanding, covering almost all areas of activity. Reciprocity and tolerance, as a manifestation of the culture of relations between peoples, are the distinctive qualities of Kazakh-German relations. The coincidence of interests in the main areas of foreign relations will undoubtedly contribute to the harmonization of cultural relations in bilateral friendly relations. A significant part of the contact between Kazakhstan and Germany in the cultural sphere is linked to the German diaspora in Kazakhstan. If we make a historical digression, the Germans have lived throughout the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan since the time of tsarist power. Kazakhstani Germans, preserving their culture and identity, live in close cultural ties with the Kazakh people. Such activities between peoples reach the interstate level, which contributes to the development of cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany. The article examines the cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany through the example of the German diaspora in our country. The article presents a scientific analysis of the role and influence of Kazakhstani Germans on these relations.
3
Kakhorova, Zabarjad. "RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND GERMANY: STAGES OF FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS". International Journal Of History And Political Sciences 4, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2024): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijhps/volume04issue01-06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Of particular importance are the relations of the Republic of Uzbekistan with countries of the world, diplomatic relations, economic and investment cooperation, relations between countries in the cultural and humanitarian spheres. The Republic of Uzbekistan and the Federal Republic of Germany have one of the most important and complex bilateral relations. Coordination and intensive implementation of the programs of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the Federal Republic of Germany in political,economic, scientific and technical and cultural spheres, formation of a mutually beneficial atmosphere of trust and interest between Uzbek and German partners, investment of Germany, the main directions, such as creating favorable conditions for the implementation of economic changes in Uzbekistan with the involvement of management experience and technologies, are precisely the factors that indicate the relevance of this topic. The strategic competition they provide is one of the pressing issues of particular importance. The Federal Republic of Germany has taken a strong position in its relations with the Republic of Uzbekistan, working closely with its allies and partners to protect their interests and values. Currently, the policy of the two countries in world politics is taking its toll on other countries.
4
Malik, Hasan Yaser. "Contextualising Germen Involvement in CPEC through Wakhan Corridor and Gwadar Port as an Diplo-Economic Opportunity". Economics, Law and Policy 2, n. 1 (28 gennaio 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/elp.v2n1p73.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<em>Since seventh, eighteenth, nineteenth century Germany is maintaining diplomatic relations with China, Afghanistan and five Central Asian Republics respectively in Asian Region. Main facets of German interests in Asian Region have been diplomatic, economic and social development. Germans as a nation have always proved their worth by successfully dealing the challenges and rising to the status of a strong nation. Presently Germany is the biggest European economic power and is asserting to enhance it’s economic and diplomatic relations in Indo-Pacific and Asian Region. Apart from establishing trade link; mainly rail link with China and Central Asia it will be prudent to extend its access to Indo-Pacific Region well as part of “One Belt One Road Initiative” and “China Pakistan Economic Corridor” through Wakhan Corridor in North of Pakistan to Gwadar; North Arabian Sea Port of Pakistan. This route will provide land and sea access for Germany to billions of Asians and will enhance its diplo-economic influence in Indo-Pacific Region.</em>
5
Sinambela, Stivani Ismawira. "Bilateral Relations Through Conflict And Cooperation: German’s Dilemma Over Russia". Jurnal PIR : Power in International Relations 7, n. 1 (12 agosto 2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22303/pir.7.1.2022.70-82.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p>Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis and the implementation of the EU sanctions regime against Russia, Germany took up a leading role in the coordination of the EU’s Russia policy. This policy shift appeared to be a drastic departure from the traditional German <em>Ostpolitik</em> paradigm. Central to this analysis is the concept of geo-economics, which can be broadly defined as the “geostrategic use of economic power”. This article aims to examine how geo-economics influences Germany’s leadership of the EU’s Russia policy, with a particular focus on the study of German domestic politics and the role of relevant economic actors. On the one hand, Germany needs reliable and cost-effective energy to support its world-class industrial economy from Russia. On the other hand, German and Europe security was at stake. This framework is to understand how German policymakers are doing the work of interpreting their national interest and defining appropriate action in response to the dilemma.</p>
6
Bruzzi Curi, Luiz Felipe, Danilo Barolo Martins De Lima e Vinícius Bivar Marra Pereira. "GERMAN ECONOMIC STRATEGIES FOR BRAZIL: AUTARKY AND EXTENDED ECONOMIC SPACE IN THE 1930s". Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 37, n. 3 (29 aprile 2019): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000119.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTThis paper addresses the relationship between the development of the concepts of autarky and «economy of the extended space» in the German-speaking world and the framing of economic relations between Germany and Brazil in the 1930s. According to this «autarkic» way of conceiving economics, in order to thrive, an economy has to be autonomous regarding its supply of necessary inputs. Proposals presented in the Annual Reports transmitted to the German Foreign Office by German diplomatic representatives in Brazil encouraged, for example, the negotiation of bilateral trade agreements and the expansion of the Brazilian production of strategic inputs for Germany. The choice of Karl Ritter, an expert in economic matters, as ambassador to Brazil is also representative of this strategy.
