Tesi: "East Timor"

1

Collins, Sean. "The ethnobotany of East Timor". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26879.

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The ethnobotany of East Timor was examined for the first time with emphasis being placed on documenting traditional knowledge of medicinal plants. The medicinal plant traditions of 3 distinct East Timorese cultures were studied and compared using both modern quantitative ethnobotanical methods but also with classical descriptive ethnobotanical techniques. A total of 116 medicinal plant species were identified. The medicinal plant traditions of the Laklei and Idate cultures of East Timor were compared using Trotter and Logan's (1986) quantitative 'informant consensus factor'. On average, informant consensus was greater in Laklei suggesting a medicinal plant tradition that is more well defined than in Idate, where informants are more likely to use the same medicinal plants when treating similar illnesses. Furthermore, only 11 of 86 medicinal plant species documented with these two cultures were used by both cultures of which only 6 had similar uses. The medicinal plant tradition of a third indigenous culture, the Fataluku people, was documented using classical descriptive ethnobotanical techniques. Over 70% of the Fataluku medicinal plants were different from those used by the Laklei or the Idate people. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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2

Guterres, Francisco da Costa, e n/a. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061108.163627.

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East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.

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3

Guterres, Francisco da Costa. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367921.

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Abstract (sommario):

East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
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4

Simões, Ana Rita Giraldes. "Convolvulaceae of the Island of Timor with special reference to East Timor". Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/750.

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Mestrado em Ecologia, Biodiversidade e Gestão de Ecossistemas
A seguinte dissertação de Mestrado apresenta uma revisão taxonómica detalhada e actualizada das Convolvulaceae de Timor, com especial referência para a parte oriental da ilha. Este trabalho teve por base um conjunto de fontes bibliográficas, espécimes de herbário e exemplares colhidos em duas expedições botânicas conduzidas apenas na parte oriental da ilha (2004/2005), sob o projecto “Contribuição para os recursos florísticos de Timor Leste”. Na totalidade, foram estudados 283 espécimes, abrangendo 15 géneros, 53 espécies e alguns taxa infraespecíficos, num total de 61 taxa diferentes, de entre os quais se destacam 6 taxa endémicos da ilha de Timor. É sugerida, neste estudo, uma nova espécie e que poderá igualmente ser um caso de endemismo. Dos 7 endemismos, apenas a possível nova espécie ocorre em Timor Leste. São, ainda, apresentados 3 novos registos de Convolvulaceae para Timor, assim como 10 actualizações de nomenclatura relativamente à Flora Malesiana. ABSTRACT: The following dissertation presents an updated and thorough taxonomic review of Convolvulaceae from Timor, with special reference to the eastern part of the island. It has been based on the study of bibliographic sources, herbarium specimens and specimens collected in two botanical expeditions to the eastern part of the island only (2004-2005), under the project “Contribution to flora resources management in East Timor”. Overall, 283 specimens were studied, comprising 15 genus, 53 species and a few other infraspecific taxa, in a total of 61 different taxa, among which 6 taxa are endemic to the island of Timor. A new species is suggested in this study, which might also be an endemism. Of the 7 suggested endemisms, only the possibly new species, still under study, occurs in East Timor. Also, 3 new records of Convolvulaceae to Timor are introduced in this study, as well as 10 nomenclatural updates in relation to Flora Malesiana.

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5

Saldanha, Joao Mariano de Sousa. "On the size of nations and economic growth : theory, evidence, and lessons for East Timor /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3026387.

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6

Nakagawa, Yoshito. "Deliberative peacebuilding in East Timor and Somaliland". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/deliberative-peacebuilding-in-east-timor-and-somaliland(86fa6d48-7993-4b91-b71e-bcc5ce630d92).html.

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This thesis is a theoretical and empirical inquiry into ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, seeking to explain the ‘failures’ and ‘successes’ of peacebuilding in East Timor and Somaliland. While warfare has increased globally since the end of the Cold War, the UN has made efforts to build peace (e.g. Boutros-Ghali 1992). While peacebuilding has become an internationally applied set of ideas and practices, one of the theoretical gaps is deliberation. This research thus conceptualises ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, and associates this with peacebuilding in the non-Western, post-colonial, and (post-)conflict context. This research identified East Timor and Somaliland as its case studies. Despite similarity in the ‘legitimation problem’ with vertical (state-society) and horizontal (‘modernity’-‘tradition’) inequalities/differences based upon cultural and historical backgrounds, East Timor and Somaliland undertook different approaches in a decade after the end of their civil wars. While East Timor accepted UN peace operations, Somaliland rejected them. Yet both experienced similar transitions to make political order between ‘failure’ (political de-legitimation/societal dissent) and ‘success’ (political legitimation/societal consent).Accordingly, this thesis poses two questions: 1) what caused the UN to have ‘failed’ (to prevent the ‘crisis’ from recurring in 2006) in East Timor, and 2) what caused East Timor and Somaliland to have experienced ‘equifinality’ (making similar progress along different paths) in building peace (in East Timor from 1999 to 2012 and in Somaliland from 1991 to 2005). Findings, among others, include different paths in transition: a ‘hybrid’ path with external intervention in East Timor and an ‘agonistic’ path without it in Somaliland. Asymmetry in power relations urged deliberative agencies to address the ‘legitimation problem’ differently.

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7

Pietsch, Samuel, e sam pietsch@gmail com. "Australia's military intervention in East Timor, 1999". The Australian National University. School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091214.122004.

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This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australias own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶ Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesias invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian governments control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesias political upheaval also raised the spectre of the Balkanisation of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an arc of instability that arose in this period.¶ Australias insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australias economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australias policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶ In addition, the intervention reinforced Australias standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶ This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australias support of Indonesias invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.

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8

Cook, Sarah Elaine. "Triassic sediments from East Kekneno, West Timor". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411449.

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9

LAMARCA, CLAUDIA. "THE AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS EAST TIMOR". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4246@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
A presente dissertação constitui um estudo da política externa australiana para o Timor Leste desde a invasão indonésia em 1975, até a intervenção internacional no território em 1999. O principal objetivo do trabalho é explicar como a política australiana para o Timor se modificou, de uma posição conivente com a invasão e o domínio indonésio durante mais de vinte anos, para uma postura de engajamento na discussão sobre o status futuro do território, que culmina com a participação do país na intervenção internacional, assumindo o papel de liderança da força multinacional.
This work constitutes a study of the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor, from the Indonesian invasion in 1975, to the international intervention in the territory in 1999. The main goal is to explain how the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor changed from a position that was conniving with the Indonesian invasion and rule for more than twenty yeras, to a stance of engagement in the debate on the future status of the territory. With that change, Australian eventually took participation in the international intervention and assumed the role of leader of the multinacional force.

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10

Correia, Damares Barbosa. "Roteiro da literatura de Timor-Leste em língua portuguesa". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8156/tde-23092013-120907/.

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A presente pesquisa tem como escopo reunir e comentar a Literatura de Timor-Leste em língua portuguesa, tendo como base seus principais representantes. Das lendas às narrativas de viagem, da poesia dos escritores politicamente engajados aos romances escritos na diáspora, o presente estudo procura identificar as principais questões que estiveram no horizonte dos timorenses em diferentes momentos de sua história, assim como delinear a imagem que o conjunto desses textos acabou por produzir de Timor na contemporaneidade.
This research has the objective to gather and review the literature of Timor-Leste in Portuguese, based on its main representatives. The legends to travel narratives, poetry politically engaged writers of the novels written in the diaspora, this study seeks to identify the key issues that were on the horizon of the East Timorese at different times in its history, as well as outline the image that all these texts eventually produced the Timor nowadays.

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11

Wise, Amanda Yvonne. "No longer in exile? : shifting experiences of home, homeland and identity for the East Timorese refugee diaspora in Australia in light of East Timor's independence /". View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20031117.142448/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Western Sydney, 2002.
A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, October 2002, Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 281-291).

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12

Newson, Paul. "East Timor : constructive commitment or multi-lateral appeasement /". Title page and introduction only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arn5586.pdf.

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13

Pycroft, Dave. "Separatism in Asia: Xinjiang, Aceh and East Timor". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26858319.

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14

Supit, Trina Joan. "The Rebuilding of the Education Sector in East Timor during the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) 1999-2002". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17644.

