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1
Sorokin, Alexey. "Trade and Economic Relations as an Instrument of Soviet Policy to Maintain Austria's Neutrality (1955—1964)". ISTORIYA 15, n. 1 (135) (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840030004-3.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Trade and economic relations played an important role for the Soviet Union in the policy of maintaining Austrian neutrality. This was expressed, on the one hand, in the desire to prevent Austria from joining the structures of European integration, the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community. On the other hand, the Soviet Union made considerable efforts to develop bilateral trade and increase its own trade turnover with Austria. Such combined actions were supposed to have an impact on the preservation and transformation of Austrian neutrality in the manner necessary for the Soviet Union.
2
Budiak, Yu I., B. A. Giter e E. A. Grechko. "Cross-border cooperation in the Czech-Austrian borderland". Regional'nye issledovaniya, n. 2 (2019): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/1994-5280-2019-2-7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After WWII the transformation of the Czech-Austrian borderlands is connected with destruction of single ethno-cultural and economic space, lengthy period of the border impenetrability, social and economic backwardness of the borderlands. That period of Czech-Austrian relations has had lasting impact, strengthening the mental borders between the Austrian and the Czech that slows the recovery of the ties. The Czech-Austrian interaction within the framework of euroregions play a significant role in the revival of relationships. Among the existing in the Czech Republic euroregions with the participation of Austria (Shumava, Pomoraví, Silva Nortica), only Silva Nortica completely based on bilateral Czech-Austrian cooperation for the sustainable development of border areas. The article examines causes and consequences of the Czech-Austrian ties destruction, as well as the process of their recovery using the case of the Euroregion Silva Nortica. In the paper, we showed the importance of non-economic factors in the development of cross-border cooperation. Despite significant progress in the economic relations between Austria and the Czech Republic, especially in trade and tourism, the interaction in the borderlands remains low. To enhance this interaction, the countries attempts to create new “points of attraction” by consolidation of public services, for example, fire department within the euroregions
3
Martinets, Yuliya A. "SOVIET-AUSTRIAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS AS A PROBLEM OF RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY". RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, n. 4 (2021): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-19-31.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article is devoted to the trade and economic relations between the USSR and the Austrian Republic, whose modern borders were drawn up only at the end of the Second World War. The author aims to give a brief overview of the main scientific results (dissertation studies, monographs, scientific articles) of domestic – Soviet and Russian – historians and economists. The article attempts to analyze the influence of the state ideology on the development of domestic Austrian studies and to trace the reflection of the ideological confrontation between the East and the West during the Cold War on the works devoted to the Soviet-Austrian relations. Analyzing the topics of key scientific works, the author identifies several large thematic layers in the study of the history of the modern Austrian Republic and its interaction with the USSR and the Russian Federation. Among them: the political life of Austria, its international interaction, the economic development of the Austrian Republic, as well as the Soviet-Austrian relations in the political sphere. Nevertheless, both in Soviet and Russian historiography, according to the author, there are still poorly studied areas – the least covered topic remains the trade and economic interaction of the modern Austrian Republic with the Soviet Union in the second half of the 20th century
4
Szewior, Krzysztof. "Scientific Research in Austrian Security Strategies and Research on Security and Defence". Przegląd Strategiczny, n. 15 (15 febbraio 2023): 415–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.24.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Official documents of the Austrian government indicate the growing dependence of the economy and society on technical infrastructure, which required continuous research. Austria has developed a national research program to promote its economy, technology and cooperation. It is also intended to support the Austrian defence and civilian economy as a coherent part of the EU’s research, technology and economic structures. This text is based in particular on primary literature, which includes documents of EU institutions, Austrian security and defence strategies, and statements of the Ministry of Defense. This publication attempts to answer the question of how Austria made an effort to integrate security and defence issues with the national research-technology-innovation system (Forschung-Technologie-Innovation, hereinafter FTI), with the specificity of the domestic industry dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises. This paper is based on the analysis of documents and scientific interpretation of key EU and Austrian positions. The research aims to analyze and understand the role of research in the concept of (national) security in Austria and to link it with the EU’s security and defence policy. Research and this publication verify the assumption that the security and strategic autonomy of the EU / Member States require integrated solutions (Europeanization process). Going beyond the soft impact toward hard instruments requires a knowledge-based development and synergies of coherent strategies, technologies and research. The EU saw the need for a structured promotion of research and innovation in the field of security and defence. Austria has been developing such research for several years, mainly at the national level and application. The steps taken by Austria demonstrate the will to operate in wider EU (infra) structures and to benefit from financial instruments while supporting and profiting from socio-economic processes.
5
Keller, Andrei. "“Act Quickly and Correctly, in the Austrian Way”: Delivering Compensation from Austria to the USSR, 1955—1963". ISTORIYA 13, n. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020439-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the delivery of Austrian compensation and oil to the USSR from the signing of the relevant treaty on 15 May 1955 to 1963. The article's aim is to analyse the formation of bilateral economic relations between the Soviet Union and Austria during the post-war socioeconomic and political transformations of European space. The course and mechanisms of compensation delivery are analysed, as is their meaning in Soviet and Austrian perceptions. It is concluded that the personal diplomacy of Austrian and Soviet politicians was important in the formation of friendly relations between the two countries, which came into being despite the stark confrontation between the blocs during the Cold War.