7
Forsberg, Tuomas. "Economic Incentives, Ideas, and the End of the Cold War: Gorbachev and German Unification". Journal of Cold War Studies 7, n. 2 (aprile 2005): 142–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053630556.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Focusing on Gorbachev and German unification, this article shows how the effectiveness of economic aid depends on ideas decision-makers hold about economics and identity. German economic statecraft worked in securing Gorbachev's support for German unification solely because of a specific set of ideas that animated Soviet decision-makers during that period. The weakness of the Soviet economy made economic assistance from Germany attractive, but Gorbachev did not bargain hard over the amount of aid because he thought it would ruin an anticipated close partnership with Germany in the future. The importance of the German economic incentives lay in their role as trust-building measures. In contrast, Japan's effort to use economic aid to persuade Soviet leaders to return the Kurile Islands during the same period failed, in part because Soviet leaders did not expect a friendly relationship with Japan. For cultural and political reasons, Soviet leaders were more oriented toward Germany and the West. The fact that Soviet leaders did not seek aid or technology from Japan a technology powerhouse and turned instead to Germany, shows that material pressures alone cannot account for the success or failure of economic incentives.
8
Ulatowski, Rafał. "Außenpolitik Deutschlands aus der Perspektive der Geo-Ökonomie". Przegląd Europejski, n. 4-2014 (22 marzo 2015): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.14.4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this paper is to assess how far the German foreign policy follows the principles of the theory of geo-economy. The paper has the following structure. First, the theory of geo-economy will be presented. Second, the characteristics of three debates relating to the German foreign policy will be pointed out. Third, German policy during the Euro crisis will be analysed. Fourth, the development of the relations between Germany and the new powers will be assessed. This paper supports the thesis that geo-economic strategy is beneficial for Germany.
9
Golik, Katarzyna. "W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n. 29 (14 settembre 2021): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries.
10
Kuzmina, V. M., e M. A. Parkhomchuk. "Russian-German Economic Relations in the Context of the Deepening Political Confrontation Between the Russian Federation and the European Union". Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics. Sociology. Management 12, n. 2 (25 aprile 2022): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2022-12-2-10-21.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Relevance. Today, Russian-German economic relations, on the one hand, are developing in the context of Russia ‒ EU relations, and on the other hand, between the Russian Federation and Germany, but they are weighed down by the influence of political factors. The traditional areas of economic cooperation received their first cracks due to the introduction of sanctions in 2014, but the “fourth” package of sanctions in March 2022 from the EU, which was successfully joined by the Scholz government, disrupted the world economic ties between countries that had been established for decades.The purpose is to assess the economic cooperation between Russia and Germany, taking into account the complicated political relations between the EU and the Russian Federation.Objectives: identify priority areas of cooperation between Russia and Germany at the present stage; highlight the constraining factors of economic relations between countries.Methods. A discursive analysis of the official statements of the heads of government was applied to study the qualitative and quantitative indicators of cooperation between the Russian Federation and Germany. The secondary statistical data obtained on the basis of the gravity modeling approach are analyzed.Results. The study showed that one of the most effectively developing industries is the investment of German companies in enterprises of Russian regions. The sanctions of the EU countries had a negative impact on certain high-tech sectors of the Russian economy, but Russian counter-sanctions on meat, milk and dairy products, as well as fruits and vegetables "hit" the consumer in the EU countries and Germany. The forecast of trade and economic relations in connection with the upcoming "fifth" package of EU sanctions against the Russian Federation is difficult.Conclusions. Germany occupied a significant place in trade, economic and investment cooperation with Russia. At the moment, unfounded accusations of Russia that our country is a “threat” to the European Union continue to be unraveled. Germany actively supports the EU in its course towards the introduction of new sanctions measures against the Russian Federation.
11
BERNARDINI, GIOVANNI. "Principled Pragmatism: The Eastern Committee of German Economy and West German–Chinese relations during the early Cold War, 1949–1958". Modern Asian Studies 51, n. 1 (21 dicembre 2016): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000329.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article focuses on the interplay between the political authorities and economic actors in the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of establishing relations with the People's Republic of China after 1949. Within this framework, the article will assess the role played by the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft (Eastern Committee of German Economy), a semi-official organization recognized by the West German government. Both the ability of German economic actors and China's urgent need for economic contact with the West caused German-Chinese trade relations to circumvent the strict non-recognition policy followed by the West German government. The article also argues that, while economic relations heralded official recognition of the People's Republic of China by other Western European countries, in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany a division between the two spheres was finally accepted by the major actors involved, and ended only after the change of attitude imparted by the Nixon presidency in the United States during the early 1970s.
