Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League"
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Consulta la lista di attuali articoli, libri, tesi, atti di convegni e altre fonti scientifiche attinenti al tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Articoli di riviste sul tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League"
1
HOSSAIN, MUHAMMAD BELAL. "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: His Life and Contributions to the Independence Movement". Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, n. 26 (14 giugno 2024): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.67.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the main architect of the state of Bangladesh. He was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920. He dedicated his valuable time of his life for independence of Bangladesh. He started his political life when he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School in 1939. In 1940 Sheikh Mujib joined All India Muslim Students Federation and elected as a counselor for one year. Bangabandhu was involved actively in struggle for Pakistan state in 1942 when he was studying at Kolkata Islamic Collage. He played significant role in protecting Muslim community during the violence between Hindu and Muslim after separation of India and the birth of Pakistan in 1947. Bangabandhu established "East Pakistan Muslim Student League" on 4th January 1948 when he was studying at the University of Dhaka and he proposed All party State Language movement Council. He played a key role in 1952 from the central jail when he was a prisoner and he demanded recognition of Bangla as the state language of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami Muslim League at its council on 9th July 1953. Bangabandhu won in the first General Election of East Bengal Legislative Assembly held on 10 March from Gopalganj. Bangabandhu took charge of the ministry of Agriculture and Forests on 15th March. He proposed historical six-point Charter of demand at a national convention of the opposition parties at Lahore on 5th February 1966. On 1st March 1966 Bangabandhu was elected the president of Awami League. On 23 February 1969 the central Student Action Council arranged a meeting at the Racecourse and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was publicly honored as "Bangabandhu" at this meeting of one million people. On 5th December, Bangabandhu declared East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. His historical speech on 07 March 1971 was a clear declaration of independence.
2
Dr Md Nasir Uddin. "Bangabandhu and Islamic Values: Manifestations and Effects". Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, n. 26 (14 giugno 2024): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.69.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bangabandhu (1920-1795) Seikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the nation, was born on 17 March 1920, in the village of Tungipara of patagati union under the Gopalganj district. His parents used to affectionately call him ‘Khoka’. He spent his childhood in Tungipara. Seikh Mujib married Seikh Fazilatunnesa at the age of 18. In 1940, he joined “All India Muslim Students Federation”. Before that in 1938, he was introduced with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy while he came to visit the Gopalganj Missionary school. After the partition of India, he founded “East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League” on 04 January 1948. He was elected joined secretary of “Awami Muslim League” on June 23, 1949, at the age of 29. He had great contribution in language movement in 1952, to establish Bangla as the state language of Pakistan. He was elected Secretary General of “East Pakistan Awami Muslim League” on July 9, 1953. Seikh Mujib achieved a great victory in Gopalganj constituency on 10 March, 1954, while “United Front” secured 223 seats out of 237 (Awami League143). Seikh Mujib took the charge of Agriculture and Forest Ministry. But the Central government dissolved that cabinet. Seikh Mujib presents the historic 6 point in Lahore on 5 January, 1966, demanding autonomous government in East Pakistan. Seikh Mujib was publicly declared as “Bangabandhu” on 23 February, 1969. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujib achieved a landslide victory in the general election of 1970. In the great war of Independence during the nine month the Pakistan Army surrendered to the allied forces made of Mukti Bahini and Indian Army on 16 December, 1971. As a result, Bangladesh became independent in the history of the world. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujibur Rahman was elected as the prime minister of the country. He along with his family members and personal staffs were assassinated by a group of Bangladesh rebellious Army on 15 August, 1975. He would practice Islamic values in his personal life. He used to pray his prayers with Maulana Bhasani and Mr. Fazlul Huq. when they had finished their evening prayers the Maulana would discuss about religion from the holy Qur’an. This became a regular routine in the prison life. He also recites verses from the holy Qur’an every day. He had Bengali translation of the holy Qur’an in several volumes. While he was in Dhaka jail he had taken Muhammed Ali’s English translation of the holy Qur’an and had read it regularly. But his philosophy in the state life is as follows: He was always wishing to make Bangladesh a country of peace for all religions. He was interested to give importance to all citizens equally. He has contributed to establishing religious tolerance in Bangladesh. His outstanding contribution was to spread Islamic values through Islamic Foundation and other religious institutions. However, the Article tries to highlight that Bangabandhu respects Islamic values in his personal life, and his attitude was to reduce the extremism, and build a peaceful Bangladesh in-between various cultures and religions.