6
Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Partner na trudny czas. Obraz Austrii w świetle materiałów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej z lat 1980–1983". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n. 24/1 (29 aprile 2016): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this article is to show how the Fourth Department (Western Europe) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) assessed its relations with Austria in 1980–1983. This topic is analysed from the perspective of the existing research on Polish foreign policy and its relations with the West. The article mainly presents the Polish perspective of bilateral relations and efforts to restore good trade relations with Austria. Before martial law was introduced in the PRL, this neutral Western country had evidently favoured Polish affairs in the international arena. The contribution of Bruno Kreisky’s personal diplomacy to the development of trade relations with the PRL is also taken into account. There is a thesis that Austria was one of the first countries in the West which renewed diplomatic relations with the PRL after their having been frozen in December 1981. In the light of the existing studies, such measures were first taken in 1984 in the so-called fraternal countries and in 1985 in Western countries. Materials taken into account in this analysis have not yet been published, and come from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the Polish diplomatic documents from 1980–1983, Austria has the image of „a partner in difficult times”. Since 1970, the Austrian government under the leadership of Chancellor Bruno Kreisky was at first perceived exceptionally well in the PRL, compared to other Western countries. After the imposition of martial law, Vienna repeatedly confirmed its willingness to provide Poland with not just humanitarian, but also diplomatic and economic support, refraining from making negative comments on Polish authorities on the international forum. Kreisky avoided sharp statements against Polish authorities, fearing the possible escalation of the conflict. He was convinced that the shift in power was not possible at that time and in that area. He judged negatively Western economic sanctions for two reasons. As he claimed, they struck only the society and common people, having no impact on the decisions of Polish politicians; on the other hand, they threatened the interests of Austria, which was inclined to import Polish raw materials and repay the existing financial obligations. Shortly after the exchange of correspondence on the circumstances of the martial law, the Austrian side, through the Embassy in Vienna, offered to re-establish correct relations. They excluded the possibility of conducting official state visits until the lifting of martial law; however, in April 1983, the first working group meeting with Otto von Bauer, the Deputy Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Austria, was arranged in Vienna. This event was treated as an example to follow in the other diplomatic posts of the Fourth Department.
7
Mironov, V. V. "Mexico and Austria-Hungary: a difficult path to normalize relations". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, n. 1 (17 febbraio 2024): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-1-233-245.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Importance. The reasons for the restoration of interstate contacts between Mexico and Austria- Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century are analyzed and their evolution during the “porphyriate”, the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1917 and the World War I is traced.Materials and Methods. Based on a critical analysis of domestic and foreign research literature using historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods, the course of resolving the longstanding interstate conflict and the evolution of military-political and trade relations between Mexico and Austria-Hungary in the last third of the 19th century – 1918 are traced.Results and Discussion. The development of military-political and economic contacts between Mexico City and Vienna, interrupted after the execution of Maximilian Habsburg in 1867, took place after their resumption in 1901, despite the initial dissatisfaction expressed by the Hungarian parliamentary opposition with the infringement of national economic interests on a mutually beneficial basis. The reasons for this were both the internal needs of Mexico, which was in dire need of human resources, and the desire of the business circles of Austria-Hungary to join the struggle for the application of capital and markets overseas.Conclusion. During the revolution of 1910–1917, special attention was paid to Austria-Hungary’s increasing arms exports to Mexico, in the context of which Vienna considered the possibility of recognizing a particular political regime. The leadership of the Habsburg Monarchy also showed interest in Mexico as a possible base for its navy overseas. Austria-Hungary’s diplomacy in Mexico City during the World War I acted in line with Germany’s efforts to involve Mexico in a military conflict with the United States in order to prevent them from joining the Entente.
8
Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866". ISTORIYA 12, n. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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Vasil'ev, V. "Russia and Austria: Mutually Beneficial Cooperation and its Prospects". World Economy and International Relations, n. 10 (2014): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-28-36.
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The aim of this article is to explore political aspects of Russian–Austrian relations in the conditions of globalization and European integration, and the factors contributing to the advanced development of multidimensional interaction between Moscow and Vienna. The paper deals with approaches taken by the Government and the main parties in Austria to the policy in Russian direction; it also singles out the trends of the bilateral partnership widening. An important element consists in the analysis of image formation of contemporary Russia and Austria. For Austrians, the quality of Russia’s political setup and its socio-economic model is determined by the existence of a real multi-party system, competitiveness between parties in elections and objective summing up of voting returns, natural change of elites, efficiency of various sectors within economy, and the degree of effort aimed to combat corruption. Vienna is criticizing Moscow for actions, which, as seen by Austrian experts, are a violation of human rights and freedoms and constrict the opportunities for development of civil society in Russia. Analysis reveals that the political dialogue is a pragmatic foundation for diverse bilateral links. Stability and reliability of Russian–Austrian relations is confirmed by regular contacts at the top and high level, intensity of cross-sectoral consultations, building up of inter-parliamentary relations and strengthening of fruitful cooperation between regions and cities of the two countries. The trade and economic dimension of bilateral relations imply an incremental cooperation between Moscow and Vienna because Austria’s achievements in innovative, high-tech and other fields, on one hand, meet Russia’s needs in modernizing its national economy and, on the other hand, ensure the sales of Austrian export items in Russian markets as well as safeguard the continuous prosperity for citizens of the Alpine Republic. Cultural and scientific ties as a value factor in bilateral relations testify to the natural attraction of people in both countries and create favorable prerequisites for a dialogue on the issues of common European values. The Austrian experience is of major scientific and practical interest in many respects. Present-day theory and practice of Austria’s governmental and party construction point to the democratic opportunities of involving of various population sections in political competition, and a joint quest for a compromise between different regions, political forces and ethnic groups. The institution of social partnership seems useful. Rich experience of cooperation, high degree of confidence at the political level, long-lasting mutual likes between Russians and Austrians allow one to speak in terms of an unique creative potential of Moscow and Vienna that is successfully implemented in various spheres of socio-political life.
