Articoli di riviste sul tema "Deportee(s)/deportation(s)"

Introduction. The publication highlights a special period in the history of Kalmykia still insufficiently studied by anthropologists ― that of the Great Patriotic War and nation’s deportation to Siberia (1943–1956) ― introducing memories and narratives thereof. It consists of an introduction, two interviews, commentaries, and a bibliography. The presented narratives belong to individuals who had met the trials of deportation with different life experiences: front-line soldier, Lieutenant L. T. Dordzhiev ― and Elista schoolgirl, daughter of the front-line soldier E. S. Basanova. Goals. The paper seeks to identify and clarify the meanings of everyday practices, details of life that were vital for the generation of our fathers and mothers, so that they remain understandable to the generation of children and grandchildren. Another goal is to understand what construction patterns in deportation narratives can be traced, what images and plots are significant, what verbal formulas and stable expressions are used by storytellers in spontaneous narration, and what assessments of past events and what expressions they give. Materials and Methods. Both the interviews will be explored through narrative analysis. The materials are presented in the form of transcribed spontaneous interviews received by the author from L. Dordzhiev in 2005, and from E. Basanova in 2018. Textological analysis and the method of text deconstruction were employed. Results. The front-line experience of L. Dordzhiev is interesting enough not only for his individual but for his collectivist strategy too, as well as for his participation in Operation Lentil (Russ. Chechevitsa). Male strategies of resistance to a repressive regime show legal literacy and the ability to speak Bolshevik (S. Kotkin) as means of self-defense, as well as a willingness to defend their dignity physically. The woman’s interview shows how the generation of Kalmyk children indoctrinated by Soviet ideology had to live with the values of Soviet society and loyalty to Kalmyk identity. Both the interviews are concrete examples of private memories of the war and deportation years ― first-person memories. The interview texts will be of interest to all researchers of the Kalmyk Deportation and memory of this period. The discursive strategies of these two narratives speak of their positive nature (J. Alexander).

Introduction. The proposed publication consists of an introduction, texts of two biographical interviews and comments thereon. Both the conversations took place in Elista (2004, 2017) as part of the research project ‘Everyone Has One’s Own Siberia’ dedicated to the important period in the history of Kalmykia though not yet sufficiently explored by anthropologists and sociologists — the deportation of Kalmyks to Siberia (1943–1956) and related memories. Goals. The project seeks to show the daily survival practices of Kalmyks in Siberia. In the spontaneous biographical interviews focusing on the years of Kalmyk deportation, not only the facts cited are important — of which we would otherwise stay unaware but from the oral narratives — but also the introduced stories of inner life: feelings and thoughts of growing girls. Methods. The paper involves the use of textual analysis and the method of text deconstruction. Results. The transcribed texts show survival and adaptation strategies employed by the young generation of ‘special settlers’ in places of forced residence. For many Kalmyks of that generation, high school was a ‘glass ceiling’, a limitation in life choices. In the narrative of R. Ts. Azydova, we face a today unthinkable social package for KUTV students with children — this illustrates how the korenization policy for indigenous populations in the USSR worked, and provides insight into daily practices of pre-war Elista. The story of T. S. Kachanova especially clearly manifests the ‘language of trauma’, first of all, through the memory of the body, vocabulary of death and displays of laughter. The texts of the interviews shall be interesting to all researchers of Kalmyk deportation and the memory of that period.

The proposed scientific exploration of the author traces the course of unprecedented 1930’s repression and genocide of national minorities in the USSR, including Poles who were the first nation to go through in this tragic Stalinist experiment. It should be stressed, that these problems are sure to be given an objective and ideologically unprejudiced consideration. According to the author, such approach will considerably facilitate better understanding and embracing of the so-called ‘rough and tough issues’ of shared history of the two neighboring nations. What is more, the problem under study is investigated through the prism of the causes and the course of mass deportations of Poles from the USSR to Kazakhstan. Keywords: Deportation, genocide, displacement, border, international relations, Polish people, minority, Ukrainian-Polish relations

During times of war or political crisis such as the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 in the United States, minorities that share the same ethnic or religious background as the “enemy” of the state are subject to backlash. This backlash takes several forms. First, members of the majority population may engage in scapegoating of the targeted population (i.e., acts of intimidation, harassment, verbal abuse, and physical violence against persons and/or property). Extreme forms of such behavior (e.g., murder, arson) are categorized by law as “hate crimes.” Second, pre-existing, or newly created, negative stereotypes of the targeted group(s), propagated in the media, often fuel the actions of the hatemongers. Third, the state responds to perceived threats to the nation’s security and sovereignty by targeting members of the ethnic/religious group(s) for scrutiny and repression, allegedly because they constitute a fifth column, or have the potential to become a fifth column, within its borders. Government reprisals in American history have included internment, detention, deportation, mandatory identification cards, surveillance, and prosecution (Bozorgmehr and Bakalian, “Post-9/11”). While the state may not condone citizens’ vigilante actions, its own policies are likely to send a different message.

The formation process of the Crimean Tatar theater can be divided into the following periods: medieval – folk theater (the initial round dance and toy puppet theater of shadows “Karagoz”, the theater of one actor “meddah”, the arena theater “orta oyuny”); Khan`s theater in the middle of the XVIII century (penetration into the Crimea of European theater traditions in the era of the Crimean Khan Crym Girey I); the revival of traditions of the Crimean Tatar theater late XIX–XX centuries (the activities of a theater-goers group of the Jadidist Crimean Tatar youth–followers of I. Gasprinsky, under the leadership of J. Meinov – the efforts of the Crimean Tatar noblewoman-myrzachkas under the leadership of A. Taiganskaya; organization of a professional Simferopol Tatar theater troupe under the People’s Commissar of Education of the Crimean ASSR in 1921 and creation and activities of the Crimean Tatar Drama Theater, headed by A. Taigan, and the Crimean Tatar amateur movement in the Crimea, and among the Crimean Tatar foreign diaspora of 1923–1944 (Soviet pre-deportation period); recreation and current activities of the Crimean Tatar theater in the Crimea,1989 (post deportation period). In this article, for the first time in the art history, is revealed the so-called Khan`s period in the formation of the Crimean Tatar theater, discussed the revolutionary activity in the field of Crimean Tatar art, the ascetic activity of the Crimean Khan Crym Girey I to promote the ideas of European theater traditions and create a classical theater in the Crimea. The picture of the actions undertaken by the Crimean ruler in the construction of theater business in the Crimea, as well as his thoughts and statements about the theater, was recreated according to the text published in the XVIII century, memories of personal meetings and conversations with Crym Girey I of European authors: German – von der Goltz, Polish – Pilshtynova, Russian – Nikiforov, Frenchman – de Tott, Austrian – Kleeman. Based on these recollections is built a clear and explicit picture of a role of Crym Girey I as a pioneer in bringing European theater traditions and creation of a classical theater in the culture of the Crimea, the Turkic and Muslim worlds.