3
Anwar, Muhammad, Shahzad Qaisar e Jamila Begum. "Publicity, Propaganda and Press: All India Muslim League in Propagation of Demand for Pakistan". Volume V Issue I V, n. I (30 marzo 2020): 680–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-i).68.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The evolution and growth of press in the Subcontinent revolutionized the flow of information and propagation of political activities. All-India Muslim League went through the process of reorganization in the late 1930's and the new political resolve needed more publicity and propaganda to expand further among the masses. League handled the need of the hour by starting its party-owned newspapers while the provincial Leagues and some of the League organs launched their newspapers to publicize policy and program of the party. The major share in the press came from the Leaguers and pro League newspapers from all over India. The last phase of the freedom movement witnessed the emergence of a more radical and outspoken press in support of the demand for Pakistan. Overseas publicity and press remained weak ground for League due it financial constraints. The Middle East zone was omnipresent in League's activities due to its Islamist stance.England publicity wing started working quite late but it remained successful in making a mark over the minds of the public. The American front was neglected and only a few appearances were available to propagate League and its demand for Pakistan.
4
Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947". Modern Asian Studies 36, n. 3 (luglio 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.
5
Asif, Nusrat. "Electoral Politics during 1951 Provincial Elections in the Punjab: A Progression of Authoritarian Legacy". Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, n. 3 (10 gennaio 2024): 692–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00098.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research paper explored electoral patterns in the Punjab after independence focusing on the first provincial elections of Punjab. Did the voters have any real choice? How was the religion card employed in the absence of non-Muslims? And how important were ethnic and geographical affiliations in a newly independent, conventional Punjab. How fluidity of displaced people affected the electoral behaviour and results. These important inquiries have important implications for the present scenario. Muslim League became a major political party and incumbent government during the early years of independence. The provincial election helped its splinter groups into new political parties. Victimhood, blaming, national unity, and the Kashmir issue were top trends in campaign rhetoric. Rural election campaigns focused on biradri, clan or village heads. Both male and female voter registration and vote casting still needed to improve. Muslim League was accused of using officials and rigging. Research noticed that the electoral reforms improved the election process while acceptance of election results could not make its place. Press lacked objectivity and the government imposed censorship on its critics. The Punjabi electors voted Muslim League as well as opposition with conventional thinking rejecting radical call against Muslim League, popular at that time in East Bengal. This article contributes to understanding early electoral behaviour of Punjab, particularly and the present scenario of elections in both Punjab and Pakistan in general.
6
CHERESHNEVA, Larisa Aleksandrovna. "CONSTITUTIONS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND LIAQUAT ALI KHAN: CORRELATION OF POLITICAL STRATEGY AND STATE AND LEGAL REALIA OF INDEPENDENT INDIA AND PAKISTAN (1947–1956)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n. 174 (2018): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-210-216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.
7
Karim, S. M. Rezaul Karim. "The Levy System in East Bengal and its Impact on the Peasantry (1949-1967)". Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Humanities 69, n. 1 (10 luglio 2024): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/jasbh.v69i1.74465.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The peasants of Bengal have been living through exploitation since ancient times. The intensity of exploitation of farmers increased manifold from the ancient period to the colonial period. The main reason for this was that on the one hand, the land tax or rent paid to the state during the pre-British period was increased many times and on the other hand, apart from rent, many kinds of abwabs were levied on the peasants. During the British era, the farmers thought that this exploitation and deprivation would end if the country became independent. But after the departure of the British in 1947, in the independent state of Pakistan, the farmers of East Bengal were subjected to exploitation and oppression as in the colonial period. During the Pakistan period, like the British period, the taxes and abwabs paid to the state were increased. Moreover, the levy system, a unique type of agricultural land tax that was assessed based on the total production of the farmer's total land, was introduced by the Muslim League government. As a result, the level of exploitation and oppression of the farmers of East Bengal increased manifold during the Pakistan period. Based on primary and secondary sources, this paper attempts to provide a comprehensive understanding of the introduction of the levy system and investigate its impact on the farmers. The paper will also shed light on the reactions of politicians and peasants to this newly introduced levy system in East Bengal during the Pakistan period. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 69(1), 2024, pp. 107-121
8
Chaudhry, M. Ghaffar. "Holly Sims. Political Regimes, Public Policy and Economic Development: Agricultural Performance and Rural Change in the Two Punjabs. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd., 1988. 206 pp. Rupees (Indian) 175.00. (Hardbond Edition)." Pakistan Development Review 29, n. 2 (1 giugno 1990): 190–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i2pp.190-196.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The book under review is a comparative study of agricultural development in the Indian (East) and Pakistani (West) Punjab. Although the growth of agricultural output and productivity in the two Punjabs was about the same between 1950 and 1965, it became significantly higher in East Punjab than West Punjab in the period that followed, with the result that the Indian Punjab enjoyed productivity levels in 1985 which were double those of the Pakistani Punjab. As the two Punjabs offer a sort of laboratory to gauge the agro-ecological conditions as well as the language and cultural traditions, any differences in their development experience must be explained by reference to the divergent economic policies towards agriculture followed there. Sims thinks that development experiences of the two Punjabs can be attributed to a political dichotomy and the consequent role of the political leadership in the formulation of economic policies. In the case of Pakistan, the Muslim League lacked mass support in the rural areas. Its middle class forces and political institutions were weak, with a predominance of landed aristocracy and bureaucrats. As a consequence, there was hardly any zest for democratic rule. By contrast, the Congress Party, under the charismatic leadership of Nehru, enjoyed full support of the rural masses. At the national level, it was devoid oflanded interests and created a new administrative class to run government affairs.