10
Pichler, Rupert. "Economic policy and development in Austrian Lombardy, 1815–1859". Modern Italy 6, n. 1 (maggio 2001): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940120045551.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
SummaryThe question of economic integration is not new in Europe. Historically, the birth and construction of nation-states was important in stimulating interest in the systematic relationships between political and economic integration. In the case of the multinational structure of the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century, the result was an economic policy that, for political reasons, aimed to unite the material interests of a state that was completely heterogeneous in other respects. Lombardy was a case in point. Traditionally the region had been in the economic vanguard in central Europe. When it again became part of Austria in 1815 it also became subject to the imperial policy of political integration. As a result its economic priorities were partially reformulated. On the one hand, Austria had a protectionist system aimed at autarky which made incentives to industrial production a priority. Lombardy's purely mercantilist outlook, on the other hand, was based around the production of a few highly specialized goods, most notably silk, for export. Conflict between economic interests in Lombardy was the inevitable result. Nevertheless, the imperial government had to take account of the fact that it was impossible to restrict Lombardy's international trade relations exclusively to the Austrian market. And the problems that beset any effort to tie the Lombard economy into a denser network of relationships with the Austrian market were not due to the political formation of the Italian nation because Northern Italy, and Lombardy in particular, continued to occupy an anomalous position within the context of the Italian economy.
11
Bogoliubova, Natalia. "Cultural relations of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Austria at the beginning of the 21st century". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, n. 3 (2022): 290–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.305.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present study is devoted to the analysis of the Russian-Austrian cultural relations in the beginning of the 21st century. In the article an attempt to identify and assess current trends and forms of cultural dialogue between Russia and Austria, the factors which influence bilateral cooperation, as well as to assess the prospects of cultural relations has been made on the basis of extensive source materials and research literature. Modern cultural relations between the two countries reflect the general trends and peculiarities of modern bilateral interaction, are characterized by diversity and depth. Bilateral cultural exchange involves not only capitals, major cities, but also the regions. Cultural cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Austria today is based on a solid legal framework, which is replenished with new documents on both the current programs of cultural exchange and strategic issues. A relevant trend of the modern cultural cooperation is institutionalization. This feature is reflected in the modern dialogue between Russia and Austria. Cultural centers, public and state organizations are successful actors of bilateral cooperation, they bring together a wide audience of participants and contribute to the development of cultural contacts on an ongoing basis. Particular attention in the article is paid to a new format of bilateral cultural cooperation between Russia and Austria — the cross-years of cultures, which have become traditional large-scale events of bilateral exchange. This format contributes to the regionalization of interaction and has an impact on economic, political dialogue and investment policy. The conclusions of the study allow identifying the potential of bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Austria and forecasting the possible prospects of the cultural dialogue. The chronological framework of this article is the beginning of the 21st to 2020.
12
Balabeikina, O., A. Dmitriev e E. Solodyankina. "Religious Institution as Part of Social and Economic Sphere". World Economy and International Relations 66, n. 9 (2022): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-119-129.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The subject of the article is the peculiarities of functioning of the structural components of the major religious institution, the identification and substantiation of the degree of its significance in the social and economic development of a country on the example of the Roman Catholic Church of Austria (RCCA). The aim of the work is a comprehensive characterization of manifestations of economic, social, culture-forming role of the leading religious organization at the national level, using the methods of processing statistical and empirical data adopted in economic and regional-confessional studies. It is shown that in Austria, since the beginning of the 21st century, there has been a sharp decline in the number of persons who remain members of the national Christian Church. The RCCA has an annual quantitative loss in the number of parishioners: 1–1.5% of their total number. Over a 10-year period (2009–2019), the proportion of Catholic adherents in Austria has fallen from 62.2 to 56%, according to calculations based on official reports. In this study, the territorial concentration coefficient for the parishes of the RCC was calculated and gave a relatively low value, indicating the accessibility of Catholic parishes to the population in various regions of Austria in terms of social and other activities organized on their premises. This indicator remains stable over time. The RCCA is currently represented in the country by a dense network of parishes (3014 as of 2019). The basis of the church-administrative territorial division at the regional level consists of two archdioceses and seven dioceses, the boundaries of which fully coincide with the federal states of Austria. This fact allows us to raise the question of the degree of influence of RCCA structures on the development of individual regions of the country, including through the implementation of socially significant activities, partially duplicating state functions that receive budgetary funding. The RCCA also has a traditional focus on social responsibility for Christian national churches in Europe, which is related to facilitating the adaptation of migrants. Activities contributing to this goal include German as a foreign language courses in individual parishes, temporary housing, employment assistance, etc. The model of development of the confessional space in Austria, where the leading role is played by the national RCC, has a number of distinctive characteristics that condition and confirm the high importance of the religious institution in the social and economic development of the state. The presented experience of Austria can be useful for the leadership of religious organizations in Russia, European and other countries, where the leading civilizational basis is the Christian religion.