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This thesis examines the rebuilding of the education sector during the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) 1999-2002, after the deliberate destruction of infrastructure and records by the Indonesian army and East Timorese militias following the referendum in August 1999. A focus is the historical legacy and its impact on policy development and implementation, particularly in the areas of language and curriculum. The role and influence of international actors and their collaboration with the East Timorese form a key part of the study as well. The thesis analyses the interrelated issues that emerged regarding East Timorese education particularly the clash between East Timorese nationalism and Western neo-liberalism as principally applied through the World Bank. The research references the theoretical understanding of globalisation as it applies to education. The study draws on documentary evidence from the period and interviews with key players involved in decision-making during this time: Timorese education administrators and members of the UNTAET education division. Also discussed are the key policy constraints which confronted the East Timorese as they endeavoured to rebuild their education system after the departure of Indonesian teachers, tertiary staff and administrators. Terra nullius was how the first internationals arriving in Dili in 1999 described the country. This was the result of mass violence and destruction after the referendum results were announced and it became known that the close to 80 percent of Timorese had chosen independence rather than special autonomy within Indonesia. The East Timorese rapidly embarked on a recruitment of teachers for the “emergency” and then for the new school year in 2000/2001. The East Timorese administrators gained a wealth of skills and knowledge in this and other undertakings in which they had no former experience, but which they then applied to further recruitments and other policy implementation. As part of this educational rebuilding the thesis examines how the legacies of Portuguese and Indonesian education impacted the selection of textbooks, the re-introduction of the Portuguese language to East Timorese classrooms, teacher training and turf battles with the World Bank over policy control during the rehabilitation of school infrastructure. The thesis argues that it was the East Timorese education administrators under the leadership of Fr Filomeno Jacob who determined the direction of education policy in East Timor at this time.

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15

Chao, Chin-yung. "A microregional approach to the social dynamics in the late prehistoric Manatuto, East Timor, eleventh - eighteenth century /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6471.

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16

Costa, Carlos Germano Ferreira. "Inequality, poverty and governance: an agenda for East Timor". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2014. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=16011.

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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico
The theme of this thesis - "INEQUALITY, POVERTY AND GOVERNANCE: AN AGENDA FOR EAST TIMOR" - stems from an interest to assess the influence of key-actors - NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System - in policy development, in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts; in particular we search for solutions to deal with the problem of how to evaluate governance, policies and the development path in countries without reliable and structured data. This research animes to contribute to the debate on the influence of NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System on issues concerning governance, sustainable development and environment issues in developing countries that emerge from conflict featuring unconsolidated democracies; We analysed the case of East Timor, between 1999 and 2012, on issues related to social, gender and income inequality and a variety of global issues like climate change and poverty levels, based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The theoretical and methodological basis of this study was Melucci (1991). Notwithstanding this study is stakeholder-oriented based on inter- and transdisciplinary research, on multi-level and participatory governance theories and political philosophy, with focus on horizontal and environmental policy integration and processes as well as questions of legitimacy, accountability and sustainability based on the analysis of secondary sources (text, numbers, images, etc.) and collection of primary empirical data in the field, in 2012, for policy analysis in different contexts - a necessary step due to the fragility and often lack of reliable data and audited information. We analysed official documents and reports such key UN-resolutions, the Timor-Leste National Development Plan (NDP), the Millennium Development Goals Reports (MDGs), Human Development Reports (HDR), Evolution of the Human Development Index (HDI), scientific articles and several technical reports released by development agencies such as ABD, FAO, UNDP and others. We observed a huge discrepancy between rhetoric and practice concerning the key-actors participation as well as noticeable flaws in policy conduction at various levels. Transparency levels are incredibly low and it permeates all levels of the government. The impression one gets is that there was an interest in promoting the pacification process to enable foreign companies to extract oil at low risk, while issues related to governance, accountability and transparency were neglected. It is argued that such challenges were less a matter of rules and regulations then basic approaches, attitudes and power relations. It is possible that these key-actors, in general, did not succeed in find ways to change their approach during the years of stabilization; with little or no progress on issues related to human development, poverty and inequality reduction. Instead of fostering the development of a viable and autonomous civil society its results have demonstrated the depletion of a model of development that on one hand was efficient on the pacification process while on the other hand have failed in the promotion of opportunities, governance and sustainable development. Finally, we conclude that socioeconomic peculiarities and policies adopted in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts should not be seeing as specific procedural and institutional factors replicable from stabilized societies, it is necessary to draw up a better database and a set of analysis tools based on the peculiar conditions of developing countries emerging from different forms of conflict focusing on mechanisms that promote good governance, transparency and accountability. As final considerations, to support Timor-Lesteâs sustainable development policies, we point out the need to relativize the implementation of criteria considered necessary for good governance, establish a hierarchy over time and across priorities in development programs and projects, which must be guided by the specificities of particular contexts.
O tema desta tese - "Desigualdade, pobreza e governanÃa: uma agenda para Timor-Leste" - decorre do interesse em avaliar a influÃncia de atores-chave - ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas - no desenvolvimento de polÃticas, em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos graves; em particular, procurar soluÃÃes para lidar com o problema de como avaliar polÃticas de governanÃa, e trajetÃrias de desenvolvimento em paÃses sem base de dados confiÃveis e estruturados. Esta pesquisa buscou contribuir para o debate sobre a influÃncia das ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas sobre questÃes relacionadas a governanÃa, desenvolvimento sustentÃvel e questÃes ambientais em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos configurando democracias nÃo-consolidadas; Analisamos o caso de Timor-Leste entre 1999 e 2012 com relaÃÃo a questÃes socioeconÃmicas, desigualdade de gÃnero de renda e uma variedade de questÃes globais como mudanÃas climÃticas e nÃveis de pobreza, com base nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM). A base teÃrica e metodolÃgica deste estudo foi Melucci (1991). Entretanto, este estudo Ã "stakeholder-orientado", baseado em investigaÃÃo interdisciplinar e transdisciplinar, em multi-nÃvel com base em teorias de governanÃa participativa e filosofia polÃtica, com foco na integraÃÃo horizontal de processos de ordem polÃtica e ambiental, bem como questÃes de legitimidade, prestaÃÃo de contas e sustentabilidade com base na anÃlise de fontes secundÃrias (texto, nÃmeros, imagens, etc.) e de recolha de dados empÃricos primÃrias no campo em Timor-Leste, em 2012, para a anÃlise de polÃticas em diferentes contextos - um passo necessÃrio devido Ã fragilidade e muitas vezes a falta de dados confiÃveis e informaÃÃes auditadas. Foram analisados documentos oficiais e relatÃrios-chaves baseados em resoluÃÃes da ONU, o Plano de Timor-Leste Desenvolvimento Nacional (PDN), os RelatÃrios sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM), RelatÃrios de Desenvolvimento Humano (HDR), EvoluÃÃo do Ãndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH), artigos cientÃficos e vÃrios relatÃrios tÃcnicos divulgados por agÃncias de desenvolvimento, como a ABD, FAO, PNUD e outros. Foi observado uma enorme discrepÃncia entre a retÃrica e a prÃtica relativa Ã participaÃÃo atores-chave, bem como falhas visÃveis na conduÃÃo polÃtica em vÃrios nÃveis. Os nÃveis de transparÃncia sÃo reduzidos e, isso permeia todas as Ãreas do governo. A impressÃo que se tem Ã que houve interesse em promover o processo de pacificaÃÃo para permitir que as companhias estrangeiras pudessem extrair petrÃleo com baixo risco, enquanto que as questÃes relacionadas Ã governanÃa, Ã responsabilidade e Ã transparÃncia foram negligenciadas. Argumenta-se que esses desafios foram menos uma questÃo de regras e regulamentos do que abordagens bÃsicas, atitudes e relaÃÃes de poder. Ã possÃvel que estes atores-chave, em geral, nÃo tenham conseguido mudar suas abordagens durante os anos de estabilizaÃÃo, com rarefeito progresso em questÃes relacionadas com o desenvolvimento humano, e a reduÃÃo da pobreza e desigualdade. Ao invÃs de fomentar o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade civil viÃvel e autÃnoma, os resultados tÃm demonstrado o esgotamento de um modelo de desenvolvimento que, se por um lado eficiente na pacificaÃÃo falhou na promoÃÃo de oportunidades, governanÃa e desenvolvimento sustentÃvel. Por fim, concluÃmos que peculiaridades socioeconÃmicas e polÃticas adotadas em paÃses em desenvolvimento, que emergem de conflitos graves, nÃo devem ser vistas como fatores processuais e institucionais replicÃveis de sociedades estabilizadas, Ã necessÃrio elaborar uma melhor base de dados e um conjunto de ferramentas de anÃlise com base nas condiÃÃes peculiares dos paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de diferentes formas de conflito com foco em mecanismos que promovam a boa governanÃa, transparÃncia e prestaÃÃo de contas. Como consideraÃÃes finais, para apoiar polÃticas de desenvolvimento sustentÃvel em Timor-Leste e em paÃses similares, destacamos a necessidade de relativizar a implementaÃÃo de critÃrios considerados necessÃrios para a boa governanÃa, estabelecer uma hierarquia ao longo do tempo, em funÃÃo das prioridades, em programas e projetos de desenvolvimento, que devem ser guiados pelas especificidades de contextos particulares.

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17

Do, Carmo Da Silva Jose Lucas. "An objective approach to evaluate environmental management in the offshore oil industry in Timor Sea, East Timor". Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/3183.