12
Zabarjad, Kakhorova. "RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND GERMANY: RESULTS AND OPPORTUNITIES". American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 5, n. 11 (1 novembre 2023): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume05issue11-08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article reflects the political relations of Uzbekistan and Germany between the two countries, economic investment cooperation, friendship relations. The relevance of the article is also significant in that it reveals the results and further prospects of mutual agreements between the two countries. This article covers cooperation between our countries: trade and economic, investment and technological. Of particular importance is this article on the analysis of work on effective cooperation in such areas as security, human rights protection, Environmental Protection, science and education, the expansion of cultural relations and Exchange in the field of Tourism.
13
Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, n. 2 (30 novembre 2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under which the Soviet Union was granted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with the Soviet Union, promoted by the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached its highest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as the regime asserted power and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versailles decreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s rise to power increased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Union made repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chiefly sought to repay, with raw materials the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, while Germany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. That agreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937 the loans amounting to 200 million Reichsmarks which were to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used 183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle, liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss in the mid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new period in the development of Soviet-German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–Molotov Agreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
14
Kirilina, E. Yu. "Foreign Policy of Germany towards Kazakhstan". EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 18, n. 2 (15 luglio 2024): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2024-02-189-197.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a large number of newly formed states appeared on the geopolitical map of the world, some of which are located in Central Asia. As one of the largest and most influential countries in Europe, Germany sought to establish strong economic, political and cultural ties with these countries. The author pays attention to the stages of development of bilateral relations from the early 90s to the present.Aim. The aim of this study is to identify key aspects of German foreign policy in the region, focusing on relations with Kazakhstan.Tasks. Study the main stages of the development of diplomatic relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Identify the current state of relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Explore possible expansion of economic ties and prospects for future cooperation. Show the importance of studying the foreign policy of Germany in relation to Kazakhstan for the Russian Federation.Methods. The research methodology is based on historical analysis, which helped to identify the stages of development of international relations between the two states. The comparative analysis defines the differences in the foreign policy line of Germany towards Kazakhstan at different stages. Regular summit meetings were the objects of event analysis.Results. By examining historical context, economic partnerships, and geopolitical considerations, it is possible to investigate the dynamics shaping German engagement in Central Asia.Conclusions. The genesis of the development of interstate relations was the collapse of the USSR, which served to form sovereign states in the post-Soviet space. The development of bilateral relations is characterized by several stages: some of them were characterized by stagnation, others, by an increase in the attention of Germany to Kazakhstan. The beginning of 2022 served to intensify Germany’s foreign policy in the region. At the present stage, Germany uses a multi-pronged approach that includes diplomatic, economic, cultural and educational components. Germany’s foreign policy in the region is aimed at protecting its national interests. Secondly, the partnership with Kazakhstan is a symbol of Germany’s shared foreign policy goals, emphasizing the importance of cooperation, dialogue and joint development efforts in the heart of Eurasia.
15
Waddington, Keir. "“We Don't Want Any German Sausages Here!” Food, Fear, and the German Nation in Victorian and Edwardian Britain". Journal of British Studies 52, n. 4 (ottobre 2013): 1017–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.178.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis essay brings together aspects of the history of science, food, and culture, and applies them to the study of Anglo-German relations and perceptions by examining how between 1850 and 1914 the German sausage was used as a metaphor for the German nation. The essay shows how the concerns that became attached to German sausages not only provide a way of understanding Britain's interaction with Germany but also reveal further dimensions to popular anti-German sentiment. Alarm about what went into German sausages formed part of a growing strand of popular opposition to Germany, which drew on increasing insecurity about Britain's position on the world stage and the perceived economic threat that Germany and German immigrants presented. Such sentiment was translated into how Germans were caricatured and onto material objects—in this case, the “deadly mysteries” that were feared to go into German sausages. Cultural and gastronomic stereotypes overlapped in a discourse that linked Germany and Germans to their national diet and aggressive nature, as well as associated German sausages with fears about diseased meat, adulteration, and the risks that eating them entailed. The result was that the German sausage was used as a staple for satirical comic representations of Germany, as representative of dishonesty in food production, and as a xenophobic slur. Around the German sausage, anti-German sentiment and questions of food safety merged and became mutually reinforcing.
16
Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s". European Historical Studies, n. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
17
Simonazzi, A., A. Ginzburg e G. Nocella. "Economic relations between Germany and southern Europe". Cambridge Journal of Economics 37, n. 3 (16 aprile 2013): 653–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bet010.