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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s". Journal of Austrian-American History 6, n. 2 (ottobre 2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.6.2.0105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris treaties, even as they refused to ratify those actual treaties. This resolution formed the basis of the 1921 US treaties with Austria, Hungary, and Germany. The process of settling property claims dragged on until the end of the decade. The coverage in the New York Times reveals the importance of conflicts between the executive and legislative branches, partisanship and debates over the future of US foreign policy, US politicians’ focus on Germany rather than on the particular circumstances facing Austria, and a commitment to protecting private property rights as elements that shaped and prolonged the process of reaching a US-Austrian peace.
14
Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s". Journal of Austrian-American History 6, n. 2 (ottobre 2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.6.2.0105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris treaties, even as they refused to ratify those actual treaties. This resolution formed the basis of the 1921 US treaties with Austria, Hungary, and Germany. The process of settling property claims dragged on until the end of the decade. The coverage in the New York Times reveals the importance of conflicts between the executive and legislative branches, partisanship and debates over the future of US foreign policy, US politicians’ focus on Germany rather than on the particular circumstances facing Austria, and a commitment to protecting private property rights as elements that shaped and prolonged the process of reaching a US-Austrian peace.
15
Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Pierwsza wizyta Bruno Kreisky’ego w Polsce w dniach 1–3 marca 1960 roku w świetle dokumentów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n. 21 (26 aprile 2013): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2013.21.03.
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Following World War II, Polish-Austrian relations developed in a climate of mutual interest and political support. Despite finding themselves on opposite sides of the Iron Curtain during the Cold War era, the communist People’s Republic of Poland (PRP) and the Republic of Austria worked for bilateral recognition and opportunities for trading collaboration from 1945 onward. During the early phase of post-1945 Polish-Austrian relations, occasional state visits were made by the highest echelons. The first such event occurred from 1st to 3rd March 1960, when the then Austrian Foreign Minister, Bruno Kreisky, visited Warsaw. On the Polish side, preparations for the minister’s visit were made with extraordinary care. Among the circle of Western states, sui generis breakthroughs which would offer the chance of instigating the economic and political exchange so essential to a new people’s democracy were being sought. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archive holds materials giving detailed descriptions of the preparations for, and the course of, the first visit made to Poland by the highest of Austrian echelons. In a document entitled Points for the Talks, we read that the Polish government did not exclude the possibility of cooperation with Western states, including those which belonged to NATO, as well as of its desire to be appropriately prepared for that collaboration. In the minds of Polish diplomats, the Republic of Austria was to help in breaking the political isolation which afflicted the PRP.
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Boiko, Ihor. "HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY REGULATION IN GALICIA AS A PART OF AUSTRIA AND AUSTRO-HUNGARY (1772–1918)". Law Journal of Donbass 77, n. 4 (2021): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2021-77-4-23-29.
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The article analyzes the features of the legal regulation of intellectual property in Ukraine, in particular in the Ukrainian lands of Austria and Austria-Hungary (1772-1918). The author shows that the main source of legal regulation of civil relations, in particular intellectual property, in Galicia as part of Austria and Austria-Hungary (1772–1918) was the Austrian Civil Code of 1811. Property rights under the Austrian Civil Code of 1811 were the right of ownership, the right of possession, the right to pledge, and easements. The author highlights that things were divided into corporeal, disembodied, movable and immovable, used and unused, with price and without price. The bodily things were those perceived by the sense organs. Disembodied things included, first of all, property rights - the right to fish, hunt, and so on. It is shown that in the Austrian Empire for the first time the provisions on the legal regulation of intellectual property were provided for in the Civil Code of 1811 (Articles 1164‒1170). The author shows that the Austrian legal acts of 1846 for the first time regulated the free use of works, including the right of translation, citation. According to the law of 1846, the artist had to reserve the right of reproduction and exercise it for 2 years under the threat of losing his rights. It is emphasized that the presence of Western Ukrainian lands in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, in comparison with the previous period of the Commonwealth, contributed to the spiritual progress of the Ukrainian nation, intensified cultural and artistic processes in Ukrainian lands. The author reveals that an important and new normative act in the field of intellectual property regulation was the Austrian Copyright Act for works of literature, art and photography, adopted on December 26, 1895. Attention is focused on the fact that the development of industrial property rights was carried out under the influence of economic development, which in the western Ukrainian lands as part of Austria was slower than in the economically developed regions of Austria, and thus - Austria-Hungary. It is concluded that the development of legal regulation of intellectual property in Galicia as part of Austria and Austria-Hungary (1772-1918) formed a certain experience, which was characterized by the specification of objects, subjects, the definition of intellectual property, the consolidation of copyright and their defense in court.
17
Heinisch, Reinhard. "Coping with economic integration: Corporatist strategies in Germany and Austria in the 1990s". West European Politics 23, n. 3 (luglio 2000): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380008425384.
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Mikl-Horke, G. "Austrian economics and economic sociology: past relations and future possibilities for a socio-economic perspective". Socio-Economic Review 6, n. 2 (22 maggio 2007): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwm007.
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Garczewski, Krzysztof. "Miejsce i rola Federacji Rosyjskiej w austriackiej „polityce wschodniej”". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n. 26 (28 settembre 2018): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2018.26.01.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyses the attitude of the Republic of Austria towards the Russian Federation in the context of the contemporary ‘eastern policy’ pursued by this central European state. It focuses on events following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war in eastern Ukraine in 2014. In recent years, Vienna has tried to play the role of an intermediary in talks between Moscow and Kiev. Despite the confrontational attitude of Russia in eastern Europe, the Austrian government undertook a number of activities to further deepen relations with Russia, considering mainly economic issues. However, these actions have contributed to the weakening of the European Union’s common foreign and security policy. The article also draws attention to the positions of the main political parties towards Russia, primarily in the context of the elections to the National Council, which took place in October 2017. The author also indicates the controversial activities of members of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), who formed a government coalition at federal level with politicians from the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), which was also important in the context of the relationship between Vienna and Moscow. He shows the most important differences and similarities between the Austrian and German ‘eastern policies’.