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This research is undertaken as a new venture to explore potential environmental management approaches for the development of the oil industry in East Timor. Particular focus will be given to environmental legislations in order to assess the possible impacts and control of oil industry development in East Timor. The country has newly emerged in the past decade and is still heavily reliant on immediate development of oil resources in order to boost the country’s economic prospects. Environmental laws and regulation are, however, still in an embryonic stage. This research begins with a review of the Timor Sea environment, focusing on the natural resources of the region. This is followed by a review of the potential environmental impacts of the oil industry, as well as an assessment of the importance of Timor Sea habitats and the possible threats posed by the oil industry. Of course, oil industry development mostly takes place offshore therefore the second part of the study involved a pilot study to evaluate stakeholders’ views on the possible impacts of an oil refinery along the South Coast of Timor. Stakeholders were interviewed to gain insight into opinions on how the Timor Sea environment should be managed, and how a new country can raise the living standards of its people in equilibrium with the natural environment of the region. International and national environmental regulatory frameworks were reviewed, including numerous case studies from selected regions. Data collected from stakeholders was analysed, with multivariate and univariate statistical tests employed to assess the significance of differences in responses. Moreover SWOT analyses methods were employed to analyse different environmental frameworks and regulations discussed. The main discoveries of the study include: 1) Mangroves, shallow deep-water coral reefs, seagrass, intertidal shelter sediment and rock are of high value to the Timor Sea and South Coast. In terms of animal groups turtles, dugongs, cetaceans and seabirds are considered to be of high conservation importance, 2) As environmental data or information is limited secondary data was also sourced for this study, 3) Development of the oil industry poses possible threats to the marine environment in the Timor Sea region, although it is localised and transitory in nature, 4) Stakeholders suggested that development of the oil industry should go ahead, but environmental regulations should be in place, 5) Environmental regulations must be adequate and include essential legal components such as clear responsibility, flexible environmental permit system, as well as adequate sanctions for non-compliance and effective monitoring and enforcement processes. The bottom line conclusions of this study is that while economic development should go ahead, measures for environmental protection should also be in place.

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18

Nuttall, Ruth Elizabeth. "The Origins and Onset of the 2006 Crisis in Timor-Leste". Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117527.

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In the space of four weeks in April and May 2006, the newly independent country of Timor-Leste plunged from 'UN success story' into catastrophe. As hostilities grew, most of the inhabitants of the capital city fled their homes, and on 24 May, amidst armed conflict among police, army and irregular groups, Timor-Leste's leadership called in an international military intervention to restore the peace. Despite its gravity the crisis remains poorly understood both inside and outside the country, and many of its critical details have been lost to sight in the wake of subsequent events. The political nature of the crisis and the violence accompanying it exposed unresolved issues and deep divisions rooted in Timor's history. A returned Fretilin exile group under the leadership of Mari Alkatiri outmanoeuvred resistance hero Xanana Gusmão in the UN-managed political and constitutional processes leading to independence in 2002. After independence Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri pursued an autocratic style of government, favouring friends and excluding and persecuting opponents, built up paramilitary police forces and declared that Fretilin would rule for fifty years. By early 2006 Timor-Leste's first significant petroleum revenues had come on stream, its first parliamentary elections were due in 2007, and the UN mission (UNOTIL) was preparing to leave. Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri's appetite for power and authority, resisted by President Xanana Gusmão, made a confrontation of some kind inevitable. In early 2006 the political contest between Mari Alkatiri and Xanana Gusmão surfaced, over complaints of discrimination in the army. Over the following months, as tensions grew, the army fractured and the police force disintegrated. In May 2006 armed conflict among army, police, and irregular armed groups brought the country to the brink of civil war, halted only by the rapid deployment of Australian-led international forces on 25 May. Subsequent judicial investigations and prosecutions were pursued in dilatory fashion and left the impression that an understanding had been reached among the leadership to avoid mutual recrimination. The failure of the country's leadership to resolve pressing issues before the crisis, and their failure afterwards to account publicly for and to atone for what happened in 2006, sacrificed democratic and legal principle in the interest of political deal-making, and embedded undesirable precedents in Timor-Leste's political and judicial practice.

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19

Hunt, Janet, e janethunt@homemail com au. "Local NGOs in national development: The case of East Timor". RMIT University. School of Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20081202.155254.

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This thesis explores the roles and experiences of local East Timorese non-government organisations through the multiple transitions which accompanied East Timor's process of independence in the period 1999-2004. It explores how NGOs attempted to influence the changing environment in which they were operating, particularly in the development of the new nation. In doing so, it examines how the actual experience of these local NGOs relates to theories of civil society and NGOs in the various phases of transition to democracy, state and nation building and post-conflict peacebuilding. After reviewing literature relating to the role of civil society and NGOs in democratisation, development and peacebuilding, and identifying some key issues to explore, the study turns to the particular context of East Timor. It summarizes the colonial history, with a particular focus on governance, development and the emergence of civil society and NGOs in that territory, and the phases of the transition. It then focuses closely on six leading East Timorese NGOs, which between them reflect different organisational origins and sectoral interests and which were perceived to be playing significant roles within the NGO community. The case study chapters describe briefly the history of each NGO, then trace their stories over an approximately five year period. They explore how the visions, strategies, programs and organisational systems of these NGOs changed as the context changed. The case studies show how adaptive these NGOs were, how excluded some of them were by the huge influx of international players after the ballot, but how, in the absence of a legitimate government, they were included in various processes in a number of important ways during the UNTAET period. These studies also reveal some of the challenges the NGOs faced as the new government took over in May 2002. The study concludes by summarising the changing roles and capacities of the NGOs, highlighting the many roles which local NGOs played throughout the study period, and the way in which they met new demands placed upon them. It identifies capacities critical for these NGOs' survival and development, and identifies some strategies which the NGOs themselves identified as useful in helping them attain these. It also identifies some areas which they found challenging and where more capacity development may have been valuable. Finally the study reflects on the actual experiences of Timorese NGOs compared to theory and experiences elsewhere relating to democracy, development and peacebuilding. The findings, which emphasise the changing relationship of the new state to its citizens, suggest that the civil society and development practice, which has been strongly based on de Tocqueville's approach to civil society, is not particularly helpful in a post-conflict setting. Instead, an adapted Gramscian approach, viewing civil and political society as interrelated sites in which a struggle to embed non-violent means of apportioning power are being waged, could be of greater analytic and practical value.

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20

Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, e mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest". Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.

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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

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21

Sporton, Benjamin R. "Australian aid and the fostering of PNG and East Timor /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars764.pdf.

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22

Jackson, Edward Morley. "The role of East Timor in Australian-Indonesian bilateral relations /". Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arj124.pdf.

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23

Gordon, Susannah Hayden. "Foreign Policy Decisions:New Zealand Involvement in East Timor 2000-2002". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4187.

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This thesis sets out to examine how New Zealand foreign policy decisions were made with respect to the peacekeeping and peace support intervention in East Timor1 from 2000 to 2002. Examining this intervention requires an attention to theoretical models for explaining foreign policy decision making, an understanding of complex peace support operations and how they work and how the New Zealand government decision-making system operates in particular.

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24

Hughes, Caroline. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor". Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6272.

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Dependent Communities investigates the political situations in contemporary Cambodia and East Timor, where powerful international donors intervened following deadly civil conflicts. This comparative analysis critiques international policies that focus on rebuilding state institutions to accommodate the global market. In addition, it explores the dilemmas of politicians in Cambodia and East Timor who struggle to satisfy both wealthy foreign benefactors and constituents at home-groups whose interests frequently conflict.Hughes argues that the policies of Western aid organizations tend to stifle active political engagement by the citizens of countries that have been torn apart by war. The neoliberal ideology promulgated by United Nations administrations and other international NGOs advocates state sovereignty, but in fact "sovereignty" is too flimsy a foundation for effective modern democratic politics. The result is an oppressive peace that tends to rob survivors and former resistance fighters of their agency and aspirations for genuine postwar independence.In her study of these two cases, Hughes demonstrates that the clientelist strategies of Hun Sen, Cambodia's postwar leader, have created a shadow network of elites and their followers that has been comparatively effective in serving the country's villages, even though so often coercive and corrupt. East Timor's postwar leaders, on the other hand, have alienated voters by attempting to follow the guidelines of the donors closely and ignoring the immediate needs and voices of the people.Dependent Communities offers a searing analysis of contemporary international aid strategies based on the author's years of fieldwork in Cambodia and East Timor.

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25

Roque, Ricardo Nuno Afonso. "Colonialism, headhunting, and anthropology in East Timor, c. 1870-1930". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613113.

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26

Gomes, Christina Sibylle Marcial. "Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) characterization of human populations from East Timor". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/14139.