In 1988, at the beginning of the Palestinian Intifada, a deportation case came before the Israeli Supreme Court (sitting as a High Court of Justice). The facts of the case presented no great difficulty, but the Court took the opportunity to declare the law governing the previously uncertain residence status of East Jerusalem Palestinians. The judgment of the Court was given by Barak J. In a remarkable passage, the learned judge not only examined the legislatively defined conditions for the loss of permanent residence, but went on to discuss the subsistence and expiry of this status in more fundamental terms, focusing on the “reality” of the licence-holder's presence in Israel. The case thus introduced a second, judge-made test for the loss of permanent residence, which appears to exist in uneasy parallel with the test provided by the legislature. This essay questions the propriety and the quality of Barak J.'s innovation, and examines some of its consequences.

The article is devoted to the study of the works of foreign authors, which deal with the issues of adaptation of the peoples of the North Caucasus, forcibly relocated to Kazakhstan in the 40s of the twentieth century. Among the problems that can be called key ones on this topic, we can name the problems of everyday adaptation of special settlers in new places of resettlement, identifying the scope of their labor skills, social arrangement, and others. In the course of the analysis and evaluation of the works of foreign authors, an attempt was made to determine the degree of objectivity and impartiality in the study of the identified problem. It should be noted that in the period from the late 40’s to the 70’s. XX century, a large number of monographs, scientific articles, dissertations, etc. was written by immigrants from the USSR, who for one reason or another emigrated abroad. At the same time, in the second half of the 20th century, the topic of deportation to the USSR was also studied by foreign authors, who, in particular, were characterized by the absence of a large number of sources, primarily archival ones on the topic under study. A number of works analyzed in the article were written in recent decades, which indicates that this topic continues to be relevant today and has not been fully explored. The works of foreign authors have not lost their relevance to the present day for historical science.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the destruction of Serbian Jews during Second Wolrd War in the local and European context. Of all the sites in Serbia relevant to the destruction of the Serbian Jews, Sajmiste is the most important. After the consideration of the attitude of Germans and Nedic?s regime toward Jews and ?Gypsies? in the context of the Final Solution, the author highlights that the Sajmiste internment camp was transformed into a local death camp-the only such site outside the territories of Poland and the Soviet Union. Serbia was the one country outside Poland and the Soviet Union where all Jewish victims were killed on the spot without deportation. It was the first country after Estonia to be declared ?judenfrei.? Moreover, in Serbia the German army was not only complicit in the Holocaust but was in fact the main instigator and executioner in the killing of the Jewish men. For this reason, in particular, Sajmiste is a unique site for Holocaust remembrance not only in the Serbian but also in the European context.

After the First Vienna Award and the occupation of southern Slovakia by the Hungarians in 1938, the Jesuits from Košice had to move from the newly built house to a new residence in Spišská Nova Ves. The small community repaired the church and the habitation in which it lived. The order took over the rights and duties of the vicariate, so it had to teach religion in the city and its surroundings. The Jesuits often had to deal with personnel issues and especially the problematic figure of Father Ján Guga, who had a close relationship with the Orthodoxia and Russia. In the city, they watched the movements of the troops and experienced the atmosphere of war. The most unpleasant situations were connected with the persecution and deportation of the Jewish population, whom the superior of the house, Štefan Kramár, tried to help by baptizing them. The documents of the house were preserved in the Michal Lacko´s Centre of Spirituality East-West, where they are stored, only until August 1943. For this reason, we only know detailed information about the life of the Jesuits in Spišská Nová Ves until this period.

Operation Vistula was one of the largest military and repressive operations carried out after the war by the Polish Army. It was attended, among others, by 12th Combined Infantry Regiment, which was formed on the basis of the 12th Szczecin Infantry Division. The 12th Combined Infantry Regiment was a military reserve of the Vistula Operational Group and from the first days of its operation it was used mainly against the Ukrainian Insurgent Army units manoeuvring in the field. The moderate successes achieved by the regiment compared to other units focusing on the displacement of civilians made the commander of the Vistula Operational Group, General S. Mossor, present this tactical unit as a model for other units. The source analysis carried out by the author forces us to revise this analysis of events. Compared with those of other units, the successes of the 12 Combined Infantry Regiment were not as great as Mossor claims, particularly when we consider that this unit was released from a time-consuming deportation action. The 12th division of the Polish Armed Forces is stationed in Western Pomerania to this day, continuing the tradition of the 12th Infantry Division of the Polish People’s Army. It is important to remember that participation in the largest repressive operation of Stalinist Poland brought no glory to this unit.

Based on the historical-legal approach, the author studies the national-separatist organization The Forest Brothers that was acting in Lithuania in 1944 - 1953 and was resisting the authorities by means of terrorist acts. The research subject is the set of measures aimed at suppressing nationalist armed groups. Special attention to this research is caused by the necessity to analyze the activities of the Forest Brothers, as in Lithuania since the Post-Soviet period, the actions of nationalists have been heroified, many of whom, during the occupation, served in divisions under the German administration. The purpose of the research is the historical and legal assessment of the activities of separatists in postwar Lithuania. Special attention is given to the operative activities of NKVD aimed at suppressing regional extremism and introducing legal order in postwar Lithuania. Special contribution of the author is the consideration of the problem of national-separatism in Lithuania. It’s been established that to suppress and oppose the Forest Brothers, the bodies of NKVD and the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic developed a set of operative, tactical and ideological measures which helped as early as by the late 1945 to change the situation in the Republic and achieve the permanent annual decrease of destructive actions of nationalists, and since the late 1940s - the early 1950s to fully control the criminogenic situation in the Republic. It’s been established that the set of measures against Lithuanian separatists consisted of five main directions which included the creation of People's Defense Platoons known as “Destroyers”, constant mopping up of forests for extinguishing the resistance zones, intelligence work, large scale amnesty of fighters, deportation of persons who shared the ideas and supported nationalism and separatism. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the critical scientific insight into Lithuanian separatism, its prerequisites and methods of struggling against it by the internal affairs bodies of Lithuania in 1944 - 1953.   