20
Horčička, Václav. "Some Aspects of the Economic Relations between Austria-Hungary and the Unites States of America, 1914-1918". Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 16, n. 4 (1 agosto 2008): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.146.
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Lindvall, Johannes. "The Real but Limited Influence of Expert Ideas". World Politics 61, n. 4 (26 agosto 2009): 703–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109990104.
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A number of influential studies in political science argue that important economic policy changes in the rich democracies since the mid-1970s were caused by the introduction of new economic ideas. This article claims that while experts exert strong influence over the selection of policy instruments, their influence over the formulation of policy objectives is much weaker. In the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, the predominance of Keynesianism in Austria and Denmark did not lead Austrian and Danish governments to maintain low unemployment longer than Sweden, where Keynesianism was less strong. But it did lead them to regard fiscal policy as an instrument that can be used to control the level of activity in the economy, while their Swedish counterparts relied instead on exchange rate and monetary policy.
22
Rajnoha, Rastislav, Petra Lesníková e Jozef Vahančík. "Sustainable economic development: The relation between economic growth and quality of life in V4 and Austria". Economics & Sociology 14, n. 3 (settembre 2021): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2021/14-3/18.
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Horvath, Kenneth. "Policing the Borders of the 'Centaur State': Deportation, Detention, and Neoliberal Transformation Processes—The Case of Austria". Social Inclusion 2, n. 3 (17 settembre 2014): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i3.36.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Excessive policing of borders and mobilities is one of the key features of current migration regimes in the global North and West. Using Austria as example, this article examines some of the links between the recent development of deportation policies and broad societal transformations—namely neoliberal restructuring. The main argument is that the new model of policing borders and mobilities can be meaningfully characterised as neoliberal in three respects: (i) its structure corresponds to a neoliberal political rationality, (ii) it is functional for current politico-economic relations, and (iii) it is promoted by the very social relations it contributes to. The paper builds on recent studies of how deportation regimes structure labour relations, but moves the focus from the economic function to the form and formation of deportation policies. Concerning the form of regulation, a comparison of current legal frameworks with those of the Cold-War era unveils some crucial features of newly emergent border regimes. First, policing has been massively extended and intensified; second, the criteria for differentiating the vulnerability to policing have grown in number and complexity; third, it is more and more mobility itself that is being policed; and, finally, the punitive turn affects mainly the margins of current global mobility, while the top and center enjoy increased security of residence and mobility rights. Regarding the formation of these new deportation policies, this article uses salient shifts in political discourse as a starting point to illustrate the complexity and context-dependency of the political processes involved.
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Kupchik, Oleg. "States of Central Europe in Establishment of the Official Relations With Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920 s". European Historical Studies, n. 6 (2017): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.120-138.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Pre-Conditions of political negotiations of governments of the countries of Central Europe with government of Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of 1920th years have been investigated. The processof talks between the parties to negotiations have been examined. The maintenance of their international agreements has been analysed. The article reveals the prerequisites of the political negotiations between governments of Central Europe and Sovnarcom of the USSR in the early 1920s. The content of the international agreements reached have been analyzed. Although the «Previous trade agreement» (December 7, 1921) was signed between Austria and the SSR RSFSR, the deal has been inked by the Ukrainian representative M. Levitskyi. According to the «Temporary agreement» (June 6, 1922) with Czechoslovakia, the issue of the official recognition of the USSR hasn’t been placed on the agenda. The operation of a “Rappalo agreement” in the USSR barely had been prevented by the Ukrainian People’s Commissars’ claims to return 410 million Hetman Skoropadskyi gold marks owed by Germany. According to Article 2 «Agreement on the extension of the agreement’s Rappalo» (November 5, 1922), the mutual financial claims had to be resolved after further examination. The relations with Hungary have been confined to the repatriate agreements. The article analyzes the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany. The Central European states have focused on the economic provisions of the Treaty and feasibility of development of trade and economic relations. The SSR has emphasized its international legal recognition. Besides Budapest, the UPR Embassies in Vienna, Prague and Berlin have been closed. The estimations of the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany have been given.
25
Compston, Hugh. "Union participation in economic policy‐making in Austria, Switzerland, The Netherlands, Belgium and Ireland, 1970–1992". West European Politics 17, n. 1 (gennaio 1994): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389408425004.
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Milestad, Rebecka, e Sonja Hadatsch. "Growing out of the niche – can organic agriculture keep its promises? A study of two Austrian cases". American Journal of Alternative Agriculture 18, n. 3 (settembre 2003): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/ajaa200347.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe expansion of organic farming has taken off in the European Union and particularly in Austria, where 9% of farmland is certified organic. The main reasons for this development are subsidies and cooperation with supermarket chains. In Austria, many organic farms are located in the mountainous areas, while lowlands with arable cropping have fewer organic farms than the national average. Exploring two regions as case studies, this paper investigates whether the organic farming movement can keep its promises of environmental safety, economic viability and social justice. There is a high level of environmental concern among those who practice organic farming, but local differences are large. It is the individual farmer who determines whether environmental issues beyond the official organic regulations are considered. The economic situation for organic farms is positive due to the financial support from the government and cooperation with supermarket chains, but processing and marketing operations are still lacking for organic products. Regarding social justice, organic farming enjoys a high esteem among consumers, but relations and cooperation between organic and conventional farm sectors is poor. We conclude that it is crucial for the organic movement to focus on qualitative issues rather than quantitative expansion for further sound development of organic farming in Austria.