Testo completo
18
Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, n. 1 (28 febbraio 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
19
Basovskaya, Elena. "The Influence of Anti-Russian Sanctions on World Economic Relations Between Germany and the United States". Scientific Research and Development. Economics 12, n. 3 (22 luglio 2024): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2024-12-3-27-29.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper assesses the impact of anti-Russian sanctions on global economic relations between the United States and Germany by changes in the relationship between the economic growth rates of the United States and Germany and the economic growth rates of the countries of the modern world. The correlations between economic growth rates are assessed for the periods before and after the introduction of most anti-Russian sanctions, for 2005–2012, and for 20142022. The results obtained from assessing the closeness of world economic ties indicate that anti-Russian sanctions imposed by the United States and its partners, including Germany, had a significant impact on international economic relations. At the same time, despite the anti-Russian nature of the sanctions, which were initiated by the United States, they practically did not disrupt Russia’s ties with the United States. Despite their anti-Russian orientation, sanctions have significantly weakened Germany’s world economic ties. This suggests that the sanctions were introduced with the expectation that they would strike not only the Russian economy, but also the German economy, which could contribute to the development of the US economy competing with the German economy. Sanctions have changed the structure of world economic ties and increased the closeness of ties between the economies of Germany and Iran, whose world economic ties the United States and its partners are seeking to limit.
20
Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. "Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification". Международные отношения, n. 1 (gennaio 2022): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identity since 1990, which allows tracing the evolution of Germany-Russia relations. Special attention is given to the characteristic features of German identity that have formed prior to the German reunification, but their fundamental traits remain essential for studying German identity. Leaning on the scientific research of the prominent specialists in German Studies, the author highlights not only the basic, but also complementary features of the modern German identity, and outlines the landmark events that currently acquire special resonance in German society. The author also traces the evolution of Germany-Russia relations, placing emphasis on the aspects that are of particular importance for the economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made on unfeasibility of continuing the dialogue between Germany and Russia due to the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany is a full-fledged member of the European Union and no longer intends to implement solely national foreign policy.
21
Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, n. 1 (1 giugno 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
22
Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD". Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), n. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
23
Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany". Contemporary European History 3, n. 2 (luglio 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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Pavlica, Branko. "Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers". Medjunarodni problemi 57, n. 1-2 (2005): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502121p.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.
25
Bitkova, T. G. "Germany and Romania: historical, political and economic aspects of interaction". Urgent Problems of Europe, n. 2 (2022): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.13.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Political and economic aspects of relations between Romania and Germany in the XXI century considered in the context of historical retrospective, including from the perspective of the dramatic events of the XX century. Brief information about the history of the emergence of the German community on the territory of Romania, its important role in the cultural and economic development of the regions of residence is presented. The latter contributes to the creation of a special atmosphere of today’s bilateral contacts, behind which is the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany to keep the German community in its current place of residence, which creates an additional incentive for trade and investment of German capital in Romania. A brief overview of cultural and humanitarian programs of the FRG, designed to promote not only the rallying of the German ethnic minority, but also the promotion of German culture in Romania, is given. Data are provided on the number and position of the vast community of Romanian labor migrants in Germany. The article notes that political contacts between countries are not limited to the EU and NATO, but are also developing on a bilateral basis. Particular attention is paid to the difference in the foreign policy approaches of the two countries on a number of issues. The causes and circumstances of the lack of complete mutual understanding are identified, among which pro-Americanism and the anti-Russian orientation of Romania’s foreign policy stand out, clearly manifested in connection with the problem of putting the Nord Stream-2 into operation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the strengthening of bilateral military cooperation in recent years within the framework of PESCO. The conclusion is made about the ambiguous nature of the Romanian-German relations against the background of the interest of the FRG in expanding its presence in Romania.
26
Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n. 6(45) (28 dicembre 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.
27
Savina, Zoya. "Germany’s Political and Economic Interests in Africa: Opportunities and Challenges". Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 61, n. 4 (5 dicembre 2022): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-61-4-60-69.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Today, Africa occupies an important place in Germany’s foreign policy agenda. Africa is a resource-rich continent, and many African countries are rapidly developing economies. In this regard, Germany is actively seeking to increase economic relations with Africa. Special attention is paid to assisting African countries in solving the problems of poverty, in the development of production, as well as the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. The article is devoted to the economic direction of German-African policy at the present stage. The author attempts to give an overview of current trends in German-African relations.