In the article, based on archival materials, published memoirs, a retrospective analysis of events and contemporary reflections of the Holocaust on the territory of Bukovina during the Second World War is carried out. During the Soviet, German-Romanian occupation of the region, the Bukovinian Jewish community suffered severe suffering and trials, huge human and material losses, which greatly undermined the social, economic and cultural positions of the Jewish population in Bukovina. In fact, the socio-cultural face of Chernivtsi and the region changed, entire generations of Bukovinian Jews were erased from historical memory, forever disappeared into the darkness of history. From the late 80’s – early 90’s XX century. in the conditions of the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of an independent Ukraine, it became possible to study the events of the Holocaust in the Chernivtsi region, to study the fate of Bukovynian Jews during the Second World War. Despite the mass emigration, in 1990-1995 the Jewish community of Chernivtsi published five collections of memories of Holocaust survivors of the Holocaust in Bukovina, erected a memorial sign at the scene of the shootings in the summer of 1941 and a memorial plaque on the Chernivtsi ghetto (in 2016 the efforts of the Jewish community of Chernivtsi to create a full memorial in the territory of the former ghetto). Since 2010, the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Bukovina has been established in Chernivtsi, and at the Chernivtsi National University there is a Center of Jewish studies, which is actively engaged in the study and promotion of Bukovina Jewish history, including the topic of the Holocaust. Since 2017, work has begun on the creation of the Holocaust Museum in Chernivtsi in the building of the former memorial synagogue «Beit Kadish» on the territory of a Jewish cemetery, which aims to commemorate the memory of Bukovinian Jews who died during the Second World War. Over the past 30 years, more than 65 monuments (memorials, plaques) have appeared in the Chernivtsi region to commemorate those killed in the Holocaust. However, around the Holocaust events in Bukovina, a memory conflict has arisen – it is about different interpretations of events (Ukrainian, Romanian, Jewish, post-Soviet narratives) and commemorative practices related to it. An example of the post-Soviet memory of the Holocaust is the recently opened memorial in one of the districts of Chernivtsi (Sadgora), on the so-called “Kozak Hill”, in memory of the executed Jews in the summer of 1941. The Soviet term “Great Patriotic War” is used in the inscription on the monument. Keywords: Holocaust, Transnistria, ghetto, «autorization», deportation, primar

Si bien el discurso oficial, aceptado prácticamente por todos los Estados, habla de una migración “regular, ordenada y segura”, lo cual ha quedado sellado en el Pacto Global de las Migraciones, la movilidad humana contemporánea difiere mucho del deseo de los gobernantes, tanto en el perfil como en las vías utilizadas para llegar al destino. El presente artículo pasa revista a algunos “paisajes migratorios” en varios lugares del planeta, que han tenido como correlato la respuesta estatal de mayores controles, apelando al discurso de la soberanía nacional. Se plantea la tesis de que en esta nueva etapa del neoliberalismo estamos presenciando el surgimiento de políticas de control con rostro (in)humano de carácter neofascista, sobre todo con el ascenso al poder de Gobiernos nacionalistas y de extrema derecha, que impulsan y practican la xenofobia, el racismo y la aporofobia. Esto ha resultado en un incremento de la deportación, judicialización de la migración, expulsión, confinamiento, construcción de muros, extorsiones, secuestros, desapariciones, tortura y muerte. Abstract Although the official discourse, accepted practically by all the States, speaks of a "regular, orderly and safe" migration, which has been sealed in the Global Compact for Migration, contemporary human mobility differs greatly from the desire of the rulers both in the profile and in the routes used to reach destination. This article reviews a number of 'migratory landscapes' in several places on the planet that have had as a correlate the State´s response to greater controls, appealing to the discourse of national sovereignty. The following thesis is proposed: that in this new stage of neoliberalism we are witnessing the emergence of control policy with an (in) human face of neo-fascist character, especially with the rise to power of nationalist and far-right governments that promote and practice xenophobia, racism and aporophobia. This has resulted in increased deportation, judicialization of migration, expulsion, confinement, construction of walls, extortion, kidnapping, disappearances, torture and death.

Este artículo es una investigación a través de la Teoría de los Actos de Ciudadanía que subvierten discursos y estrategias neo-orientalistas de control de la inmigración. Concretamente se centra en los procesos de resistencia de varios grupos de inmigrantes surasiáticos que fueron confinados durante años en Centros de Estancia Temporal para Inmigrantes en Ceuta y Melilla, dos enclaves fronterizos españoles (europeos) donde los derechos humanos pueden quedar en suspenso. Para evitar ser deportados, optaron por fugarse de los CETI sin ser conscientes de que su lucha derivaría una serie de acciones y movimientos de solidaridad por el derecho a ser transferidos al continente europeo e impedir su deportación solo en Ceuta y Melilla, sino también en otras orillas del Mediterráneo. Empleando diferentes fuentes de información, se ha empleado la técnica de “escribir un acto de ciudadanía” de Engin Isin para capturar actos que quedarían ocultos bajo teorías dominantes de ciudadanía formal. El día en que escaparon fue el día en que dejaron de ser víctimas del régimen neo-orientalista de fronteras, y se convirtieron en ciudadanos activistas por el derecho a la libre movilidad humana.This article is an investigation through the Theory of Acts of Citizenship that subvert neo-orientalist discourses and strategies. Specifically, it focuses on the resistance processes of several groups of South Asian immigrants confined for years in Temporary Stay Centers for Immigrants in Ceuta and Melilla, two Spanish (European) border enclaves where rights are suspended. To avoid being deported, they chose to run away from the CETI without being aware that their struggle would lead to a series of solidarity actions and movements for the right to be transferred to the European continent and prevent their deportation only in Ceuta and Melilla, but also on other shores of the Mediterranean. Using different sources of information, I have chosen Egin Isin´s tool of “writing an act of citizenship” to capture acts that would remain uncovered under the gaze of formal citizenship. The day they escaped was the day they stopped being victims of the neo-Orientalist border regime, and became activist citizens for the right to move.

