Articoli di riviste: "Democratic turn"

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Rasmussen, David M. "The Pragmatic Turn in Democratic Theory". Eco-ethica 5 (2016): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica2016514.

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Klikauer, Thomas. "Extended Book Review: Honneth’s social-democratic turn?" Capital & Class 41, n. 2 (22 maggio 2017): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817703872.

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Power, Thomas P. "Jokowi’s Authoritarian Turn and Indonesia’s Democratic Decline". Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 54, n. 3 (2 settembre 2018): 307–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918.2018.1549918.

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Talisse, Robert. "New Trouble For Deliberative Democracy". Dossier : Public Participation, Legitimate Political Decisions, and Controversial Technologies 12, n. 1 (4 dicembre 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042280ar.

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In the past two decades, democratic political practice has taken a deliberative turn. That is, contemporary democratic politics has become increasingly focused on facilitating citizen participation in the public exchange of reasons. Although the deliberative turn in democratic practice is in several respects welcome, the technological and communicative advances that have facilitated it also make possible new kinds of deliberative democratic pathology. This essay calls attention to and examines new epistemological troubles for public deliberation enacted under contemporary conditions. Drawing from a lesson offered by Lyn Sanders two decades ago, the paper raises the concern that the deliberative turn in democratic practice has counter-democratic effects.

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Erfani, Farhang. "Fixing Marx with Machiavelli: Claude Lefort's Democratic Turn". Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology 39, n. 2 (gennaio 2008): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071773.2008.11006642.

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Chaskel, Sebastian, e Michael J. Bustamante. "Can Santos's Colombia Turn the Page?" Current History 111, n. 742 (1 febbraio 2012): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.742.67.

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Kalney, M. S. "Democratic and Totalitarian Projects: Problems and Contradictions". Economic and Socio-Humanitarian Studies 32, n. 4(32) (31 dicembre 2021): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/2409-1073-2021-4-50-55.

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A comparative analysis of democratic and totalitarian social projects examines the contradictions associated with democratic and totalitarian regimes. It is argued that the main contradiction of the totalitarian regime — the orientation of society toward the full realization of the social ideal — in practice turns out to be a total suppression of the individual and his freedoms. In turn, the contradiction of the democratic regime is associated with the manipulative nature of governance, which in practice manifests itself in the dissemination of deliberately illusory social projects.

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Garner, Robert. "Animal rights and the deliberative turn in democratic theory". European Journal of Political Theory 18, n. 3 (25 febbraio 2016): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116630937.

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Deliberative democracy has been castigated by those who regard it as exclusive and elitist because of its failure to take into account a range of structural inequalities existing within contemporary liberal democracies. As a result, it is suggested, deliberative arenas will merely reproduce these inequalities, advantaging the already powerful extolling mainstream worldviews excluding the interests of the less powerful and those expounding alternative worldviews. Moreover, the tactics employed by those excluded social movements seeking to right an injustice are typically those – involving various forms of protest and direct action – which are incompatible with the key characteristics of deliberatively democracy. This paper seeks to examine the case against deliberative democracy through the prism of animal rights. It will be argued that the critique of deliberative democracy, at least in the case of animal rights, is largely misplaced because it underestimates the rationalistic basis of animal rights philosophy, misunderstands the aspirational character of deliberative theory and mistakenly attributes problems that are not restricted to deliberation but result from interest group politics in general. It is further argued that this debate about the apparent incompatibility between the ideals of deliberative democracy and non-deliberative activism disguises the potential that deliberative democracy has for advocates of animal rights and, by extension, other social movements too.

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Kuyper, Jonathan. "Democratic Deliberation in the Modern World: The Systemic Turn". Critical Review 27, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2015): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.993891.

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Jou, Willy, Masahisa Endo e Yoshihiko Takenaka. "An Appraisal of Japan’s “Right Turn”". Asian Survey 57, n. 5 (settembre 2017): 910–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.910.

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The conservative Liberal Democratic Party won overwhelming victories in the 2012, 2013, 2014, and 2016 elections in Japan. We discuss whether this reflected a rightward shift in the electorate, by examining how major parties and leaders are identified with particular ideological poles, and citizen–government distance on a range of issues.

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Aslam, Ali, David W. McIvor e Joel Schlosser. "A Democratic Turn within Democratic Socialism? State-Centric and Anti-Statist Visions of Socialism and the Challenge of Democratic Mirroring". New Political Science 43, n. 4 (2 ottobre 2021): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1997265.