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Toganova, N. V. "Sanctions: Business as Usual? (Example of Russian-German Relations)". MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 9, n. 4 (13 gennaio 2019): 596–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2018.9.4.596-606.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose:the purpose of the article was to analyze the influence of sanctions on economic relations of Russia and Germany (on firm level and on foreign direct investments), to find out how far the changes influenced the innovation potential of Russia in the long term and also the role of political relations in the economic context.Methods:the methodological base of the research is based on general scientific methods: scientific abstraction, analysis and synthesis, generalization, system-structural analysis.Results:the author analyzes the approaches towards quantifying the sanctions influence on Russian economy and its sectors, also the author analyzes the economic relations with Germany after the sanctions (foreign direct investment, the dynamic of German companies in Russia, corporate cash flow of some German companies, import dynamic).Conclusions and relevance:the author concludes, that although in the long run the sanctions could have an enormous impact on the innovation potential, but in the short term the overall market condition, that influences the intensity of imports and modernization of equipment, plays a bigger role. In spite of sanctions after the down turn of trade and direct investments there is a growth in amount of German business and foreign direct investment. The Russian market remains important for the German companies. The German companies are seeking to strengthening their positions. An important role plays the fact, that for the Russian companies the German ones are important suppliers of commodities and machines. This demand can’t be fully satisfied by the Asian countries.
29
Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvia and Hitler’s Germany: Economic Relations 1933–1940". Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 26, n. 2 (2018): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.26.2.2.
Testo completo
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Bulatov, Gasan Islamovich, Khamid Abdalla Bashir e Mokhammed Khalil' Khussian. "Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey". Конфликтология / nota bene, n. 3 (marzo 2021): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.36887.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.
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Bulatov, Gasan Islamovich, Khamid Abdalla Bashir e Mokhammed Khalil' Khussian. "Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey". Конфликтология / nota bene, n. 4 (aprile 2021): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.36887.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.
32
Güçlü, Yücel. "Turkey's Relations with Germany from the Conclusion of the Montreux Straits Convention up to the Outbreak of the Second World War". Belleten 66, n. 245 (1 aprile 2002): 123–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2002.123.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Although most frequent mention must be made of the political relations, the special emphasis in the article lays on the economic cooperation between Turkey and Germany. For commercial and financial factors played a key role in shaping the Turkish-German relations in the second half of the 1930s. Turkey came to view the dominant German grip over its economy with much anxiety and looked to other powers to assist it in breaking the Reichsmark shackle. In the political field, the dynamics of Turkish-German relations often led Germany to seek a formal relationship which Turkey, for reasons of its own, did not grant. Throughout the study Ankara's attitude vis-a-vis Berlin evaluated in terms of its position within wider Turkish diplomatic strategy.
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Ratmanov, P. E., e Yu V. Kirik. "Представительство народного комиссариата здравоохранения рс фср в германии (1921–1929 гг.) в контексте международных связей советской россии". Dalʹnevostočnyj medicinskij žurnal, n. 4 (30 dicembre 2019): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35177/1994-5191-2019-4-41-46.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper is devoted to the activities of the Representative Office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany during the period of active economic, scientific and technical cooperation in the 1920s. The large-scale cooperation between Soviet Russia and Germany in healthcare actually began only after the 1922 Rapallo Agreement and the significant improvement in bilateral relations. The representative office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany published articles on health issues in the USSR in German press, promoted bilateral cooperation in social hygiene, collected and systematized information from German medicine and healthcare sources, assisted Soviet physicians sent from the USSR to Germany, provided invitations to Soviet specialists to German medical congresses, and invited German doctors to medical congresses in the USSR. In 1930 the representative office of the People's Health of the RSFSR in Germany was merged with the representative office of the Union of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
34
Simon, György. "Germany and the European economy". Medjunarodni problemi 63, n. 1 (2011): 52–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1101052s.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Germany has traditionally been the powerhouse of the European economy and integration. In this article, an attempt is made to put its economic development in a European context by comparing it with the achievements of the total group of more developed members of the European Union, the EU-15, prior to the current global crisis. The author applies both the methods of statistical analysis and models of mathematical economics to show the combined influence of growth mechanism regularities, economic policy and international economic relations on the long-term development of the German and European economy. Viewing economic growth as the central problem, he investigates the factors of its deviations from the equilibrium state, as well as the regularities affecting productivity and technical progress. His main conclusion is that the current economic crisis can be surmounted with the help of a growthoriented economic policy based on the intensification of technical progress and, first of all, of its creative component, which would create favorable conditions for improving competitiveness.
35
Müller-Jentsch, Walther. "Seven decades of industrial relations in Germany". Employee Relations 40, n. 4 (4 giugno 2018): 634–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-01-2017-0016.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the development of industrial relations (IR) in Germany since the end of the Second World War and discusses the current challenges posed by economic globalisation und European integration. Design/methodology/approach Combining a political economy, identifying Germany as a coordinated market economy (social market economy), and actor-centred historical institutionalism approach, outlining the formation and strategies of the main social actors within a particular institutional setting, the paper draws on the broad range of research on IR in Germany and its theoretical debates, including own research in the field. Findings The legacy of the key institutional settings in the post-war era – primarily the social market economy, co-determination at supervisory boards, works councils and sector-based non-ideological unions with their analogously organised employer counterparts, as well as the dual system of interest representation – has shaped the German IR and still underlie the bargaining processes and joint learning processes although trade unions and employers’ associations have been weakened because of loss of membership. In consequence the coverage scope of collective agreements is now somewhat reduced. Despite being declared dead many times, the “German model” of a “conflictual partnership” of capital and labour has survived many turbulent changes affecting it to the core. Originality/value The paper presents an original, theoretical informed reconstruction of the German IR and allows an understanding of the current institutional changes and challenges in the light of historical legacies. Additionally the theoretical debates on path dependence and learning processes of collectivities are enriched through its application to the German case.