This paper studies the dynamics of detention, deportation, and the criminalization of immigrants. We ground our analyses and discussion around the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996's (IIRIRA's) detention mandate, the role of special interest groups and federal policies. We argue that these special interest groups and major federal policies have come together to fuel the expansion of immigrant detention to unprecedented levels. Moreover, we aim to incite discussion on what this rapid growth in detention means for human rights, legislative representation and democracy in the United States. This study analyzes two main questions: What is the role of special interests in the criminalization of immigrants? And does the rapid increase in detention pose challenges or risks to democracy in the United States? Our study is grounded within the limited, yet growing literature on immigrant detention, government data, and “gray” literature produced by nonprofits and organizations working on immigration-related issues. We construct a unique dataset using this literature and congressional reports to assess what factors are associated with the rise of immigrant detention. A series of correlations and a time series regression analysis reveal that major restrictive federal immigration policies such as IIRIRA, along with the increasing federal immigration enforcement budget, have had a significant impact on immigrant detention rates. Based on these findings, we recommend three central policy actions. First, the paper recommends increased transparency and accountability on behalf of the Department of omeland Security, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and on lobbying expenditures from for-profit detention corporations. Second, it argues for the repeal of mandatory detention laws. These mandatory laws have led to the further criminalization and marginalization of undocumented immigrants. And lastly, it argues that repeal of the Congressional bed mandate would allow for the number of detainees to mirror actual detention needs, rather than providing an incentive to detain. However, we anticipate that the demand for beds will increase even more given the current administration's push for the criminalization and increased arrests of undocumented individuals. The rhetoric used by the present administration further criminalizes immigrants. 1

The paper reconstructs the biography of a forgotten historian archivist M. N. Butkevich (29.12.1858—23.03.1933). His pre-revolutionary life is described: his social background, studies at the St. Petersburg University and his fascination with the Narodniks’ ideas and deportation to Vologda under overt surveillance in 1879, followed by a successful and typical career of major landed gentry that culminated in his election to the State Council, achievement of the rank of Actual State Councillor, and election as Novgorod Governorate’s Marshal of the Nobility early in 1917. In 1927, after several years of despondency, deprived of his fortune and privileges, M. N. Butkevich became a staff member of the USSR Academy of Sciences’ Commission on the History of Knowledge with the help of Academician V. I. Vernadsky. In his line of duty, Butkevich had performed a number of important historical and archival studies of the documentary legacy of M. V. Lomonosov, P. S. Pallas, and others. Butkevich’s work on sorting out Lomonosov’s papers was highly valued as ‘very meticulous and helpful’ by V. I. Vernadsky, A. I. Andreev, and M. M. Soloviev. His contribution to the archeography of Lomonosov’s works is well worth exploring. Besides his participation in the re-publication of Lomonosov’s works, his description of Lomonosov’s papers in Leningrad is well worth mentioning. This description is typologically similar to description of the Pallas documents, but is probably even more detailed. Butkevich’s description in 14 folio pages offers results of his study of the materials from the Archive of the Conference of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Incunabula Department, the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the State Public Library. Events of the ‘Academic case,’ which resulted in the purge of ‘old-regime’ workers from the Academy, did not affect Butkevich much. Surprisingly, even after Vernadsky had to leave his post of the Commission for the History of Knowledge director, in which he was replaced by N. I. Bukharin, little changed for Butkevich. Moreover, on March 15, 1930 deputy director of the Commission for the History of Science academician I. Yu. Krachkovsky authorized M. N. Butkevich to collect archival materials for special projects. The paper is based on the documentary sources introduced for scientific use for the first time.

The article analyzes the biography of the Sister Theresa Anna Shuplat, the Third Order of St. Basil the Great (16.09.1900-03.02.1989), the wife of the priest of Przemyśl Diocese of the Greek Catholic Church, the father Yulian Shuplat (18.01.1894-09.09.1951). On the grounds of the documents and the eyewitnesses’ memories her family origin, upbringing, study, work as a Music Teacher in the town of Jarosław (nowadays - Poland), marriage, work in the town of Lesko (nowadays-Poland), deportation from the Polish People's Republic to the Ukrainian SSR in 1946, foster care after her nephews and nephew’s daughter, work at music school in the city of Stanislav, entry into the Third Order of St. Basil the Great in 1977, underground activities in the Order, and traits of her character have been analyzed.

Abstract Background During 19th century, the Circassians were secluded from their lands and forced to migrate to Ottoman Empire properties. Approximately 2,346 Circassians were exiled from Istanbul to Cyprus Island. During the deportation journey, many of Circassian passed away in consequence of malaria and unknown reasons. Overall, 1,351 survivor Circassians managed to reach the island, however, many of them had faced with endemic malaria again in Cyprus. An autosomal recessive hematological disorder thalassemia was the second endemic health condition after malaria, whereas thalassemia carriers show resistance to malaria infections. Materials and Methods A large Cypriot family with 57 members whose grandparents were supposed to be in that ship journey has been investigated in this study. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)–amplification refractory mutation system (ARMS) analysis technique was used for genotyping the HHB gene. Results The human β-globin (HBB) gene c.316–106C > G (IVS-II-745) (II-745) heterozygous variation have been detected. Conclusion Overall, this study is a very good example for a typical natural selection. In this case, one single gene point mutation did not limit survival in the society; natively, it increased their survival changes to form new colonization and the inheritance of the mutation to the next generations.

Brundibár, an opera written by the Czech composer Hans Krása in 1938, has gained worldwide fame since the end of World War II and has become a representa- tion of the global resistance to genocide and crimes against humanity. Brundibár was performed fifty-five times by the young Jewish inmates of the Theresienstadt concentration camp (Czechoslovakia) during 1943–1944. Depicting the victory of the helpless children over the tyrannical organ grinder Brundibár (“bumble-bee” in Czech), this opera symbolized the triumph of the good over the evil. It provided the prisoners of the camp with the hope for the liberation. In the autumn of 1944, composer Hans Krása, conductor Rafael Schächter, stage designer František Zelenka, and 150 young actors and members of the orchestra were deported in the cattle wagons to Auschwitz and other concentration camps. After the deportation of the artists, the most popular theatre production at Theresienstadt was silenced only to be revived after the end of Word War II. This paper aims to demonstrate that the role of Brundibár goes far beyond a common opera production. Brundibár has a great significance and a very special meaning when performed in the countries with the authoritarian regimes in the past, e. g. in Latvia, who faced mass deportations of the Latvians in 1941–1949 and lost the majority of its Jewish population during the Holocaust. The paper talks about the importance of the art pieces about the genocide in the 20th century that should be presented to a wide audience to keep the traumatic memory of the past alive in the memory of the today’s society.