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Doutoramento em Biologia
Estudos anteriores do segmento hipervariável (HVS-1) do DNA mitocondrial (mtDNA) demonstraram que as ilhas no Sudeste Asiático tem uma história de migração complexa. No entanto, há uma falta de dados a respeito da região controle (RC) do mtDNA nem da sequência completa do genoma mitocondrial (mitogenoma) das populações de Timor-Leste. Neste sentido, no presente estudo analisaram-se sequências do mtDNA para descrever a composição estrutural materna da população do Timor-Leste e estudar a história da migração humana nesta região. Complementarmente, investigou-se também a relação entre a língua e a genética incluindo deste modo dados do Cromossoma Y (NRY). Na primeira fase deste estudo avaliou-se a aplicabilidade da tecnologia de sequenciação de nova geração (NGS) em chips semicondutores (Personal Genome Machine – PGM) e compararam-se os resultados com o método de Sanger (MS) para 42 amostras. Os resultados obtidos a partir do PGM indicaram alta concordância com o MS. Em relação à população de Timor-Leste, o DNA extraído de >300 amostras foi usado para gerar sequências da RC do mtDNA através do MS. Além disso, perfis inteiros do mitogenoma de 17 amostras foram gerados com a tecnologia NGS. Com base nas estimativas de idade e distribuição das linhagens do mtDNA P1 (e outras P e Q), foi possível detetar evidências de que: 1) A primeira migração para o sul de Sahul (Austrália atual) provavelmente ocorreu a >37000 anos atrás; 2) O Norte de Sahul (Nova Guiné de hoje) foi provavelmente povoado (mais cedo) a partir do mesmo grupo de fundadores; 3) Os aborígenes da Nova Guiné e da Austrália foram separados logo no início após a sua fixação nestas regiões, ocorrendo poucas trocas genéticas posteriores à sua separação; 4) Após um período de incubação, a migração reversa trouxe as linhagens P e Q da Nova Guiné para Timor-Leste; 5) A chegada das linhagens P e Q a Timor- Leste deve ter ocorrido a <28000 anos atrás. Na última parte deste estudo, as sequências do mtDNA e os dados do NRY de >550 amostras foram avaliadas e agrupadas de acordo com a linguística [Austronésia (AN) e não-Austronésia (NAN)] e com a origem (local de nascimento). Os dados genéticos e linguísticos de timorenses demonstraram dupla origem do Leste/Sudeste da Ásia e da Near Oceania, e uma elevada mistura genética (mais comum no sexo feminino do que no masculino) entre grupos linguísticos AN e NAN. Foi também apresentado neste estudo outro exemplo onde os dados genéticos e linguísticos não são coincidentes devido à mistura recíproca das mulheres e à mistura direcional dos homens. O presente estudo contribui com novos dados e amplia o nosso conhecimento a respeito da primeira migração e sobre a complexa história das migrações em Timor-Leste e nas regiões vizinhas.
Previous researches predominantly based on the first mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) hypervariable segment (HVS-1) have shown that Island Southeast Asia has a complex migration history. However, there is a lack of studies on the entire mtDNA control region (CR) and complete mitogenome data from East Timor’s population. Here, we used sequence data obtained from mtDNA to describe the maternal structural composition of East Timor’s population to study its migration history, and extended our analyses to investigate the relation between languages and genetics including Y-chromosomal data (NRY). Initially in this study we evaluated a Next-generation sequencing (NGS) approach on the Personal Genome Machine (PGM) in comparison to Sangertype sequencing (STS) for 42 samples. Results obtained from the PGM indicated high concordance with gold standard STS. Concerning East Timor’s population, DNA extracts from >300 samples were used to generate entire CR mtDNA sequences by STS. In addition, whole mitogenome profiles of 17 samples were sequenced with NGS. Based on the age estimates and distribution of P1, and further mtDNA lineages we suggest: 1) The first migration into southern Sahul (today’s Australia) is estimated to be >37 kya; 2) Northern Sahul (today’s New Guinea) was probably populated (earlier) from the same group of founders; 3) The aborigines of Australia and New Guinea were separated early, with little later genetic exchange; 4) A westwards (back) migration from New Guinea brought the P and Q lineages into East Timor’s region after an incubation period; 5) We estimated the arrival of P and Q lineages to be <28 kya. In the last part of our investigation, mtDNA and NRY of >550 samples were evaluated and grouped according to linguistic [Austronesian (AN) and non- Austronesian (NAN) languages] and origin (birthplaces). Genetic and linguistic data of Timorese demonstrated dual origin of East/Southeast Asia (E/SE Asian) and Near Oceania (NO), and high genetic admixture (more via women than men) between AN and NAN linguistic groups. We provide another example where genetic and linguistic data are not conform due to reciprocal female and directional male admixture. This work shed light on the first migration and on the complex migration history into East Timor and surrounding regions.

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27

Costa, José António Lourenço da. "Desenvolvimento e educação: contributo para uma estratégia de intervenção em Timor-Leste". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/23339.

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Esta dissertação pretende mostrar a natureza das linhas políticas públicas e ação governativa no processo de desenvolvimento educacional nos 15 anos de independência de Timor-Leste. O desenvolvimento e educação são os eixos fulcrais e indissociáveis para o progresso socioeconómico do país. Tendo como base Timor-Leste, o objeto de estudo, o desenvolvimento do país é absolutamente dependente do setor de educação e que desempenha a função determinante na formação dos seus cidadãos como percussor do desenvolvimento nacional. Assim, e partindo de um conjunto amplo de perspetivas e relevâncias teóricas e analíticas, e que facilitaram notoriamente a compreensão do trabalho elaborado orientando toda a investigação científica. O estudo opta por um desenho de investigação essencialmente de cariz qualitativo descritivo e explorativo, alicerçado numa análise interpretativa das fontes documentais e dos registos temáticos das entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas a 15 atores chaves no setor de educação, e na aplicação de grupos de discussão constituídos por agentes e protagonistas da ação que conhecem privilegiadamente a realidade estudada. O estudo corresponde a todas as regiões de Timor Leste, por no plano nacional a situação da educação das crianças e os jovens continuar a ser um problema de grande magnitude, pelas assimetrias regionais que se fazem sentir no país em particular entre zonas rurais e urbanas, e em que a dificuldade de acesso à educação torna-se uma incondicional debilidade que está a enfrentar na sociedade em geral, especificamente exclui os jovens enquanto categoria social dotada de qualificação e capacidade de intervenção ativa em prol do desenvolvimento do país. E por outro lado, existem os constrangimentos identificados nas linhas de política de educação, assim como a falta de determinação política no que concerne a uma ação governativa com efetivo investimento em recursos humanos, técnicos e financeiros. A par deste diagnóstico detalhado de Timor-Leste apresentam-se contributos para a definição de estratégias de intervenção no setor educativo como sustentáculo do desenvolvimento deste jovem país; Development and Education: contribution to an intervention strategy in East Timor (Timor-Leste) Abstract: This thesis intends to expose the nature of public policies and the governmental action in the educational development process throughout 15 years of independence in East Timor. The education and its development are the key axes for the socio-economic development in this country. East Timor development is absolutely dependent on the educational sector that has a vital role in its citizen’s preparation as a conductor of national development. Thus, starting from and based on a broad set of perspectives of referenced authors, along with theoretical and analytical studies, we have elaborated this scientific research. The study is constructed in an essentially descriptive and exploratory qualitative research design. It is based on an interpretative analysis of documentary sources and on thematic registers of semi-structured interviews carried out to 15 key actors in the education sector. It is also based on a group discussion application to the action agents and protagonists of the studied reality. This study focuses the children and young people education in all East Timor regions, that continues being a great magnitude problem, exposing the regional asymmetries that are felt in the country, in particular between rural and urban areas. Additionally, the access difficulty to education is becoming an unconditional weakness that is faced by society in general and specifically by young people that has been excluded as a social category, endowed with qualifications and active interventional capacity for the country development. On the other hand, there are constraints and impacts on the political strategies of education as well as a lack of political will in the government action respecting to investment in technical, financial and human resources. Together with this detailed East Timor diagnosis we present contributions for the definition of intervention strategies on the education sector as a support for the development of this young country.

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Vieira, Mariana Morais Correia. "East Timor and the importance of aid in an oil-producing country". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20227.

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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Este trabalho analisa comparativamente as fontes de financiamento externo vis-à-vis as receitas de petróleo e os fatores que podem influenciar a APD a Timor-Leste. A questão principal desta dissertação é a discussão do papel dessas fontes de financiamento e, em particular, a APD e petróleo como fontes confiáveis de forma a assegurar o futuro desenvolvimento económico e social de Timor-Leste.
This work will comparatively analyze the sources of external financing sources vis-à-vis the oil revenue and the factors that might influence East Timor's ODA. Thus, the main research question of this dissertation is to discuss the role of those financing sources and, particularly, ODA and oil as a reliable source in assuring the economic and social future development in East Timor.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

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29

Grainger, Alex. "Alternative forms of power in East Timor 1999-2009 : a historical perspective". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3496/.