9
Baxter, Craig. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988. xviii, 155 pp. $17.95. - Punjab and the Raj, 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Riverdale, Maryland: Riverdale, 1988. viii, 258 pp. $34.00." Journal of Asian Studies 49, n. 4 (novembre 1990): 982–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058320.
Testo completo
10
Ansari, Sarah. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Oxford University Press: Karachi, 1988. Pp. xviii, 155. - Punjab and the Raj 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Manohar Publications: New Delhi, 1988. Pp. viii, 258. - Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan. By David Gilmartin. University of California Press: Berkeley, 1988. PP. xii, 258." Modern Asian Studies 24, n. 4 (ottobre 1990): 819–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010593.
Testo completoTesi sul tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League"
1
Kamal, A. H. Ahmed. "The decline of the Muslim league and the ascendancy of the bureaucracy in East Pakistan 1947-54". Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9259.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis looks at the career of the Muslim League in East Pakistan from 14 August
1947, the day it assumed political power, to the election of 8 March 1954, when it was
massively defeated by a newly-formed United Front. Exploring the decline of the
popularity of the League is one objective of the thesis. In the process, it also seeks to
explain the nature of 'politics' in East Pakistan. In particular, the emergence of a state bureaucracy with paternalistic and undemocratic tendencies, is documented and
analysed. This is shown to be a lasting legacy of the British Raj and of Muslim League politics in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The process through which the bureaucracy grew stronger by the day also entailed the growing alienation of the people from both the government and the ruling party, the League. Explaining this alienation is another concern of the thesis.
These themes are highlighted in a series of chapters devoted to certain specific and
important issues that the League government had to deal with during its stay in power:
politics of food procurement and distribution, abolition of zamindari and other exploitative feudal relationships, the problem of controlling water resources in a flood-prone country, and finally, the relationship between the people and the regulative institutions of the state
such as the police and its auxiliaries. An examination of these issues usefully
complements what students of East Pakistan politics have (rather selectively)
emphasised so far: the Language movement of the 1950s, the crisis of federalism and
problems of jute marketing. An argument is eventually built up on the nature of the state and 'nationhood' in East Pakistan. The preponderance of the bureaucracy in the colonial style of government, the peculiar history of Muslim nationalism in the subcontinent, the lack, in the League's history, of a tradition of anti-imperialist struggle and ideology, and finally, the weak nature of the ML's organisation and mass base, are all seen as factors
that contributed significantly to the growing 'undemocracy' of which both East Pakistan, and later Bangladesh, were unfortunate victims.
Libri sul tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League"
1
Talbot, Ian. Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: The growth of Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937-1947. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988.
Cerca il testo completo
2
Talbot, Ian. Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937-47. Oxford University Press, USA, 1989.
Cerca il testo completo
3
Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: The growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937-47. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "East Pakistan Muslim Student's League"
1
Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang. "All-Indian Shiʿism, Colonial Modernity, And The Challenge Of Pakistan". In In a Pure Muslim Land, 16–52. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649795.003.0002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter explores the late colonial milieu with its opposing discourses of communalism and nationalism that left a deep impact on Shi‘i community formation. In the first half of the 20th century, India’s Shi‘is portrayed themselves as being on a higher spiritual level in contrast to the common (Sunni) Muslims. Yet, once the Muslim League (ML) adopted the creation of Pakistan as its goal, influential Shi‘i voices expressed deep and increasing skepticism toward the founding of a state that claimed to form an inclusive homeland for all Muslims of the subcontinent. This chapter further demonstrates the substantial links that connected South Asian Shi‘is to major events in the Middle East. Finally, the chapter shows that Lucknow’s religious scholars were far from secure in their leadership position of the Shi‘i community. The modernist-minded All India Shi‘a Conference (AISC) viewed these mujtahids as hopelessly out of touch with the challenges of the time and regarded the AISC as a more appropriate vehicle of communal leadership.
2
Gopal, Priyamvada. "Writing Partition". In The Indian English Novel, 69–89. Oxford University PressOxford, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199544387.003.0005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract In June 1946, one year before formal Independence from British rule, plans were announced to partition colonial India along religious lines into what would become the sovereign nation-states of India and Pakistan. The division would mainly affect Punjab in the north-west and Bengal in the east, both of which regions had large Muslim populations. Partition was the (for many people, unexpected) culmination of several years of political manoeuvring or a ‘triangular game plan’ of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and the colonial government (Mushirul Hasan cited in Francisco 2000: 381). The hardening of divisions between Hindus and Muslims was itself a product of the colonial policy of divide et impera, or ‘divide and rule’.