Cristina A. Bejan, Intellectuals and Fascism in Interwar Romania: The Criterion Association, Cham, Switzer land: Palgrave, 2019, 323 pp., €74.89 (hardback), ISBN 978-3-030-20164-7.Chiara Bonfiglioli, Women and Industry in the Balkans: The Rise and Fall of the Yugoslav Textile Sector, London: I. B. Tauris, 2020, 232 pp., £85 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-78533-598-3.Aslı Davaz, Eşitsiz kız kardeşlik, uluslararası ve Ortadoğu kadın hareketleri, 1935 Kongresi ve Türk Kadın Birliği (Unequal sisterhood, international and Middle Eastern women’s movements, 1935 Congress and the Turkish Women’s Union), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası, 2014, 892 pp., with an introduction by Yıldız Ecevit, pp. xxi–xxviii; preface by the author, pp. xxix–xlix, TL 42 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-605-332-296-2.Biljana Dojčinović and Ana Kolarić, eds., Feministički časopisi u Srbiji: Teorija, aktivizam i umetničke prakse u 1990-im i 2000-im (Feminist periodicals in Serbia: Theory, activism, and artistic practice in the 1990s and 2000s), Belgrade: Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, 2018, 370 pp., price not listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-6153-515-4.Melanie Ilic, ed., The Palgrave Handbook of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 572 pp., $239 (e-book) ISBN: 978-1-137-54904-4; ISBN: 978-1-137-54905-1.Luciana M. Jinga, ed., The Other Half of Communism: Women’s Outlook, in History of Communism in Europe, vol. 8, Bucharest: Zeta Books, 2018, 348 pp., USD 40 (paperback), ISBN: 978-606-697-070-9.Teresa Kulawik and Zhanna Kravchenko, eds., Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East-West Frontier, New York: Routledge, 2020, 264 pp., $140.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-367-25896-2.Jill Massino, Ambiguous Transitions: Gender, the State, and Everyday Life in Socialist and Postsocialist Romania, New York: Berghahn Books, 2019, 466 pp., USD 122 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-785-33598-3.Gergana Mircheva, (A)normalnost i dostap do publichnostta: Socialnoinstitucionalni prostranstva na biomedicinskite discursi v Bulgaria (1878–1939) ([Ab]normality and access to publicity: Social-institutional spaces of biomedicine discourses in Bulgaria [1878–1939]), Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, 2018, 487 pp., BGN 16 (paperback), ISBN: 978-954-07-4474-2.Milutin A. Popović, Zatvorenice, album ženskog odeljenja Požarevačkog kaznenog zavoda sa statistikom (1898) (Prisoners, the album of the women’s section of Požarevac penitentiary with statistics, 1898), edited by Svetlana Tomić, Belgrade: Laguna , 2017, 333 pp., RSD 894 (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-521-2798-6.Irena Protassewicz, A Polish Woman’s Experience in World War II: Conflict, Deportation and Exile, edited by Hubert Zawadzki, with Meg Knott, translated by Hubert Zawadzki, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019, xxv pp. + 257 pp., £73.38 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-3500-7992-2.Zilka Spahić Šiljak, ed., Bosanski labirint: Kultura, rod i liderstvo (Bosnian labyrinth: Culture, gender, and leadership), Sarajevo and Zagreb: TPO Fondacija and Buybook, 2019, xii + 213 pp., no price listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-9926-422-16-5.Gonda Van Steen, Adoption, Memory and Cold War Greece: Kid pro quo?, University of Michigan Press, 2019, 350 pp., $85.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-472-13158-7.D imitra Vassiliadou, Ston tropiko tis grafi s: Oikogeneiakoi desmoi kai synaisthimata stin astiki Ellada (1850–1930) (The tropic of writing: Family ties and emotions in modern Greece [1850–1930]), Athens: Gutenberg, 2018, 291 pp., 16.00 € (paperback), ISBN: 978-960-01-1940-4.Radina Vučetić, Coca-Cola Socialism: Americanization of Yugoslav Culture in the Sixties, English translation by John K. Cox, Budapest: Central European University Press, 2018, 334 pp., €58.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-963-386-200-1.Nancy M. Wingfield, The World of Prostitution in Late Imperial Austria, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017, xvi + 272 pp., $80 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-19880-165-8.Anastasia Lakhtikova, Angela Brintlinger, and Irina Glushchenko, eds., Seasoned Socialism: Gender and Food in Late Soviet Everyday Life, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019, xix + 373 pp., $68.41(hardback), ISBN: 978-0-253-04095-4.

This article, based on applying new archival sources reveals one of the mechanisms of the repressive politics of the Soviet government against “alien elements", “former people” in Soviet Turkestan-Uzbekistan, as administrative expulsion. The author represents the official Soviet discourse related to administrative deportation in Turkestan-Uzbekistan, characterizes the category of persons who have been expelled, as well as the associated hardships affected family members of the deported and the attempts of the expelled to restore their civil rights.

In this article, we explore Australia’s deportation of people with mental illness from an ethical and human rights perspective. We outline the legislative framework regulating migration policy in Australia, focussing on Section 501 (s.501) of the Migration Act 1958 (which makes provision for deportation of non-residents on character grounds) and on the recently issued Direction 99 (which provides guidance on visa refusal and cancellation under s.501). We find the definition of a failed character test embedded within the legislative framework to be discriminatory, in that it conflates mental illness with character attributes. We present recent data on s.501 deportees sourced from the New Zealand Police and Manatū Hauora (the New Zealand Ministry of Health). Drawing on our clinical experiences working in forensic psychiatry and rehabilitation services, we describe some of our patients’ experiences and the detrimental effects of deportation on their health and well-being. We argue that deportation of people with mental illness contravenes principles of psychosocial rehabilitation and recovery, is discriminatory and constitutes a moral wrong. Furthermore, while we recognise that recent policy changes reflect a tempering of the previous hard-line policy stance, it remains to be seen what effects they will have in practice. We question whether the new guidance will be enough to improve the treatment of and outcomes for those with mental illness, or whether the changes represent a case of too little, too late.

The death of the Soviet dictator Stalin breng to end the extreme tension among the countries of Eastern Communist Block and the Tito`s Yougoslavia. After the visit of new soviet lieder Hrusciov to Belgrade, slowly followed new steps toward a normalization of relations. The Yougoslav diplomacy started acting in Bucharest too, beginning with summer and autumn of 1955, in order to bring to end the deportation (of living in border area with Yugoslavia banatians) in Baragan plain and turn them home. The authors give a presentation of some relevant papers from Yugoslav diplomatic archives, revealing the pourparles taken place with Romanian communist rulers, in order to bring to a positive resolution the question of Baragan deportation.

Everyday life for undocumented Americans often entails coping with the fear, stress, and anxiety of potential deportation (Fussell, 2011; Valenzuela & Erickson 2015). Yet, despite this troubling emotional state, undocumented Americans are increasingly taking to the streets, social media, and the halls of government demanding that their rights be upheld. This article contributes to understandings of how the political participation of undocumented Americans occurs in spite of the barriers this group faces. Through a comparative analysis of Catholic parishes in Los Angeles, California, and Albuquerque, New Mexico, the author found that a sense of belonging and expanded opportunities to participate in political and civic activities supported undocumented churchgoers as they set aside deportation fear to participate in local public life. This study builds on Verba et al.’s (1995) model of political participation which underscores the potential of churches to serve as political mobilizers. The author also argues that belonging and the provision of opportunities to participate both at and through the church should be incorporated into future models of political participation among undocumented Americans.