36
Мордовченков, Н. В., Г. А. Тихомиров e В. М. Поляков. "German-Chinese foreign economic convergence: innovation and infrastructure aspect". Экономика и предпринимательство, n. 12(137) (3 maggio 2022): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2021.137.12.041.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Статья посвящена анализу внешнеэкономических взаимоотношений Германии и Китая, в частности экономической интеграции двух противоположных социально-политических систем. Процесс интеграции основан на решении применительно к концепции конвергенции инфраструктурных проблем, обеспечивающих инновационное развитие. Оценивается инвестиционная активность. Инфраструктурная конвергенция позволила вовлечь инновационные технологии в процесс взаимовыгодного сближения разных систем. Концепция конвергенции, рассмотренная на примере экономических взаимоотношений Германии и Китая, позволяет судить о положительных и отрицательных тенденциях этих взаимоотношений, рассматриваются противоречия и проблемы экономического сотрудничества, вт.ч. подчеркивается роль США и Евросоюза. В последнее десятилетие германо-китайские экономические отношения развивались очень быстро. Высокие темпы роста Китая и интеграция страны в мировую экономику сыграли ключевую роль в стимулировании немецкого экспорта. The article is devoted to the analysis of foreign economic relations between Germany and China, in particular, the economic integration of two opposite socio-political systems. The integration process is based on the solution of infrastructural problems that ensure innovative development in relation to the concept of convergence. Investment activity is assessed. Infrastructural convergence has made it possible to involve innovative technologies in the process of mutually beneficial convergence of different systems. The concept of convergence, considered on the example of the economic relations between Germany and China, makes it possible to judge the positive and negative trends in these relations, discusses the contradictions and problems of economic cooperation, incl. the role of the United States and the European Union is emphasized. In the last decade, German-Chinese economic relations have developed very rapidly. China's high growth rate and the country's integration into the world economy have played a key role in boosting German exports.
37
Belov, Vladislav. "Reaction of Germany to the special military operation of Russia on the territory of Ukraine". Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, n. 1 (2022): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics1820225662.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The government, political and economic establishment of Germany, as well as all sectors of society, reacted extremely negatively to Russia's recognition of LPR and DPR and subsequent special military operation on the territory of Ukraine. Germany has become a key player in development and adoption of EU's sanction packages against Russia. The author analyzes the most important decisions of the German cabinet of ministers, actions of interest groups and their consequences for German- Russian relations.
38
Reichel, Ernst. "Deepening of Partnership between Germany and Ukraine". Diplomatic Ukraine, n. XIX (2018): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-27.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article delineates the strengthening of the partnership between Germany and Ukraine. Germany was among the first countries to recognise independence of Ukraine. Nowadays, it is one of its key partners and friends. After gaining independence, a lot of programs and agreements were developed in Ukraine to enhance bilateral relations. After the Revolution of Dignity, Germany considerably broadened its obligations in the field of technical and financial cooperation. Within the cooperative framework, Germany focuses its attention on three paramount areas: 1) stable economic growth; 2) democracy, civil society, public administration, and decentralisation; 3) energy efficiency. Germany has allocated millions of euros for restoring communal infrastructure in the east of Ukraine destroyed in the conflict and facilities used by internally displaced persons. It has also provided cold-resistant accommodation for more than 2,300 people. Given a great number of familiarising and training programmes for various target groups, specifically for employees of regional state administrations, Ukrainian entrepreneurs, lawyers, and judges, German experts seek to share their experience and practices with representatives of Ukrainian authorities. Furthermore, cooperation with the Verkhovna Rada was launched, enabling us to recruit alumni of German higher educational institutions for practice. The intensity of the political dialogue and remarkable political interest Germany shows in the course of stable, peaceful, and democratic development of sovereign Ukraine are the genuinely important factors for the relations between Germany and Ukraine. The German government consistently and unequivocally supports Ukraine in its legal aspiration to restore territorial integrity and sovereignty. Keywords: Germany, German-Ukrainian relations, political dialogue, democratic development, partnership.