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Litvin, Boris. "Mapping rule and subversion: Perspective and the democratic turn in Machiavelli scholarship". European Journal of Political Theory 18, n. 1 (17 agosto 2015): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115599894.

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This paper engages the debate within the ‘democratic turn’ in Machiavelli scholarship, where an ‘institutional’ approach has celebrated Machiavelli's theorisation of the institutions under which the people can rule while a ‘no-rule’ approach has traced Machiavelli's attention to the popular capacity to subvert all relations of rule. What do we make of Machiavelli's concurrent reception as a champion of popular rule and an antagonist to all rule? I argue that both institutionalising and subversive impulses appear simultaneously in Machiavelli's works, though in a dynamic for which neither of the democratic approaches adequately accounts – namely, a rhetorical dimension of Machiavelli's works wherein political knowledge unfolds from a continuous multiplicity of perspectives and the ensuing implication that perspective is crafted and shaped through political action. Perspectival readings of Machiavelli's accounts of the Capuan debate and the Ciompi rebellion thus reveal that both democratic approaches have neglected to question certain ‘princely’ orientations toward political action inherited in their conceptualisations of Machiavellian democracy. In contrast, I suggest that Machiavelli's comedy La Mandragola offers an opportunity to reframe perspective as a uniquely democratic phenomenon. Reading the comedy alongside the democratic turn, I argue that it enacts, satirises and even casts doubts on Machiavelli's princely lessons, in turn proposing a popular capacity to cultivate perspective in a newly organised public space.

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Bustikova, Lenka, e Petra Guasti. "The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?" Politics and Governance 5, n. 4 (29 dicembre 2017): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i4.1156.

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Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.

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Disch, Lisa. "The “Constructivist Turn” in Democratic Representation: A Normative Dead-End?" Constellations 22, n. 4 (24 novembre 2015): 487–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12201.

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Hanley, Seán, e Milada Anna Vachudova. "Understanding the illiberal turn: democratic backsliding in the Czech Republic". East European Politics 34, n. 3 (3 luglio 2018): 276–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1493457.

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Jahanbakhsh, F. "Making Islam Democratic: Social Movements and the Post-Islamist Turn". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 30, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2010): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2009-063.

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Gause, F. Gregory. "Making Islam democratic: social movements and the post-Islamist turn". Contemporary Islam 2, n. 2 (19 aprile 2008): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-008-0044-0.

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Fisher, Mark. "Thucydides's Tragic Science of Democratic Defeat". Review of Politics 84, n. 1 (2022): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467052100070x.

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AbstractThis article reinterprets Thucydides's analysis of the post-Periclean turn in Athenian politics by reading it within the context of contemporary “tragic” and “scientific” explanatory traditions. It finds in this analysis an ambitious attempt to reinvent the traditional, tragic pattern of hubris-driven reversal by reinterpreting its underlying causal logic according to a scientific perspective in which the overdetermining effects of deities are replaced by the variable power dynamics of democratic deliberation. The resultant analysis identifies a change in the relative standing of leaders as the determining cause of democratic reversal, not the absolute decline in leadership, thus tracing the Athenian turn towards hubris, great error, and civil discord to the egalitarian ordering of the post-Periclean assembly. In so doing, it shows how Thucydides's analysis posed a powerful challenge to previous attempts, both tragic and scientific, to prognosticate the fate of imperial democracy, as well as offering an exemplary moment of Thucydides's synthetic approach towards tragic and scientific explanatory perspectives.

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Rubenstein, Jennifer C. "EMERGENCY CLAIMS AND DEMOCRATIC ACTION". Social Philosophy and Policy 32, n. 1 (2015): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052515000096.