27
Yudanov, Y. "Austria and European Union: Confrontation". World Economy and International Relations, n. 2 (2001): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2001-2-82-91.
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Kozyakova, Nataliya S. "The accession of the Second Republic of Austria to the UN after the end of World War II (1955)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n. 193 (2021): 254–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-193-254-261.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
We examine the problems that occupied the main place in Austria’s foreign policy in the mid-1950s of 20th century and characterized its role in international relations during the specified period. The role of Austria in the international arena has increased the country’s entry into the path of neutrality. It also opened up wide opportunities for it to participate in the activities of vari-ous international organizations extensively. Using the method of source analysis, the active partic-ipation of Austria in the work of the UN is considered, its authority and support for the sufficient work of this organization, which allowed it to be elected for three years as a member of the main body of the UN – a member of the Economic and Social Council in 1963 and 1976, in 1973 and 1974 – a member of the UN security, and in 1972 it became a permanent member of the UN Security Council. According to Austria’s first statement to the Security Council, the country planned to provide the widest possible extent of its impartial services to the UN’s main political body, using the wide opportunities given to it by its independence and neutrality. Having analyzed the main directions and aspects of Austrian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, we conclude that, having adopted a justified course in foreign policy in 1955, based on permanent neutrality, the Second Austrian Republic further has provided the guarantee and basis of its independence.
29
Fajar Oktavianto. "IMPLIKASI AUKUS TERHADAP HUBUNGAN EKONOMI AUSTRALIA DAN TIONGKOK TAHUN 2021-2022". BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, n. 2 (3 ottobre 2023): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.
30
Ioannides, Stavros. "Austrian Economics, Socialism and Impure Forms of Economic Organisation". Review of Political Economy 12, n. 1 (gennaio 2000): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095382500106812.
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31
Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations". Leiden Journal of International Law 7, n. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
32
Kryuchkov, I. V., e A. A. Kudryavtsev. "The future of economic relations Russia and Bulgaria in the beginning of the XX century: the view of russian diplomats". History: facts and symbols, n. 1 (17 marzo 2024): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2024-38-1-135-142.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction. The article is devoted to the history of relations between Bulgaria and Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. The two states were interested in joint trade and economic development. This issue received a lot of attention in Russian periodicals. The press pointed out great benefits from the economic relations of the two states. Bulgaria at this time was a country with a rapidly developing economy. This state aroused the interest of many European powers. Diplomatic missions occupied the main place in assessing the possibilities of Russian penetration into Bulgaria. Materials and methods. The sources of the article are related to diplomatic materials from the beginning of the 20th century: reports of secretaries of the diplomatic agency in Sofia, reports of the vice-consul in Bulgaria, diaries and memoirs. The main focus is on assessing trading opportunities. When analyzing sources, the author used traditional methods of objectivity and a critical approach, taking into account the subjective nature of these materials. Results. Diplomats believed that Russian commercial and industrial circles, given the rapid development of the domestic market, showed little interest in Bulgaria. Russian entrepreneurs did not have a clear idea of the needs of the Bulgarian consumer, of the Bulgarian companies with which they could conduct trade operations, or of their creditworthiness. Unlike representatives of other countries, especially Austria-Hungary, Russian business made no efforts to develop trade with the Bulgarians. Russian entrepreneurs did not have their own traveling salesmen who traveled around Bulgaria studying the demand of the local population. Interest in Bulgaria was weak because Russian business was associated with domestic economic development. All this had a very negative impact on the development of bilateral trade. Conclusion. In the current conditions, it was not Russia, but Austria-Hungary that played the main role in the development of the Bulgarian economy. This also determined the political sympathies of the Bulgarian authorities. St. Petersburg understood this problem. However, political complications on the peninsula and the outbreak of the First World War did not allow this creative work to be completed, which could have led to a significant increase in the volume of economic relations between Russia and Bulgaria.
33
Lauber, Volkmar. "Changing priorities in Austrian economic policy". West European Politics 15, n. 1 (gennaio 1992): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424895.
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34
Van Demark, Christopher Max. "Sketch of a New World: US Occupation and the Politics of Childhood in Postwar Austria". Journal of Austrian-American History 6, n. 2 (ottobre 2022): 154–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.6.2.0154.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Between 1945 and 1955, US policymakers targeted Austrian children with a sweeping propaganda campaign intended to cultivate democratic, free-market sensibilities. Coordinated in the 1950s by the US Department of State’s Information Agency, US occupation authorities used subtle, Austrian-ized propaganda to develop educational and extracurricular programming at a moment of sociopolitical and economic transformation in postwar Austria. Responding to concerns about the moral degradation of children after Nazism and rising instances of youth delinquency, this campaign sought to address the ongoing youth problem by inscribing a set of behaviors—empathy, cooperation, and respect for others—that were amenable to the broader US democratizing mission in Central Europe. This paper examines a series of articles from Eine neue Welt für unsere Jugend (1953), a German-language anthology written by authors from both sides of the Atlantic. The text exposed Austrian young people to the richness of life in the United States by flaunting sociopolitical and cultural achievements that aligned with the aims of postwar reorientation initiatives, including articles on the Boy Scouts, transatlantic pen pal programs, and after-school clubs. By broaching these topics, US policymakers hoped to cultivate democratic sensibilities in Austrian youth—to build a new Austria supportive of Western-style liberalism. Works by prominent historians in the field, including Jaimey Fisher and Reinhold Wagnleitner, help frame this article that explores the transnational dynamics of democratic rehabilitation in miniature as US policymakers grappled with the aftermath of Nazism on the one hand and an escalating Cold War on the other.