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This thesis presents an alternative to prevailing understandings of politics in East Timor in the period 1999-2009. Employing the language of state-building, dominant views posit that the new nation’s ‘crisis’ in 2006 is attributable to a ‘weak state’, arguing that substantial constraints on ‘human development’, a legacy of either the Indonesian period or failures of UN state building, presented insurmountable challenges to ‘capacity building’ which hampered the development of a public administration and other arms of the state. A closely related body of analysis attributes the causes, passage and resolution of ‘crisis’ to actors from the political elite. In this view, intraelite conflict foreclosed the possibility of the crisis’s early resolution, and attributed crisis to bad ‘policy-making’. A second perspective posits that a crisis was the result not of a weak state, but of the disempowerment of a strong civil society, that through ‘networked governance’, a legacy of the resistance network against Indonesia, can be relied on to rule. This thesis suggests that the remarkable uniformity of these analyses can be explained by their having: a) largely overlooked pre-1999 politics; and b) used a liberal perspective in which both abstractions and technical solutions (rule of law, capacity building) are assumed to be able to ‘correct’ ‘problems’ leading to ‘crisis’. This thesis proposes an explanation for contemporary politics found not solely in crisis or peace, but in the past. The postcolonial state is examined through the lens of colonial power relations, in terms of the extent and limits of modern ‘bio-power’. Successive chapters examine health and hygiene, the inculcation of norms and dispositions, family and habitat, and monetization. These themes are related back to state formation across the 20th century, and moreover, to an evaluation of life and death, processes evident throughout the practices of contemporary politics, including being significant in the institution of the postcolonial state. A key site of this power across time has been ‘missionary power’, embedded and semi-autonomous from the colonial state, rather than the Catholic Church per se. The manifold limits of colonial bio-power are identified not only as being a result of the paucity of material resources of the state, therefore, but also colonial ambivalence over subjects, durable relations between (and divergent representations of) missionaries and indigenous authorities, and contradictions between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’, all of which are shown to play out in contemporary politics. Through this analysis, the thesis reveals an alternative interpretation of East Timor since 1999, and offers possibilities for considering politics in other postcolonial contexts.

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Michael, Heidi. "Drinking-water quality assessment and treatment in East Timor : case study : Tangkae /". Online version, 2006. http://www.ewb.org.au/resource/file/82_Drinking_Water_Quality_and_Treatment.pdf.

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Thesis--University of Western Australia, 2006.
"This thesis is presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Environmental Engineering, The University of Western Australia, 2006." "Engineering dissertation." Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-94). Also available electronically from the Engineers Without Borders website : http://www.ewb.org.au/main/ (Viewed 20/11/2009).

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31

Butler, Susan. "Using local narratives to understand the experience of trauma in East Timor". Thesis, Butler, Susan (2011) Using local narratives to understand the experience of trauma in East Timor. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2011. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/40782/.

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Background: The predominant Western view of trauma situates posttraumatic responses within a biomedical model of suffering with a particular focus on posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This model assumes posttraumatic reactions to contain core universal properties producing comparable results across populations exposed to similar traumatic events. Yet cross-cultural research has shown that the way people respond to traumatic events, as well as the way that illness and wellness is conceptualized, experienced and expressed, can differ considerably across cultures. Objective: This study sought to explore the particular ways in which the experience of trauma is subjectively encountered in East Timor through the narrative accounts of local people. Method: A qualitative approach was used and narrative interviews conducted with 15 Timorese community workers to obtain stories of suffering and recovery in relation to trauma. Transcripts were analysed according to the principles of Interpretative Phenomenological Analyses (IP A). Results: Analyses of accounts yielded four key themes: collective experience of trauma; effects of traumatic experiences; resistance and cultural resilience and comprehending loss and finding gain. Trauma was experienced from a collective standpoint and participants described detrimental effects of traumatic experiences on the body, mind and spirit. Traditional and religious beliefs in addition to social values were important in comprehending trauma and loss. Conclusions: Participants' collective and historical experience of trauma, shared values and spiritual beliefs shaped the way trauma was experienced. The role of protective cultural features such as collective identity, social support and ritual in posttraumatic adaption were highlighted. Findings are discussed in relation to theories of PTSD and cross-cultural literature and argue for a more culturally-considerate description of trauma in the context of East Timor. Keywords: culture, qualitative research, collective traumatisation, posttraumatic stress disorder, Timor Leste, values, embodied trauma

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32

Damaledo, Andrey Yushard. "Divided loyalties : displacement, belonging and citizenship among East Timorese in West Timor". Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151018.

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33

Yuliaty. "Energy requirement for maintenance and growth of Bali cattle in East Timor". Thesis, Curtin University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2469.

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Low productivity of cattle in East Timor is a consequence of poor management and lack of nutritional knowledge. The study aimed at determining the energy and water requirements for Bali cattle for maintenance and growth using locally available feed resources. Maintenance energy requirements were estimated to be 0.40 -0.42 MJ/kg W0.75. Water requirement was similar to other cattle breeds, being 11.0+ 1.37 L/d.

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34

Costa, Zacarias Florêncio da. "Capital social e desenvolvimento comunitário em Timor-Leste: o caso em Suco Biqueli, Atauro; Dili, Timor-Leste". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/28083.

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O estudo realizado analisa as lógicas do capital social no contexto do desenvolvimento comunitário do Suco Biqueli, Ataúro, Dili, Timor-Leste, procurando conhecer o seu papel na mediação dos processos participativos e de empowerment, e as implicações nos factores críticos de sucesso do desenvolvimento. A partir de uma abordagem bottom up do desenvolvimento sobre as dinâmicas da participação, empowerment, capital social e desenvolvimento comunitário, privilegiou-se uma investigação qualitativa através de um estudo de caso, tendo sido realizadas nove entrevistas semiestruturadas a informantes privilegiados, complementadas com a observação não participante em dois trabalhos de campo intensivos em Biqueli e a análise documental dos registos oficiais e planos de programas de desenvolvimento e relatórios de pesquisa. O tratamento e a análise dos dados basearam-se nos pressupostos da análise estrutural de conteúdo, complementada com o tratamento lexicométrico do corpus das entrevistas. Os principais resultados do estudo sugerem que o capital social é percebido como um recurso pelos atores sociais, representando um elemento gerador de impactos positivos no desenvolvimento comunitário, porque reforça a coesão social e a ação coletiva, e capacita os atores sociais na luta contra a miséria e a pobreza. Verificámos ainda que muitas das intervenções de desenvolvimento em Biqueli só existem porque se encontram associadas ao poder das lideranças locais e dos grupos comunitários, à racionalidade decisional das suas escolhas e à previsibilidade dos resultados esperados. Estes resultados demonstram igualmente a presença de certos limites da racionalidade e previsibilidade das ações implementadas, mostrando, por exemplo, que a intuição, o voluntarismo, o sentimento de solidariedade, a confiança e a honestidade têm um papel mais decisivo do que a “razão” na formulação de objetivos estratégicos de intervenção no desenvolvimento comunitário, na participação direta e no empowerment comunitário; Social Capital and Community Development in East Timor: the Case in Suco Biqueli, Atauro, Dili, East Timor Abstract: The research analyzes the logic of social capital in the context of community development in Suco Biqueli, Ataúro, Dili, East Timor, seeking to know its role in mediating participatory and empowerment processes, and the implications on critical success factors of development. Through a bottom up approach of development about the dynamics of participation, empowerment, social capital and community development, a qualitative research through a case study was favored and 9 semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants, complemented with non-participant observation in 2 intensive fieldwork in Biqueli and document analysis of research reports and governmental records about development programs and plans. Data treatment and analysis were based on structural content analysis assumptions, complemented by lexicometric treatment of the interview corpus. The main results of the study suggest that social capital is perceived as a resource by social actors, representing an element that generates positive impacts on community development because it reinforces social cohesion and collective action, and empowers social actors to fight against misery and poverty. We have also found that many of the development interventions in Biqueli exist only because they are associated with the power of locals leaders and community groups, the rationality of their choices and the predictability of expected outcomes. These results demonstrate the presence of certain limits of rationality and predictability of the implemented actions, showing, for example, that intuition, voluntarism, feelings of solidarity, trust and honesty play a more decisive role than “reason” to formulate strategic objectives for intervention in community development, direct participation and community empowerment.

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35

Henry, Iain. "Playing Second Fiddle – Australia’s Strategic Policy towards the East Timor Issue, 1998 - 1999". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117146.

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The deployment of an Australian-led peacekeeping force to East Timor in September 1999 was arguably the most significant strategic decision faced by an Australian government since the Second World War. The operation posed a grave risk of military conflict with Indonesia, strained the Australia-US relationship and redefined Asian perceptions of Australia. It is therefore important to examine how this scenario arose. Data obtained in thirteen interviews with key Australian decision-makers has revealed new information about Australia’s strategic policy throughout 1998-1999. Despite having advocated an internal political settlement that would have legitimised Indonesia’s incorporation of East Timor, Australia accepted Indonesia’s decision to conduct a self-determination ballot in East Timor as a fait accompli. From this point on Australia’s policy was largely reactive, working not to promote nor prevent independence but rather to ensure that the ballot was credible and accompanied by minimal violence. These efforts had to be delicately balanced against Australia’s primary strategic objectives – Indonesia’s democratic progress and the development of the bilateral relationship. Managing these conflicting objectives throughout 1999 was a significant challenge for Australia. Despite the severe violence that occurred after the ballot, Australia’s strategic policy was managed in an adroit manner that prioritised the most important objectives and avoided worst-case outcomes. Given Australia’s limited strategic options throughout 1998 and 1999, this is not an insignificant achievement.