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Abstract:The straightforward normative importance of emergencies suggests that empirically engaged political theorists and philosophers should study them. Indeed, many have done so. In this essay, however, I argue that scholars interested in the political and/or moral dimensions of large-scale emergencies should shift their focus from emergencies to emergency claims. Building on Michael Saward’s model of a “representative claim,” I develop an account of an emergency claim as a claim that a particular (kind of) situation is an emergency, made by particular actors against particular background conditions to particular audiences, which in turn accept, ignore, or reject that claim. Emergency politics, in turn, consists of many different actors making and not making, accepting, and rejecting, a wide range of overlapping and competing emergency claims. I argue that scholars should shift their focus to emergency claims because doing so helps us see the fraught implications of emergency politics for marginalized groups. I examine three such implications: emergency claims are often “Janus-faced,” meaning that they function simultaneously as “weapons of the weak” and weapons of the strong; they are often regressive, including by discriminating against victims of chronic bad situations, and they often perpetuate and exacerbate existing social hierarchies. Noticing these troubling features of emergency politics raises a question that I do not address here: What might plausible alternatives to emergency politics look like?

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Hornat, Jan. "Democratization through education? Theory and practice of the Czech post-revolution education system and its reforms". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, n. 3 (1 settembre 2018): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.08.003.

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The transformation process from an authoritarian/totalitarian system entails many institutional changes, however, the individual citizen is often being overlooked in this chaotic, fast-paced process and his or her “transformation” into a democrat is taken for granted. The changing socio-political system and its exigencies may lead to nostalgia and social frustrations, which in turn cause democratic backsliding. In order to cultivate a democratic society and avoid future backsliding, the post-communist states quickly set out to reform their educational systems, both in form and substance. By reviewing the reform process of the Czech educational system and discussing the prevailing legacies left by the communist regime, the article will show that through the “destruction” of the former system and its de-monopolization, decentralization and de-ideologization, the state deliberately lost significant means and power to transform Czechs from “homo sovieticus” to “homo democraticus” and is now left with a dependence on the highly autonomous schools and their propensity to foster democratic generations that will uphold the democratic state in the future. This paradox is reminiscent of the so-called Böockenföorde dilemma, claiming that the liberal democratic state “lives by prerequisites which it cannot guarantee itself”.

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KUYPER, JONATHAN W. "Systemic Representation: Democracy, Deliberation, and Nonelectoral Representatives". American Political Science Review 110, n. 2 (maggio 2016): 308–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000095.

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This article explores the relationship between non-electoral representatives and democratic legitimacy by combining the recent constructivist turn in political representation with systemic work in deliberative theory. Two core arguments are advanced. First, non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a wider democratic system. Second, deliberative democracy offers a productive toolkit by which to evaluate these agents. I develop a framework of systemic representation which depicts the elemental parts of a democratic system and assigns normative standards according to the space occupied. The framework gives priority of democratic analysis to the systemic level. This helps mitigate a central concern in the constructivist turn which suggests that representatives mobilize constituencies in ways that are susceptible to framing and manipulation. I engage in case-study analysis of the collapsed Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement to unpack the different spaces occupied by non-electoral representative and elucidate the varied democratic demands that hinge on this positioning.

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BROWN, DAVID S., J. CHRISTOPHER BROWN e SCOTT W. DESPOSATO. "Left Turn on Green?" Comparative Political Studies 35, n. 7 (settembre 2002): 814–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035007003.

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This article presents the first attempt to examine the political consequences of internationally funded programs that target local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Although the purported mission of NGOs is often economic, humanitarian, or environmental, the authors suggest that their impact is also profoundly political. Injections of international resources into underdeveloped, often clientelistic societies can fundamentally change the nature of the local political arena, affecting access to economic resources, social benefits, and ultimately the quality of democratic representation. The authors analyze the impact external resources have on politics by examining a series of World Bank-funded projects based in the Brazilian Amazon from 1995 to 1997. They show that World Bank funding designed to channel resources to local groups had powerful effects in the political arena, increasing electoral support for the Left in the 1998 presidential race. This article has important implications for the growing role of NGOs and their influence on politics in the developing world.

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Serodio, Aluisio, Benjamin I. Kopelman e Patricia U. R. Bataglia. "Promoting moral and democratic competencies: towards an educational turn of Bioethics". Revista Bioética 24, n. 2 (agosto 2016): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1983-80422016242123.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to present Bioethics, particularly its educational aspect, as a way to promote moral and democratic competencies, thus improving a personal capacity to face not only bioethical issues but also broader ethical, moral and even political problems. We believe that we should invest educative efforts on the affective and cognitive aspects of moral behavior if we want to promote the capacity to make moral judgments and act according to them. In pluralistic democratic societies, it is necessary to also promote the capacity to speak up and listen to arguments as a means to deal with moral problems. Any Bioethics which does not also include an educational action is prone to lose most of its significance. We propose that Bioethics should be led to an educational turn, focusing on the construction of an educative toolbox composed of interventional and evaluative instruments.