39
Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)". Вопросы безопасности, n. 4 (aprile 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
40
Lak, Martijn. "“A Chinese Wall along our Eastern Border” – Allied Occupation Policy in Germany and its Consequences for Dutch-German Trade Relations, 1945-1949". Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 59, n. 1 (25 maggio 2018): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2018-0009.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract After the unconditional surrender of the Third Reich in May 1945, Germany no longer existed as a sovereign, independent nation. It was occupied by the four Allied powers: France, Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union. When it came to the postwar European recovery, the biggest obstacle was that the economy in Germany, the dominant continental economic power before the Second World War, was at an almost complete standstill. This not only had severe consequences for Germany itself, but also had strong economic repercussions for surrounding countries, especially the Netherlands. As Germany had been the former’s most important trading partner since the middle of the nineteenth century, it was clear that the Netherlands would be unable to recover economically without a healthy Germany. However, Allied policy, especially that of the British and the Americans, made this impossible for years. This article therefore focuses on the early postwar Dutch-German trade relations and the consequences of Allied policy. While much has been written about the occupation of Germany, far less attention has been paid to the results of this policy on neighbouring countries. Moreover, the main claim of this article is that it was not Marshall Aid which was responsible for the quick and remarkable Dutch economic growth as of 1949, but the opening of the German market for Dutch exports that same year.
41
Kravchenko, Valeriy, e Iryna Stasiukevych. "DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS". Strategic Panorama, n. 1-2 (15 dicembre 2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin and Moscow have been increasing despite European and American sanctions against Russia. This leads to the strengthening of the pro-Russian lobby in German political circles. It is highlighted that the planned completion of the construction of Nord Stream-2, the dependence of Germany on the supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and the augmentation of net direct investments of German companies in Russian economy illustrates German endeavor, primarily in its geopolitical interests, to normalize relations with Russian Federation. Moreover, the article emphasizes the crisis of German political leadership which is connected with the end of the 4th mandate of the chancellor Angela Merkel in 2021 and the rise of anti-system and populist movements in Germany that may shatter political support of Ukraine. The changes in the Euro-Atlantic region are mentioned separately, namely the issue of defence spending of Germany in the framework of NATO and the consequences of Brexit.In the context of the mentioned elements of German politics, several challenges for Ukraine, that may significantly weaken its position in the international arena, are determined. A complex foreign and domestic situation can remove Ukrainian issue from the agenda and encourage Berlin to take quick «comfortable» measures in the context of the war in the East of Ukraine. On this basis, the article suggests recommendations on ways of reacting to the current developments in Germany from the side of Ukraine as well as on adjusting foreign policy towards this state with due regard to the mentioned tendencies.
42
Meister, S. "Germany and Russia: Delimitated Partners". World Economy and International Relations, n. 7 (2013): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-22-28.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The estrangement is surging up in relations between Germany and Russia. Expectations of the "Partnership for Modernization" in Berlin are deceived. For the German part, it seems most important to reform the Russian political system through economic cooperation, whereas, in contrast, Russia is interested in economic partnership itself and in investment promotion. The lack of the legal regulation, and the growing state influence on economy in Russia hedge the economic partnership. Berlin has no concept of ways to affect the reform process in Russia. The renewal of the policy line towards Russia is needed. If Germany wants to facilitate the integration of Russia into Europe, Berlin must work out a new approach in the relationship with Moscow, focused less on elites and more on the civil society.
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Chapin, Wesley D. "The Turkish Diaspora in Germany". Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, n. 2 (settembre 1996): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.275.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and its implications for Germany’s domestic and international politics. The first section identifies the status of the Turks living in Germany. The second traces the growth of the Turkish population in Germany. The third evaluates the domestic political and economic effects that the Turkish presence engenders, as well as prospects for assimilation. The fourth section identifies ways that international relations are influenced by the Turkish minority in Germany.
44
Datskiv, І., e М. Polych. "Brest-Lithuania peace of 1918 and Ukrainian-German relations". Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, n. 27 (29 maggio 2023): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.27.2022.276199.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes the international relations of Ukraine during the national liberation struggle of 1917-1918. The prerequisites for the intensification of Ukrainian-German contacts at the end of the First World War are studied. The peculiarities of contacts between Germany and Ukrainian governments are analyzed, the significant influence of German policy in the context of the formation and development of Ukrainian state-building processes is indicated. The participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the Brest-Litovsk negotiations and the conclusion of a peace treaty with the Central Powers are characterized. The methodology is based on the principle of historicism and scientificity. The method of comparative analysis, retrospective, historical-typological, was used. Scientific novely. The article examines the economic and political components in the system of Ukrainian-German bilateral relations, which significantly influenced the structure of the foreign policy course of the official UNR and Germany, and also became the basis for the conclusion of international agreements. The active work of Ukrainian diplomacy and trade and economic missions abroad was studied, which was aimed at ensuring the development of the Ukrainian economy and the needs of the war for independencе. Conclusions. It has been proven that the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, which certified the international recognition of the state of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, can be called a significant result of the formation of interstate Ukrainian-German relations. It is shown that Ukrainian-German relations influenced further interstate military-political and diplomatic relations. The most important achievement of Ukraine at that time was the preservation of state independence, which made it possible to continue national liberation struggles in the future. In general, conducting such a study is appropriate not only in the context of the history of Germany and Ukraine, but also in the context of world history, since the evolution of Ukrainian-German relations during this period largely depended on the development of events in the international arena.