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36

Situmeang, Vania. "Ume Kbubu: Household Granary and Food Security in Timor Tengah Selatan". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13295.

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Food security is a critical issue that has a prominent impact on human well-being, especially for the vulnerable population who has minimal resilience to the impact of food insecurities. Achieving food security is a continuous challenge that is faced by not only developing countries but also developed countries. Differences in political, economy and social structures contribute to the severity and magnitude of the impact on affected population. This thesis looks at the contribution of indigenous knowledge in achieving food security by analyzing the practices of ume kbubu, or "household granary,"in Timor Tengah Selatan located in Indonesia. This thesis examines the practice of using, filling, and maintaining granaries by analyzing the traditional and cultural values that support ume kbubu and how this practice can support local food security through adaptation and new uses by farmers' groups.

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Alcantara, Maressa Xavier. "Descrição fonética e fonológica da língua idaté do Timor Leste". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-11052015-171431/.

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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal realizar uma primeira descrição do sistema fonético e fonológico da língua idaté, falada no Timor Leste na cidade de Manatuto. Esta análise foi feita por meio de um levantamento de dados com falantes nativos residentes no Brasil e com as coletas realizadas em pesquisa de campo no Timor Leste. Primeiramente foi realizada uma transcrição dos sons da língua de acordo com o IPA (Alfabético Fonético Internacional) e foi elaborado um inventário do sistema fonético-articulatório. Depois da análise fonética foi realizada uma análise fonológica para descrever como o sistema de sons está organizado visando verificar quais são os sons distintivos, juntamente com seus traços, quais são os alofones, os processos fonológicos, uma descrição da estrutura silábica e considerações sobre os traços prosódicos. A língua idaté ainda não possui uma ortografia oficial e também quase não há estudos lingüísticos sobre ela. Sabe-se que o estudo aprofundado de uma língua possibilita o desenvolvimento das pesquisas linguísticas e também contribui para o fortalecimento da identidade cultural de um povo. Este fator ainda se torna mais importante em relação a línguas pouco estudadas e que ainda não possuem nenhum registro escrito, pois com o tempo, muitas delas podem ser extintas sem terem sido nem registradas.
The main goal of this dissertation is to give a first description of the phonetical and phonological system of the language Idaté, spoken in the city of Manatuto in East Timor. This analysis was made with data elicited from native speakers of Idaté living in Brasil and with the research in field work in East Timor. First a transcription of speech sounds of the language was given, using the IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet) and an inventory of the phonetic system of Idaté was made. After this phonetic analysis, a phonological analysis was made to describe how the system of sounds is organized, being aimed to check which are the distinct sounds, as well the features, the allophones, the phonological processes, a description of the syllabic structure and the prosodic characteristics in the language. Idaté does not have an official orthographic system yet and there are not many linguistic studies about this language. It is known that a deep study about a language allows the development of linguistic research and also helps to strengthen the cultural identity of the people. This factor is more important related to languages that have few studies about and that have not written records, since such languages may die without being previously analyzed.

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Fallon, Karla S. "Making noise : the transnational politics of Aceh and East Timor in the diaspora". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14845.

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This dissertation analyzes the transnational politics of two new or incipient diasporas, the Acehnese and East Timorese. It examines their political roles and activities in and across several countries in the West (Europe, North America, and Australia) as well as their impact on the “homeland” or country of origin, during and after armed conflict. It suggests that the importance of diaspora participation in conflict and conflict settlement is not solely or even primarily dependent on the material resources of the diaspora. Instead it is the ideational and political resources that may determine a diaspora’s ability to ensure its impact on the homeland, on the conflict, and its participation in the conflict settlement process. This study adopts a constructivist approach, process-tracing methods, and an analytical framework that combines insights from diaspora politics and theories on transnational advocacy networks (TANs). It concludes that the Aceh and East Timor cases support the proposition that diasporas are important and dynamic political actors, even when they are small, new, and weak. These cases also support the proposition that the political identities and goals of diasporas can be transformed over time as a diaspora is replenished with new members who have new or different ideas, as factions within diasporas gain power vis-à-vis others, and/or as the political partners available to the diaspora in the hostland and internationally change or broaden. The analysis of a diaspora’s relationship with a transnational advocacy network or networks (TAN) yields new insights into conflict settlement processes. Diasporans potentially learn from, contribute to, and benefit from TAN strategies and tactics. The TAN itself can help project the political influence of the diaspora. More significantly, the diaspora TAN relationship, in certain cases, can have a transformative effect on the diaspora, potentially moderating its views and positions, and thereby facilitating conflict settlement. Moreover, the moderating influence of the diaspora-TAN relationship may have implications for the post-conflict consolidation of democracy, human rights norms, and civil society.

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39

Soares, Victor da Conceição. "Perspetivas de utilização do potencial eólico em Timor-Leste". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/19423.

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A exigência energética global está mais orientada para a utilização das fontes de Energias Renováveis (FERs), comprometendo e garantindo um desenvolvimento sustentável. Este trabalho tem como objetivo contribuir para o atingir das metas do PED 2011-2030, no que refere à utilização das FER, em particular do potencial eólico em Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste tem apresentado um grande interesse na política de aproveitamento de FER para alcançar a meta de longo prazo de PED 2030, comprometendo-se com o desenvolvimento sustentável através de ERs. Este trabalho pretende contribuir em particular com o estudo do aproveitamento de energia eólica. Com base no clima do vento de longo termo entre 2004 – 2012, da estação meteorológica (EM) de Díli e conjugando estes com os dados da campanha experimental de Martifer cedidos, de Dezembro 2008 - Novembro 2009, obteve-se o coeficiente de variabilidade (Cvariab.) inter-anual. Foi assim possível construir o mapa médio do vento de longo termo, com modelo atmosférico de mesoscala, numa resolução refinada de 3×3 km. Para a identificação dos locais mais favoráveis do vento, foi utilizado o modelo ArcGIS para georreferenciação do recurso. A filtragem das restrições e os constrangimentos do terreno permitiu construir o mapa do vento sustentável de Timor-Leste, por distritos, subdistritos, sucos, do enclave de Oecússi e a ilha de Atauro, o que conduziu à hierarquização de cinco zonas favoráveis (zona 1 - 5). A contribuição para o plano energético de Timor-Leste consiste em duas fases: - a 1ª fase o aproveitamento eólico em três PEs nas zonas monitorizadas (3 e 5) oriundo de dados cedidos pela Martifer, contabilizou-se um total de 424.694 MWh de produção de energia anual, tendo-se verificado o custo normalizado de energia (LCOE) no valor médio calculado de 0,046 €/kWh; - na 2ª fase a construção de acesso e o desenvolvimento de PEs nas zonas 1, 2 e 4 para o Cenário de Max-Renovável. Assim sendo, viabilizam a "Perspetiva de Utilização da Energia Eólica" no quadro do PED 2011 - 2030 de Timor-Leste, que viria reduzir o custo de produção de energia atual, e a emissão de CO2; Abstract: Prospects of Using Wind Energy in Timor-Leste The demand for global energy is more focused on the use of Reneweable Energy sources (REs), ensuring and committing itself to sustainable development. This study was prompted by the wish to contribute to the achievement the goals of the Strategic Development Plan (PED 2011-2030) regarding the use of REs, particularly the wind energy in Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste has presented a great interest in the use of renewable energy sources policy to achieve the long term goal of the PED 2030, committing to a sustainable development through renewable energy. This thesis intends to contribute in particular with the study of the use of wind energy. Based on the long term wind climate between 2004 and 2012 of the Díli weather station and combining these data with the Martifer campaign experimental data of December 2008 - November 2009, the interannual variation coefficient (Cv) was obtained. Thus, it was possible to build the map of long term average wind with atmospheric mesoscale model in a refined resolution of 3×3 km. The ArcGIS model was used for the identification of the most favorable locations of the wind for its georeferencing. The constraining of filtering and the constraints of the terrain allowed to construe the sustainable wind map of Timor-Leste in distritos, subdistritos, sucos, and also of the enclave of Oecussi and Atauro island, which led to the ranking of five favorable areas (zone 1-5) for an immediate experimental campaign of wind characterization and utilization of this resource in wind parks. The contribution to Timor-Leste's energy plan consists of two phases: - the first phase of three wind farms in zone (3 and 5) from data provided by Martifer, a total of 424,694 MWh, and levelyzed cost of electricity (LCOE) in the calculated average value of 0.046 €/kWh; - in the second phase the construction of access and development of wind farms in zones 1, 2 and 4 for the Max-Renewable Scenario. As such, they make possible the "Perspective of Wind Energy Use" in Timor Leste’s PED 2011 - 2030, which would reduce current energy production costs and CO2 emissions.