35
Van Demark, Christopher Max. "Sketch of a New World: US Occupation and the Politics of Childhood in Postwar Austria". Journal of Austrian-American History 6, n. 2 (ottobre 2022): 154–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.6.2.0154.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Between 1945 and 1955, US policymakers targeted Austrian children with a sweeping propaganda campaign intended to cultivate democratic, free-market sensibilities. Coordinated in the 1950s by the US Department of State’s Information Agency, US occupation authorities used subtle, Austrian-ized propaganda to develop educational and extracurricular programming at a moment of sociopolitical and economic transformation in postwar Austria. Responding to concerns about the moral degradation of children after Nazism and rising instances of youth delinquency, this campaign sought to address the ongoing youth problem by inscribing a set of behaviors—empathy, cooperation, and respect for others—that were amenable to the broader US democratizing mission in Central Europe. This paper examines a series of articles from Eine neue Welt für unsere Jugend (1953), a German-language anthology written by authors from both sides of the Atlantic. The text exposed Austrian young people to the richness of life in the United States by flaunting sociopolitical and cultural achievements that aligned with the aims of postwar reorientation initiatives, including articles on the Boy Scouts, transatlantic pen pal programs, and after-school clubs. By broaching these topics, US policymakers hoped to cultivate democratic sensibilities in Austrian youth—to build a new Austria supportive of Western-style liberalism. Works by prominent historians in the field, including Jaimey Fisher and Reinhold Wagnleitner, help frame this article that explores the transnational dynamics of democratic rehabilitation in miniature as US policymakers grappled with the aftermath of Nazism on the one hand and an escalating Cold War on the other.
36
Stogov, Dmitrii I. "The Rusin agenda in the works of Russian Conservatives of the late 19th - early 20th century". Rusin, n. 67 (2022): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyses the statements of a number of right-wing conservative politicians, publicists, and thinkers concerning various aspects (socio-economic, political, religious, and cultural) of the life of the Rusinian population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Analyzing the socio-political life of the Austro-Hungarian Rusins, Conservatives drew attention to their difficult economic situation, criticized the Austro-Hungarian authorities and the Polish public and called for the development of possible ways to improve the situation. Russian Conservatives mostly focused on the spiritual and cultural life of the Rusins in Austria-Hungary and emphasised that, despite Uniatism imposed on them, the Rusins preserved a living Orthodox tradition. The author concludes that some Conservatives advocated the unity (primarily spiritual) of the Rusins, Little Russians and Great Russians, regardless of their citizenship to a particular state, be it Russia or Austria-Hungary. Obviously, the cornerstone in their reasoning was the idea of a once unified Russian people that existed in the days of Old Rus, but due to various circumstances but due to various circumstances fell apart into separate conglomerations on the territory of different states. However, before the outbreak of the First World War, the conservative camp conveyed two positions in relation to the “Rusin question”: the active support of the Rusins from the moderate-right and nationalists and the more restrained position of the extreme right, who did not want to aggravate relations with Austria-Hungary. With the outbreak of the war, the extreme right also began to actively support the Rusin movement.
37
Yudanov, Y. "Costs of Austrian “Economic Miracle”". World Economy and International Relations, n. 6 (2000): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2000-6-102-110.
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Strezhneva, M. "Modern Neutrality (Austria in the “European Concert”)". World Economy and International Relations, n. 12 (1992): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-1992-12-125-132.
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Lein, Richard. "The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem". europa ethnica 80, n. 1-2 (2023): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2023-12-21.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Richard Lein, The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem The question of border demarcation between Austria and Hungary after 1918 is mostly mentioned only in passing in the historiography on the Paris peace conference and on the European post-war order. This does not surprise since other territorial conflicts of the immediate post-war period in East-Central and Southeast Europe appeared too important for researchers to pay greater attention to the dispute over the West Hungarian territory. In fact, however, the Burgenland Question, later referred to as such, proved to be exceedingly conflictual from both the bilateral as well as the international perspective. Thus, Hungary’s refusal to cede the territory granted to Austria at the Paris peace conference not only strained bilateral relations between Vienna and Budapest. What is more, Hungary’s behaviour, which contradicted the provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, was a test for the entire system of the Paris Peace Treaties. The victorious powers of the First World War, attempting to keep the system intact, struggled visibly trying to find a peaceful solution for the Burgenland Question. However, the conflict was also shaped by the active intervention of Italy and Czechoslovakia. With their interferences, Rome and Prague were primarily pursuing the goal of gaining political and economic influence in Central Europe. In view of the diverging interests of the two powers in the region, this tended to fuel the conflict rather than resolving it. In the end, however, international mediation succeeded in brokering a compromise between Austria and Hungary in the Burgenland Question. This compromise represents the starting point for the good neighbourly relations between the two countries to this day.