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Leptin, Gert. "Economic relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic". Journal of East and West Studies 14, n. 1 (marzo 1985): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265088508422724.
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Kotov, Alexander. "CENTENARY OF THE RAPPAL TREATY: ANNIVERSARY IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CRISIS OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND GERMANY". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, n. 2 (1 aprile 2022): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022117127.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
April 16, 2022 marks the 100th anniversary of the Treaty of Rapallo, concluded between Russia and Germany during the Genoa Conference. His fate and role is still controversial. Particular attention is paid to the «spirit of Rapallo» – a realistic and pragmatic idea of peaceful development in the context of today’s increased politicization and curtailment of Russian-German economic relations. We consider that following a direct decrease in mutual trade the very significance of Russian-German economic cooperation is further underestimated emotionally and subjectively. Based on a cross-country cross-sectoral analysis, the paper analyzes the interdependence of the key economies of Russia and Germany are presented. We identified the key import positions of both countries. It is emphasized that a purely quantitative calculation of the reduction of ties may be insufficient, since it does not take into account the cascading economic effects generated from supply chains. Using results of surveys of the German business community, we assessed the strength of the sanctions measures introduced with the active support of Germany against Russia regarding the disconnection from the SWIFT system, the freezing of financial accounts, the measures introduced against the Central Bank of Russia – up to the freezing in principle of economic relations between countries are presented. The author concludes that the anniversary of the Rapallo Treaty, for objective reasons of the military-political situation, remained in the shadows and cannot again put forward considerations for constructive cooperation. Most likely, in the expert community, a reference to it may have an impact on western companies in order to prevent a complete break in business relations with Russian companies.
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Handl, Vladimir, e William E. Paterson. "The continuing relevance of Germany’s engine for CEE and the EU". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, n. 3 (17 luglio 2013): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and cooperation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences. Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank). The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.
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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Germany and the Muslim World". ICR Journal 1, n. 3 (15 aprile 2010): 519–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i3.733.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The relations between the world of Islam and Germany (or what was then the Holy Roman Empire) date back far into the Middle Ages and were particularly intense during the times of the Crusades. However, Muslims came to Germany in larger numbers as part of the diplomatic, military and economic relations between Germany and the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century. German diplomats and travellers, in turn, visited the Ottoman lands as well as Safavid Persia from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, respectively. In Muslim public opinion, Germany appears to have been always seen as the ‘friend of the Muslims’, a kind of ‘exception’ compared with other Western colonial powers which controlled large chunks of the Muslim homeland. Germany - so it was thought - had no colonial ambitions in the Dar al-Islam. Germany’s last emperor, William II (r. 1888-1918), during his famous 1898 speech in Damascus, declared himself the ‘eternal friend’ of the (then) 300 million Muslims in the world.
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Tešanović, Branko, Aleksandar Neševski e Vera Krmpot. "CERTAIN ASPECTS OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN SERBIA AND GERMANY". ECONOMICS, FINANCE AND MANAGEMENT REVIEW, n. 1 (25 marzo 2020): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36690/2674-5208-2020-1-26-36.
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Ivanova, Anna K. "The US-German Economic Relationship in 2021. Achievements and expectations". Russia and America in the 21st Century, Спецвыпуск (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018165-8.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 2021, the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States confirmed their intentions to restore the transatlantic partnership. Further changes in the global market depend on the relationship between J. Biden`s administration and the new government coalition in Germany and Germany`s EU-partners. The high level of German-American economic interpenetration, confirmed by the results of the analysis, determines the agenda of political and economic cooperation between the two countries. In this context, their existing contradictions and their determination for mutual concessions represent particular importance. The German economy is especially sensitive to the protectionism of its main economic partners, the United States and the China. The country is interested in maintaining its competitiveness, which can push it to more active participation in the development of the US-China relations and attempts to strengthen its position in the EU in the implementation of the economic development strategy. The article analyzes bilateral investment activity, trade, expectations of national business in the territory of a partner country; highlighted the main economic contradictions with the Federal Republic of Germany during the presidency of D. Trump and J. Biden. The aftermath of the pandemic has negatively affected bilateral trade. In the meantime businesses of both countries are planning expantion and not expected to quit the market, which suggests a return to the positive trend in trade in the mid- term.