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40

Munton, Alexander J., e alexmunton@hotmail com. "A study of the offshore petroleum negotiations between Australia, the U.N. and East Timor". The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080103.103318.

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In this thesis I investigate the process of international negotiation to resolve a serious dispute between Australia and East Timor over offshore oil and gas, which arose after East Timors transition to independence in 1999. The central aim is to uncover and analyse the dynamics of the negotiations, and to explain how outcomes were determined. The question of negotiated outcomes is of special significance given the extent to which East Timor was able to move Australia beyond its preferred outcome. In this case, the seemingly weaker party was able to overcome a more powerful bargaining opponent. My aim in writing this thesis is to explain why that was possible and how it was achieved.

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41

Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.

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Monteiro, Claudia. "Re-imagining the Empire : Portuguese media and politics and the coverage of East Timor". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30565.

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This thesis explores the impact of political discourses on the construction of the issue-culture of East Timor in Portugal, and analyses media representations of East Timor from 1975 up to 1999. The research looks specifically at the discourses and strategies of the state and those groups who challenged establishment views of the issue, namely NGOs campaigning for the territory and the Timorese resistance. On the basis of material gathered through media stories, political documents and interviews, the research argues that media coverage was driven by the political framing of East Timor; that challenge groups were more successful in defining the terms of coverage when they sought resonance with larger cultural themes; and that changing media practices impacted dramatically on the news narrative. It concludes that East Timor was legitimised once it was transformed into a domestic issue, and articulated with ideological versions of identity and history reminiscent of the Portuguese Empire.

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Belo, Teresa Freitas. "The relevance of microcredit and its impact om East Timor MSEs and proverty reduction". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/25451.

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Microcredit has an important role in the growth and productivity of the micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in East Timor, also on poverty reduction in other countries. The objective of this thesis, comprised of four essays, is to provide empirical evidence of the impact of microcredit on the growth and productivity of MSEs and poverty reduction of a selected set of specific factors. As microcredit is still a relevant issue of concern for some countries, due to their considerable role and functions for the growth and productivity of MSEs, the first paper performs an empirical analysis of MSEs data obtained with the application of a questionnaire in Dili, East Timor. The second paper examines the impact of microcredit on MSEs growth in Dili, East Timor, controlling for MSE age and size, micro saving and also for the firms' activity sector, firm’s investment type and the gender of the owner/manager of the firm, with 1-year data. The third paper examines the impact of microcredit on the productivity (measured by single factor productivity (SFP), total factor productivity (TFP) and labor productivity (LP)) of MSEs in East Timor, with 1-year data. Lastly, the fourth paper examines the impact of microcredit, job creation, inflation rates and education on poverty reduction, controlling for income and its distribution, in East Timor, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Philippines, Myanmar, Cambodia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Thailand, Nepal, and Srilanka, with data from 2007-2016. The results obtained suggest that: (i) the microcredit had a significant contribution on the growth and productivity of MSEs; (ii) the microcredit had positive impact on the growth of MSEs; (iii) the microcredit had a positive impact on MSEs productivity; and (iv) microcredit had a significant impact on the poverty reduction; Resumo: O microcrédito tem um papel importante no crescimento e produtividade das micro e pequenas empresas (MPEs), contribuíndo para a redução da pobreza em Timor-Leste tal como acontece em muitos outros países. O objetivo desta tese, composta por quatro artigos científicos, é fornecer evidências empíricas do impacto do microcrédito no crescimento e produtividade das MPEs e redução da pobreza, de um conjunto selecionado de factores específicos. Continuando o microcrédito a ser um fator relevante para alguns países devido ao seu papel e funções consideráveis no crescimento e produtividade das MPE, fizemos em primeiro lugar uma análise da evidência empírica do microcrédito nas MPE de Timor-Leste, com dados de 1 ano, obtidos com o recurso a um questionário. O segundo artigo analisa o impacto do microcrédito no crescimento das MPE em Díli, Timor-Leste, tendo em conta a idade e dimensão das MPE, a micro poupança e, também, o sector de actividade das empresas, o tipo de investimento das empresas e o género do proprietário/gestor da empresa, também com dados de 1 ano. O terceiro artigo examina o impacto do microcrédito na produtividade (medida pela produtividade de fator único (SFP), produtividade total dos fatores (TFP) e produtividade do trabalho (LP)) das MPEs em Timor-Leste, ainda com dados de 1 ano. Por último, o quarto artigo examina o impacto do microcrédito, criação de emprego, taxas de inflação, relação entre educação e redução da pobreza, contorlando a obtenção de rendimento e sua distribuição, em Timor-Leste, Bangladesh, Indonésia, Filipinas, Myanmar, Camboja, Paquistão, Malásia, Tailândia, Nepal e Srilanka, com dados para o período 2007-2016. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que: (i) o microcrédito teve uma contribuição significativa no crescimento e produtividade das MPE; (ii) o microcrédito teve impacto positivo no crescimento das MPE; (iii) o microcrédito teve um impacto positivo na produtividade das MPE; e (iv) o microcrédito teve um impacto significativo na redução da pobreza.

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44

Munton, Alexander J. "A study of the offshore petroleum negotiations between Australia, the U.N. and East Timor /". View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2006. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20080103.103318/index.html.

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45

Weldemichael, Awet Tewelde. "The Eritrean and East Timorese liberation movements toward a comparative study of their grand strategies /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1610045481&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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46

Nobre, Clarissa Diniz DiÃgenes. "Timorenses na Universidade da IntegraÃÃo Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (UNILAB): encontros e desencontros de uma experiÃncia". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2015. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=17635.

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nÃo hÃ
O presente trabalho faz um estudo sobre o processo de integraÃÃo dos estudantes timorenses na Universidade da IntegraÃÃo Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (Unilab), a partir da anÃlise da relaÃÃo entre eles e a administraÃÃo superior da instituiÃÃo. Foi observado que, alÃm das dificuldades e desafios prÃprios de qualquer vivÃncia em um novo paÃs, o grupo teve de lidar com problemas burocrÃticos advindos da dificuldade de consenso entre ambas as partes quanto a execuÃÃo do acordo de cooperaÃÃo entre a universidade e o governo timorense. Esse conflito Ã importante para compreender como ocorre o processo de acolhimento e permanÃncia desses estudantes na instituiÃÃo e a continuidade das relaÃÃes entre a Unilab e o governo de Timor-Leste. AtravÃs da pesquisa de campo, foi possÃvel perceber a forÃa deste grupo, que mesmo em um ambiente onde o componente africano Ã privilegiado, pÃs em xeque o pensamento institucional e as fragilidades da universidade em relaÃÃo ao atendimento das demandas dos alunos estrangeiros, no caso os timorenses, e Ã manutenÃÃo de acordos internacionais. No decorrer deste trabalho, alÃm da anÃlise do processo de integraÃÃo a partir do vÃnculo entre os timorenses e a administraÃÃo superior, observamos como estes alunos estÃo inseridos nas prÃticas da vida acadÃmica, em que apesar das diferenÃas, sendo a questÃo econÃmica uma delas, convivem e interagem espontaneamente com os demais discentes da instituiÃÃo.
This essay analyses the integration process of students coming from East Timor to study at the University of International Integration of the Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (Unilab), from the perspective of the relationship between these students and the administrative and educational head of the university. It was verified that, besides the difficulties and challenges of any experience in a new country, this group had to deal with bureaucratic problems arising from the lack of consensus between the two parties regarding the implementation of the cooperation agreement between the university and the Timorese government. It is important to highlight this conflict to understand how the process of admission and residence of those students happens in the Institution; getting to understand also the continuity of relations between the Unilab and the Timor-Leste government. Through field research, it was possible to realize the strength of this group, that even in an environment where the African component is privileged, put into evidence the institutional thinking and the weaknesses of the university in relation to: a) meeting the demands of foreign students (in this case of the East Timor students); and b)the maintenance of international agreements. Throughout this work, besides the analysis of the integration process from the perspective of the relationship between East Timorese students and the administrative and educational head of the university; we observed how these students are involved in the academic life, that despite the differences, and the economic issue is just one of them, live together and interact spontaneously with other students of the institution.

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47

NOBRE, Clarissa Diniz Diógenes. "Timorenses na Universidade da Integração Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (UNILAB): encontros e desencontros de uma experiência". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2015. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/19671.