40
Schmidthaler, Michael, Johannes Reichl e Friedrich Schneider. "Der volkswirtschaftliche Verlust durch Stromausfälle: Eine empirische Analyse für Haushalte, Unternehmen und den öffentlichen Sektor". Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, n. 4 (novembre 2012): 308–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00398.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis work discusses different methodological approaches for the economic evaluation of electricity supply security, quantifies the expected economic costs of power outages in Austria, and provides an interpretation of the results regarding the future challenges of sustaining the currently high levels of electricity supply security. By applying a macroeconomic simulation tool, which assesses the damages of power outages which can be defined for the period between one to 48 hours taking into account the day of the week and time of day, the value of supply security can be estimated precisely with high spatial and sectoral resolution. This is demonstrated exemplarily for a power outage scenario which is similar in scope, timing and duration to a historic even in Italy in 2003 affecting over 50 million people. Decision-makers in politics and businesses can use the analysis tool APOSTEL to conduct precise evaluations of the value of supply security, for cost-benefit analyses of supply security enhancing investments, of regulatory descions which affect the level of supply securty and for many more applications with regards to energy policy. Precise knowledge of the social and economic value of a secure supply of electricity becomes even more crucial considering that the average value of lost load for a one-hour power cut in Austria on a weekday morning in the summer is calculated at 17.1 € per kWh of electricity not supplied.
41
Chaloupek, Günther. "The Austrian parties and the economic crisis". West European Politics 8, n. 1 (gennaio 1985): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424514.
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42
Islamov, Damir R., Bulat G. Akhmetkarimov, Yakov Y. Grishin e Firdaus G. Vagapova. "The Russia and Turkey Factors in Hungary-Serbia Tandem’s Policies". Russia in Global Affairs 22, n. 1 (2024): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2024-22-1-130-150.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Hungary and Serbia’s relations with other countries are based on the “partnership of necessity” concept. Initially, these countries drew closer together in search of ways to resolve the common problem of illegal migration, but gradually they deepened their cooperation. Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine gave a new impetus to the intensification of relations between Hungary and Serbia as both states were unwilling to fully share the EU’s sanctions policy towards Russia. Serbia tried to maneuver while Hungary struggled to get exemptions for itself from EU sanctions regulations. Also, the Hungary-Serbia tandem built two unofficial trilateral mechanisms with Austria and Republika Srpska, which have their own claims against the EU. In their efforts to maintain partnership with Russia and Turkey, Budapest and Belgrade are driven by the desire to minimize energy, trade, and economic risks for themselves and sustain a flexible centrist foreign policy course.
43
Shweitzer, Vladimir. "Freedom Party of Austria: the Way to Power". Contemporary Europe 18, n. 2 (1 marzo 2018): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope22018105114.
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Milinkovic, Marija. "Serbia and Romania: The issue of salt supply and negotiations for a trade agreement in 1906". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n. 188 (2023): 517–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2388517m.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
?his article examines the process of concluding a trade agreement between Serbia and Romania in 1906 when the Tariff War between Austria-Hungary and Serbia began. Memoirs of a Serbian diplomat Mihailo G. Ristic, who served as a Minister in Bucharest between 1906 and 1914, significantly contributed to our understanding of the diplomatic relations between Serbia and Romania in this period. Furthermore, documents from the State Archives of Serbia helped us gain insight into economic issues. Given the fact that since the end of the 19th century Serbia imported 25,000 tons of salt from Romania per year, the pressure of the Austro-Hungarian government on Serbia to purchase salt from Hungary alarmed the Romanian government. Considering that the salt export for the Serbian market was relevant to the Romanian economy, this problem threatened to damage the good diplomatic relations between Serbia and Romania. However, although Romanian political circles and the Romanian Embassy in Belgrade viewed this issue as very important, the Romanian negotiators did not raise the matter of salt supply at the negotiations for a trade agreement in October 1906. Although Austria-Hungary tried to crush the Serbian economy with the Tariff War, it allowed Serbia to develop trade and find new markets for its products. By concluding a trade agreement with Romania in December 1906, Serbia secured the issue of transporting Serbian goods through Romanian ports and strengthened trade connections with its neighbor.
45
YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, n. 02 (aprile 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
46
Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area". International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, n. 1 (gennaio 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
47
Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina e S. V. Dadalko. "The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime". National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, n. 7 (16 luglio 2020): 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.
48
WIESER, T., e E. KITZMANTEL. "Austria and the European Community". JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 28, n. 4 (giugno 1990): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1990.tb00376.x.
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KAISER, WOLFRAM. "Austria in the European Union". JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 33, n. 3 (settembre 1995): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1995.tb00541.x.
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50
Zhang, Xuefei, e Zihan Wang. "Re-orienting China-Australia Relations in the Theoretical Perspective of Security Dilemma". SHS Web of Conferences 169 (2023): 01056. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202316901056.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
China and Australia have maintained good economic and trade relations in the 21st century. However, since 2018, the Australian government has re-oriented its attitude towards China and provoked Sino-Australia trade friction regardless of its economic interests. This thesis provides a new perspective to explain the deterioration of China-Australia relations from security dilemma theory. Australia views China as a political and economic threat due to the consideration of geopolitics and export dependency, thus adopting policies against China. Accordingly, after going through stages of suspicion and warning, China took action against Australia. Consequently, China and Australia sank deeper and deeper into a security dilemma. A systematic study of China-Australia relations helps explain the Australian government’s perverse moves and provides theoretical support for peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region.