Abstract Using the revelation risk model (RRM), we examined factors that might motivate family-undocumented youth (i.e., youth who are undocumented or who have an immediate family member who is undocumented) to confide in a teacher(s). Latent transition analysis with 414 Latina/o/x 9th-12th grade students uncovered three profiles: concerned indirect revealers (i.e., moderate teacher-student relational closeness, highest perceived risk of disclosing, lowest communication efficacy, moderate indirect disclosure, low direct disclosure), relationally-close revealers (i.e., strongest teacher-student closeness, low perceived risk of disclosing, low communication efficacy, and highest moderate indirect and direct disclosure), and confident nonrevealers (i.e., moderate teacher-student closeness, lowest perceived risk of disclosing, highest communication efficacy, and lowest indirect and direct disclosure). Greater fear of deportation at Wave 1 predicted relationally-close revealers becoming concerned indirect revealers three months later. These findings identify experiences that could affect the extent to which family-undocumented youth turn to a teacher(s), which has implications for youth’s well-being.

The article is devoted to the analysis of Holocaust representations in Felix Nussbaum’s paintings according to historical-philosophical, visual-anthropological, semiotic analysis. Topic of the article is justified by insufficient study of Holocaust images in painting, including the way of representation the memory of the Jewish genocide in painting, experience of deportation to death camps, Holocaust traumas. The relevance of the article is due to insufficient study of the work of the German artist of Jewish origin Felix Nussbaum, who was a victim of Holocaust. Nussbaum as an artist represents an artistic movement «New Objectivity» which was focused on reflecting real essence of things; the artist was also influenced by modernist movements as well as the anti-Nazi one. Nussbaum is a victim of Holocaust who was forced to flee from Germany with his family, constantly go into hiding, and in the end he perished in the concentration camp Auschwitz. Significant period of Nussbaum’s legacy is dedicated to the reflection of horrors in the camp Saint-Cyprien (an internment camp), where he was sent. The author considers the concepts of cultural memory in foreign historiography, concepts of the existentialism philosophy, through the prism of which he analyzes the practices of Jewish genocide (Jewish isolation, destiny of refugees, etc.) and what images panting used for its representation. The article investigates, how events of Holocaust affected the formation of artist`s subjectivity, his artistic manner, symbols and artistic means which he uses in his works. In the perspective of visual-anthropological analysis author highlights problematic topics and typology of images, which were reflected in the paintings of Felix Nussbaum, namely: traumatic experience of emigration for survival, experience of deportation and life in the camp, feelings of fear and approaching of death, family theme and personal experiences of the Holocaust. The author highlights autobiographical, historical-philosophical, artistic aspects of Felix Nussbaum`s paintings. The article considers what artistic means Nussbaum used to oppose the policy of Jewish genocide through painting. Based on Felix Nussbaum’s work, the author analyses how the artist depicts «traumatic places» (based on Aleida Assmann), and how he expresses his traumatic experience in artistic images.

This article explores how non-citizen minorities experience military service, focusing on children of international labor migrants who served in the Israel Defense Forces. During the 1990’s, Israel witnessed an influx of migrant workers, primarily from the Philippines, Latin America and Africa. However, due to Israeli immigration policies, neither they nor their Israeli-born children were eligible for citizenship. Consequently, upon reaching the age of 18, unlike their Israeli peers, these children were not recruited into the army. Furthermore, they lived under constant threat of deportation. Due to advocacy by civil society organizations, in 2006 and 2010 the government granted civic status (permanent residency) to approximately 1,500 children. This made them eligible for military service, a somewhat unique situation globally. Upon completion of their first year of military service, they were eligible for Israeli citizenship and their immediate family members were eligible for permanent residency. Through qualitative and quantitative research, we examine inclusion and belonging amongst children of migrant workers who served in the military. Our findings suggest that military service enabled them to overcome the exclusionary boundaries they experienced as children in three ways. Firstly, they achieved formal belonging by receiving citizenship. Secondly, they achieved informal belonging through the cultural and social capital this service accrued within Israeli society. Finally, for some, military service deepened their knowledge of Judaism and, in certain cases, led to conversion, thus fostering religious belonging. These three aspects facilitated inclusion and a sense of belonging for these formerly marginalized children while also enhancing their legitimacy within Israeli society. This unique case study contributes to ongoing global debates about the experiences of minority groups in the military.