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NOBRE, Clarissa Diniz Diógenes. Timorenses na Universidade da Integração Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (UNILAB): encontros e desencontros de uma experiência. 2015. 94f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2015.
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This essay analyses the integration process of students coming from East Timor to study at the University of International Integration of the Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (Unilab), from the perspective of the relationship between these students and the administrative and educational head of the university. It was verified that, besides the difficulties and challenges of any experience in a new country, this group had to deal with bureaucratic problems arising from the lack of consensus between the two parties regarding the implementation of the cooperation agreement between the university and the Timorese government. It is important to highlight this conflict to understand how the process of admission and residence of those students happens in the Institution; getting to understand also the continuity of relations between the Unilab and the Timor-Leste government. Through field research, it was possible to realize the strength of this group, that even in an environment where the African component is privileged, put into evidence the institutional thinking and the weaknesses of the university in relation to: a) meeting the demands of foreign students (in this case of the East Timor students); and b)the maintenance of international agreements. Throughout this work, besides the analysis of the integration process from the perspective of the relationship between East Timorese students and the administrative and educational head of the university; we observed how these students are involved in the academic life, that despite the differences, and the economic issue is just one of them, live together and interact spontaneously with other students of the institution.
O presente trabalho faz um estudo sobre o processo de integração dos estudantes timorenses na Universidade da Integração Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (Unilab), a partir da análise da relação entre eles e a administração superior da instituição. Foi observado que, além das dificuldades e desafios próprios de qualquer vivência em um novo país, o grupo teve de lidar com problemas burocráticos advindos da dificuldade de consenso entre ambas as partes quanto a execução do acordo de cooperação entre a universidade e o governo timorense. Esse conflito é importante para compreender como ocorre o processo de acolhimento e permanência desses estudantes na instituição e a continuidade das relações entre a Unilab e o governo de Timor-Leste. Através da pesquisa de campo, foi possível perceber a força deste grupo, que mesmo em um ambiente onde o componente africano é privilegiado, pôs em xeque o pensamento institucional e as fragilidades da universidade em relação ao atendimento das demandas dos alunos estrangeiros, no caso os timorenses, e à manutenção de acordos internacionais. No decorrer deste trabalho, além da análise do processo de integração a partir do vínculo entre os timorenses e a administração superior, observamos como estes alunos estão inseridos nas práticas da vida acadêmica, em que apesar das diferenças, sendo a questão econômica uma delas, convivem e interagem espontaneamente com os demais discentes da instituição.

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48

Watson, Bruce James. "‘The fig leaf of self-determination’: the triumph of realism in Australia’s response to the 1975 East Timor Crisis". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22118.

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Indonesia’s 1975 invasion of Portuguese Timor was more than an authoritarian state violating a defenceless neighbour’s sovereignty. The Timor Crisis involved the convergence of major post-war forces: decolonisation of European empires, the Cold War, and the United States’ recalibration of its South East Asian role. This thesis examines the Crisis afresh from a range of perspectives and multi-archival sources. Hitherto, activists have dominated, bringing to attention Indonesia’s malefactions and holding to account those in the West who abetted Indonesia in this tragedy. Why did liberal Australia look away, and even be culpably involved in Indonesia’s invasion of Timor? This thesis argues that in addition to these larger global factors, Australia’s security and new policy of Asian engagement were paramount. Following the European powers failure to protect Australia during the Second World War, and departure from the region, Australia had to relate to its neighbours in a new way. The Timor Crisis was contextualised by Australia’s turbulent relationship with Indonesia, at times supporting Indonesian independence, to opposing it over West New Guinea, and in Confrontation, facing off militarily. With Sukarno deposed, Australia no longer perceived Indonesia a threat. Following Whitlam’s 1972 election, Australia accelerated Asian engagement, seeking acceptance as an independent member of the region. As the Carnation Revolution delivered Portugal’s African colonies to Marxists, Indonesia was determined to deny a communist outpost within its archipelago. Australia’s new policy was now tested: adhere to the norm of self-determination, or pursue engagement with Indonesia, with the social and political differences of both nations on stark display. This thesis shows that Australia’s liberal ideals are abstractions, abandoned in the face of realpolitik, clearly demonstrated in the witches’ brew of the global geopolitical elements that combined to generate the Timor Crisis.

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49

Pereira, Martinho. "Os partidos políticos na democracia representativa em Timor-Leste". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/31346.

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A emergência da democracia em Timor-Leste é um processo ainda recente, apresenta um sistema político multipartidário em que o número de partidos políticos registados já é de 35 partidos e com tendência a crescer em cada período eleitoral. Geograficamente é um pequeno país, com uma área de 14.954,44 km2, e com uma população que é inferior a 1,261 milhões de pessoas, e é também considerado muito heterogéneo em termos sociais, económicos e culturais, atributos que importam realçar em função da clivagem dos partidos políticos. Face a esta especificidade, justifica-se o objetivo de aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a dinâmica dos partidos políticos e participação dos cidadãos com vista a contribuir para uma maior compreensão sobre o processo de consolidação da democracia em Timor-Leste. Para o efeito, aplica-se uma metodologia mista, predominantemente qualitativa, assente numa intensa pesquisa documental e complementada com informação provocada em resposta aos objetivos traçados. O estudo desenvolveu-se o com recurso a dados recolhidos através de entrevistas, com 14 representantes de líderes dos partidos, documentos oficiais dos partidos (estatutos e manuais políticos) e estatísticas publicadas pela Comissão Nacional de Eleições sobre a participação política e dinâmica evolutiva dos partidos políticos em Timor-Leste. Complementarmente são analisadas entrevistas e debates públicos dos líderes políticos divulgados na Radio Televisão Timor Leste- empresa pública (RTTL-ep) no decorrer do último período eleitoral. Os principais resultados do estudo evidenciam que o povo timorense demostra a vontade de presença da democracia, assente num espírito de liberdade política e humanismo que fomenta a motivação dos cidadãos em formar partidos políticos. Estes são um meio institucional para a consolidação da democracia, com vista a prevenir a hegemonia política partidária, promovendo igualdade e participação política no desenvolvimento nacional baseado na identidade cultural. De fato, a representação política partidária no Parlamento Nacional, maioritariamente de ideologia socialista e tendência para um socialismo moderado, evidencia a modalidade política de clientelismo do tipo de partido elite- based;POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN EAST TIMOR. ABSTRACT: The emergence of democracy in Timor-Leste is still a recent process, it presents a multi party-political system in which the number of registered political parties is already 35 parties and with a tendency to grow in each electoral period. Geographically, it is a small country, with an area of 14,954.44 km2, and a population that is less than 1.261 million people, and also considered very heterogeneous in social, economic and cultural terms, attributes that are important to highlight due to the cleavage of the political parties. Given this specificity, the objective of deepening knowledge about the dynamics of political parties and citizen participation is justified, with a view to contributing to a greater understanding of the process of consolidating democracy in Timor-Leste. For this purpose, a mixed methodology is applied, predominantly qualitative, based on intense documental research and complemented with information generated in response to the outlined objectives. The study was published using data collected through declarations, with 14 representatives of party leaders, official documents of the parties (statutes and political manuals) and statistics published by the National Election Commission on political participation and evolutionary dynamics of the parties’ politicians in Timor-Leste. In addition, related issues and public debates of political leaders published on Radio Televisão Timor-Leste – empresa pública (Rttl-ep) during the last electoral period are analyzed. The main result of the study shows that the Timorese people demonstrate the will for the presence of democracy, based on a spirit of political freedom and humanism that fosters the motivation of citizens to form political parties. These are an institutional means for the consolidation of democracy, with a view to preventing party political hegemony, promoting political participation and participation in national development based on cultural identity. In fact, the party politics in the National Parliament, mostly of socialist ideology and tendency towards a moderate socialism, evidences the political modality of clientelism of the elite party type.

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Barreto, Agostinha. "Conservação de Sândalo (Santalum album L.) em Timor Leste: estudo de caso". Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/21155.

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Santalum album L., o sândalo, é uma espécie de árvores tropicais, naturalmente distribuídas pela Índia, China, Indonésia, Timor-Leste e Filipinas. A sua madeira, com diversas utilizações (artesanato, cosmética, medicina tradicional e rituais de culto) e o óleo essencial que dela se extrai têm elevado valor comercial. Devido à exploração excessiva e ao abate ilegal, as populações naturais de sândalo entraram em declínio e a espécie encontra-se listada pela IUCN na categoria de Vulnerável. Em Timor-Leste, região de habitat natural para o sândalo, a exploração excessiva e prolongada teve um impacto particularmente acentuado. Sendo esta uma espécie com grande potencial para se tornar uma importante fonte económica para o país e para o desenvolvimento e bem-estar da população, é urgente tomar medidas para a sua preservação. Com este estudo pretende-se compilar e sintetizar informação sobre o sândalo em Timor Leste e contribuir para a promoção da sua conservação e gestão sustentável; Abstract: Conservation of Sandalwood (Santalum album L.) in East Timor – a case study Santalum album L., sandalwood, is a species of tropical trees, naturally distributed by India, China, Indonesia, East Timor and the Philippines. Its wood, which has many uses (handicrafts, cosmetics, traditional medicine and religious rituals) and its essential oil have a high commercial value. Due to over-exploitation and illegal cutting, natural populations of sandalwood have declined and the species is listed by the IUCN in the Vulnerable category. In East Timor, a region of natural habitat for sandalwood, excessive and prolonged exploitation has had a particularly pronounced impact. Being a species with great potential to become an important economic source for the country and for the development and well-being of Timorese society, it is urgent to take measures for its preservation. The aim of this study is to compile and synthesize information on sandalwood in East Timor and contribute to promote its conservation and sustainable management.

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