This article is about refugees’ and migrants’ dreams of home and family and stems from an Australian Research Council Linkage Grant, “A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency” (LP140100935), with Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc. (Vinnies). A Vinnies-supported refugee and migrant support centre was chosen as one of the hubs for interviewee recruitment, given that many refugee families experience persistent and chronic economic disadvantage. The de-identified name for the drop-in language-teaching and learning social facility is the Migrant and Refugee Homebase (MARH). At the time of the research, in 2018, refugee and forced migrant families from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan constituted MARH’s primary membership base. MARH provided English language classes alongside other educational and financial support. It could also organise provision of emergency food and was a conduit for furniture donated by Australian families. Crucially, MARH operated as a space in which members could come together to build shared community.As part of her role, the researcher was introduced to Sara (de-identified), a mother-tongue Arabic speaker and the centre’s coordinator. Sara had personal experience of being a refugee, as well as being MARH’s manager, and she became both a point of contact for the researcher team, an interpreter/translator, and an empathetic listener as refugees shared their stories. Dreams of home and family emerged throughout the interviews as a vital part of participants’ everyday lives. These dreams and hopes were developed in the face of what was, for some, a nightmare of adversity. Underpinning participants’ sense of agency, subjectivity and resilience, Badiou argues (93, as noted in Jackson, 241) that hope can appear as a basic form of patience or perseverance rather than a dream for justice. Instead of imagining an improvement in personal circumstances, the dream is one of simply moving forward rather than backward. While dreams of being reunited with family are rooted in the past and project a vision of a family which no longer exists, these dreams help fashion a future which once again contains a range of possibilities.Although Sara volunteered her time on the research project as part of her commitment to Vinnies, she was well-known to interviewees as a MARH staff member and, in many cases, a friend and confidante. While Sara’s manager role implies an imbalance of power, with Sara powerful and participants comparatively less so, the majority of the information explored in the interviews pertained to refugees’ experiences of life outside the sphere in which MARH is engaged, so there was limited risk of the data being sanitised to reflect positively upon MARH. The specialist information and understandings that the interviewees shared positions them as experts, and as co-creators of knowledge.Recruitment and Methodological ApproachThe project researcher (Jaunzems) met potential contributors at MARH when its members gathered for a coffee morning. With Sara’s assistance, the researcher invited MARH members to take part in the research project, giving those present the opportunity to ask and have answered any questions they deemed important. Coffee morning attendees were under no obligation to take part, and about half chose not to do so, while the remainder volunteered to participate. Sara scheduled the interviews at times to suit the families participating. A parent and child from each volunteer family was interviewed, separately. In all cases it was the mother who volunteered to take part, and all interviewees chose to be interviewed in their homes. Each set of interviews was digitally recorded and lasted no longer than 90 minutes. This article includes extracts from interviews with three mothers from refugee families who escaped war-torn homelands for a new life in Australia, sometimes via interim refugee camps.The project researcher conducted the in-depth interviews with Sara’s crucial interpreting/translating assistance. The interviews followed a traditional approach, except that the researcher deferred to Sara as being more important in the interview exchange than she was. This reflects the premise that meaning is socially constructed, and that what people do and say makes visible the meanings that underpin their actions and statements within a wider social context (Burr). Conceptualising knowledge as socially constructed privileges the role of the decoder in receiving, understanding and communicating such knowledge (Crotty). Respecting the role of the interpreter/translator signified to the participants that their views, opinions and their overall cultural context were valued.Once complete, the interviews were sent for translation and transcription by a trusted bi-lingual transcriber, where both the English and Arabic exchanges were transcribed. This was deemed essential by the researchers, to ensure both the authenticity of the data collected and to demonstrate “trust, understanding, respect, and a caring connection” (Valibhoy, Kaplan, and Szwarc, 23) with the participants. Upon completion of the interviews with volunteer members of the MARH community, and at the beginning of the analysis phase, researchers recognised the need for the adoption of an interpretive framework. The interpretive approach seeks to understand an individual’s view of the world through the contexts of time, place and culture. The knowledge produced is contextualised and differs from one person to another as a result of individual subjectivities such as age, race and ethnicity, even within a shared social context (Guba and Lincoln). Accordingly, a mother-tongue Arabic speaker, who identifies as a refugee (Al-Hameed), was added to the project. All authors were involved in writing up the article while authors two, three and four took responsibility for transcript coding and analysis. In the transcripts that follow, words originally spoken in Arabic are in intalics, with non-italcised words originally spoken in English.Discrimination and BelongingAya initially fled from her home in Syria into neighbouring Jordan. She didn’t feel welcomed or supported there.[00:55:06] Aya: …in Jordan, refugees didn’t have rights, and the Jordanian schools refused to teach them [the children…] We were put aside.[00:55:49] Interpreter, Sara (to Researcher): And then she said they push us aside like you’re a zero on the left, yeah this is unfortunately the reality of our countries, I want to cry now.[00:56:10] Aya: You’re not allowed to cry because we’ll all cry.Some refugees and migrant communities suffer discrimination based on their ethnicity and perceived legitimacy as members of the host society. Although Australian refugees may have had searing experiences prior to their acceptance by Australia, migrant community members in Australia can also feel themselves “constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others” (Green and Aly). Jackson argues that both refugees and migrants experiencethe impossibility of ever bridging the gap between one’s natal ties to the place one left because life was insupportable there, and the demands of the nation to which one has travelled, legally or illegally, in search of a better life. And this tension between belonging and not belonging, between a place where one has rights and a place where one does not, implies an unresolved relationship between one’s natural identity as a human being and one’s social identity as ‘undocumented migrant,’ a ‘resident alien,’ an ‘ethnic minority,’ or ‘the wretched of the earth,’ whose plight remains a stigma of radical alterity even though it inspires our compassion and moves us to political action. (223)The tension Jackson refers to, where the migrant is haunted by belonging and not belonging, is an area of much research focus. Moreover, the label of “asylum seeker” can contribute to systemic “exclusion of a marginalised and abject group of people, precisely by employing a term that emphasises the suspended recognition of a community” (Nyers). Unsurprisingly, many refugees in Australia long for the connectedness of the lives they left behind relocated in the safe spaces where they live now.Eades focuses on an emic approach to understanding refugee/migrant distress, or trauma, which seeks to incorporate the worldview of the people in distress: essentially replicating the interpretive perspective taken in the research. This emic framing is adopted in place of the etic approach that seeks to understand the distress through a Western biomedical lens that is positioned outside the social/cultural system in which the distress is taking place. Eades argues: “developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications”. Furthermore, Eades sees the challenge for service providers working with refugee/migrants in distress as being able to move beyond “harm minimisation” models of care “to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands”. This opens the door for studies concerning the notions of attachment to place and its links to resilience and a refugee’s ability to “settle in” (for example, Myers’s ground-breaking place-making work in Plymouth).Resilient PrecariousnessChaima: We feel […] good here, we’re safe, but when we sit together, we remember what we went through how my kids screamed when the bombs came, and we went out in the car. My son was 12 and I was pregnant, every time I remember it, I go back.Alongside the dreams that migrants have possible futures are the nightmares that threaten to destabilise their daily lives. As per the work of Xavier and Rosaldo, post-migration social life is recreated in two ways: the first through participation and presence in localised events; the second by developing relationships with absent others (family and friends) across the globe through media. These relationships, both distanced and at a distance, are dispersed through time and space. In light of this, Campays and Said suggest that places of past experiences and rituals for meaning are commonly recreated or reproduced as new places of attachment abroad; similarly, other recollections and experience can trigger a sense of fragility when “we remember what we went through”. Gupta and Ferguson suggest that resilience is defined by the migrant/refugee capacity to “reimagine and re-materialise” their lost heritage in their new home. This involves a sense of connection to the good things in the past, while leaving the bad things behind.Resilience has also been linked to the migrant’s/refugee’s capacity “to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships” (Eades). Resilience in this case is seen through an intersubjective lens. Joseph reminds us that there is danger in romanticising community. Local communities may not only be hostile toward different national and ethnic groups, they may actively display a level of hostility toward them (Boswell). However, Gill maintains that “the reciprocal relations found in communities are crucially important to their [migrant/refugee] well-being”. This is because inclusion in a given community allows migrants/refugees to shrug off the outsider label, and the feeling of being at risk, and provides the opportunity for them to become known as families and friends. One of MAHR’s central aims was to help bridge the cultural divide between MARH users and the broader Australian community.Hope[01:06: 10] Sara (to interviewee, Aya): What’s the key to your success here in Australia?[01:06:12] Aya: The people, and how they treat us.[01:06:15] Sara (to Researcher): People and how they deal with us.[01:06:21] Aya: It’s the best thing when you look around, and see people who don’t understand your language but they help you.[01:06:28] Sara (to Researcher): She said – this is nice. I want to cry also. She said the best thing when I see people, they don’t understand your language, and I don’t understand theirs but they still smile in your face.[01:06:43] Aya: It’s the best.[01:06:45] Sara (to Aya): yes, yes, people here are angels. This is the best thing about Australia.Here, Sara is possibly shown to be taking liberties with the translation offered to the researcher, talking about how Australians “smile in your face”, when (according to the translator) Aya talked about how Australians “help”. Even so, the capacity for social connection and other aspects of sociality have been linked to a person’s ability to turn a negative experience into a positive cultural resource (Wilson). Resilience is understood in these cases as a strength-based practice where families, communities and individuals are viewed in terms of their capabilities and possibilities, instead of their deficiencies or disorders (Graybeal and Saleeby in Eades). According to Fozdar and Torezani, there is an “apparent paradox between high-levels of discrimination experienced by humanitarian migrants to Australia in the labour market and everyday life” (30) on the one hand, and their reporting of positive well-being on the other. That disparity includes accounts such as the one offered by Aya.As Wilson and Arvanitakis suggest,the interaction between negative experiences of discrimination and reports of wellbeing suggested a counter-intuitive propensity among refugees to adapt to and make sense of their migration experiences in unique, resourceful and life-affirming ways. Such response patterns among refugees and trauma survivors indicate a similar resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from negative migration experiences and associated emotions. … However, resilience is not expressed or employed uniformly among individuals or communities. Some respond in a resilient manner, while others collapse. On this point, an argument could be made that collapse and breakdown is a built-in aspect of resilience, and necessary for renewal and ongoing growth.Using this approach, Wilson and Arvanitakis have linked resilience to hope, as a “present- and future-oriented mode of situated defence against adversity”. They argue that the term “hope” is often utilised in a tokenistic way “as a strategic instrument in increasingly empty domestic and international political vocabularies”. Nonetheless, Wilson and Arvanitakis believe hope to be of vital academic interest due to the prevalence of war and suffering throughout the world. In the research reported here, the authors found that participants’ hopes were interwoven with dreams of being reunited with their families in a place of safety. This is a common longing. As Jackson states,so it is that migrants travel abroad in pursuit of utopia, but having found that place, which is also no-place (ou-topos), they are haunted by the thought that utopia actually lies in the past. It is the family they left behind. That is where they properly belong. Though the family broke up long ago and is now scattered to the four winds, they imagine a reunion in which they are together again. (223)There is a sense here that with their hopes and dreams lying in the past, refugees/migrants are living forward while looking backwards (a Kierkegaardian concept). If hope is thought to be key to resilience (Wilson and Arvanitakis), and key to an individual’s ability to live with a sense of well-being, then perhaps a refugee’s past relations (familial) impact both their present relations (social/community), and their ability to transform negative experiences into positive experiences. And yet, there is no readily accessible way in which migrants and refugees can recreate the connections that sustained them in the past. As Jackson suggests,the irreversibility of time is intimately connected with the irreversibility of one’s place of origin, and this entwined movement through time and across space proves perplexing to many migrants, who, in imagining themselves one day returning to the place from where they started out, forget that there is no transport which will convey them back into the past. … Often it is only by going home that is becomes starkly and disconcertingly clear that one’s natal village is no longer the same and that one has also changed. (221)The dream of home and family, therefore and the hope that this might somehow be recreated in the safety of the here and now, becomes a paradoxical loss and longing even as it is a constant companion for many on their refugee journey.Esma’s DreamAccording to author three, personal dreams are not generally discussed in Arab culture, even though dreams themselves may form part of the rich tradition of Arabic folklore and storytelling. Alongside issues of mental wellbeing, dreams are constructed as something private, and it generally breaks social taboos to describe them publicly. However, in personal discussions with other refugee women and men, and echoing Jackson’s finding, a recurring dream is “to meet my family in a safe place and not be worried about my safety or theirs”. As a refugee, the third author shares this dream. This is also the perspective articulated by Esma, who had recently had a fifth child and was very much missing her extended family who had died, been scattered as refugees, or were still living in a conflict zone. The researcher asked Sara to ask Esma about the best aspect of her current life:[01:17:03] Esma: The thing that comforts me here is nature, it’s beautiful.[01:17:15] Sara (to the Researcher): The nature.[01:17:16] Esma: And feeling safe.[01:17:19] Sara (to the Researcher): The safety. ...[01:17:45] Esma: Life’s beautiful here.[01:17:47] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is beautiful here.[01:17:49] Esma: But I want to know people, speak the language, have friends, life is beautiful here even if I don’t have my family here.[01:17:56] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is so pretty you only need to improve the language and have friends, she said I love my life here even though I don’t have any family or community here. (To Esma:) I am your family.[01:18:12] Esma: Bring me my siblings here.[01:18:14] Sara (to Esma): I just want my brothers here and my sisters.[01:18:17] Esma: It’s a dream.[01:18:18] Sara (to Esma): it’s a dream, one day it will become true.Here Esma uses the term dream metaphorically, to describe an imagined utopia: a dream world. In supporting Esma, who is mourning the absence of her family, Sara finds herself reacting and emoting around their shared experience of leaving siblings behind. In doing so, she affirms the younger woman, but also offers a hope for the future. Esma had previously made a suggestion, absorbed into her larger dream, but more achievable in the short term, “to know people, speak the language, have friends”. The implication here is that Esma is keen to find a way to connect with Australians. She sees this as a means of compensating for the loss of family, a realistic hope rather than an impossible dream.ConclusionInterviews with refugee families in a Perth-based migrant support centre reveals both the nightmare pasts and the dreamed-of futures of people whose lives have experienced a radical disruption due to war, conflict and other life-threatening events. Jackson’s work with migrants provides a context for understanding the power of the dream in helping to resolve issues around the irreversibility of time and circumstance, while Wilson and Arvanitakis point to the importance of hope and resilience in supporting the building of a positive future. Within this mix of the longed for and the impossible, both the refugee informants and the academic literature suggest that participation in local events, and authentic engagement with the broader community, help make a difference in supporting a migrant’s transition from dreaming to reality.AcknowledgmentsThis article arises from an ARC Linkage Project, ‘A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency’ (LP140100935), supported by the Australian Research Council, Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc., and Edith Cowan University. The authors are grateful to the anonymous staff and member of Vinnies’ Migrant and Refugee Homebase for their trust in and support of this project, and for their contributions to it.ReferencesBadiou, Alan. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. Trans. Ray Brassier. 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