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Strassheim, Holger. "De-biasing democracy. Behavioural public policy and the post-democratic turn". Democratization 27, n. 3 (4 febbraio 2020): 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1663501.

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Butzlaff, Felix. "Between empowerment and abuse: citizen participation beyond the post-democratic turn". Democratization 27, n. 3 (4 febbraio 2020): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1707809.

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Suteu, Silvia. "The Populist Turn in Central and Eastern Europe: Is Deliberative Democracy Part of the Solution?" European Constitutional Law Review 15, n. 3 (settembre 2019): 488–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019619000348.

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The rise of populism in Central and Eastern Europe as a broader democratic crisis – Developments in Hungary, Poland and Romania indicate failure of representative politics post-1989 – Reorienting politics towards a deliberative democratic culture can help answer the bottom-up critique exploited by populists – Citizen-centric deliberative approaches take seriously long-standing discontent with liberal democracy and can provide an alternative to populism

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König, Julia. "Bildung als »unerzwungene Neuanordnung von Wünschen« im »Modus des Künftigen«". Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Pädagogik 97, n. 4 (3 dicembre 2021): 446–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890581-09703016.

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Abstract Education as an »Uncoercive Rearrangement of Desires« in the »Mode to Come«. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s Postcolonial Turn to the Subject Against the backdrop of recent anti-democratic movements in Germany and Austria, Julia König turns to Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s outline of education as an »uncoercive rearrangement of desires« in the »mode to come« and explores its meaning in post-Nazi, post-colonial societies. Given the historical entanglement, she proposes a reading of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s pedagogy outlined in »Righting Wrongs« as a postcolonial »turn to the subject« (Adorno).

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McCoy, Jennifer L., e William C. Smith. "Democratic Disequilibrium in Venezuela". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37, n. 2 (1995): 113–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166273.

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Venezuela's contemporary politics poses a problematic different from those predominating in the literature on democratization. Scholarly research in the last decade focused first on the crisis of authoritarian rule and the ensuing transition to civilian governments, with the reestablishment of electoral procedures, and, more recently, on the problems of the consolidation of a democratic regime, including alternation in power, universal acceptance of the rules of the game, and generation of a democratic political culture.The challenges confronting Venezuela are not those of transition or consolidation but, rather, the decomposition — or deconsolidation — of an established democratic regime. In other Latin American countries in recent decades, longstanding models of statist development developed crises that led, in turn, to complex transformations in the economy and in society. One consequence of these changes was that authoritarian regimes began a transition to more democratic forms of governance.

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Phipps, John. "North Korea—Will it be the ‘Great Leader’s’ Turn Next?" Government and Opposition 26, n. 1 (1 gennaio 1991): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01123.x.

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OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.

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David, James. "Globalization and the Post-Modern Turn". Ushus - Journal of Business Management 2, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2003): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12725/ujbm.2.3.

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We need a critical theory of globalization that is necessarily trans-disciplinary and that, which does not buy into ideological valorizations and affirms difference, resistance, and democratic self-determination against forms of global domination and subordination. A wide range of theorists has argued that the proliferation of differences and the shift from the level of globalization to focus on the local, the specific, the particular, the heterogeneous, and the micro level of everyday experience. Several theories are associated with post-structuralism, postmodernism, feminism, and multiculturalism and focus on difference, 'otherness', marginality, the personal, the particular, and the concrete over more general theory and politics that aim at more global or universal conditions.

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Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit, e Gizem Arikan. "Religion and Support for Democracy: A Cross-National Test of the Mediating Mechanisms". British Journal of Political Science 43, n. 2 (24 settembre 2012): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000427.

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Religion can be a source of undemocratic attitudes but also a contributor to democratic norms. This article argues that different dimensions of religiosity generate contrasting effects on democratic attitudes through different mechanisms. The private aspect of religious belief is associated with traditional and survival values, which in turn decrease both overt and intrinsic support for democracy. The communal aspect of religious social behaviour increases political interest and trust in institutions, which in turn typically lead to more support for democracy. Results from multilevel path analyses using data from fifty-four countries from Waves 4 and 5 of the World Values Survey suggest there is some regularity in mechanisms responsible for the effect of religiosity on democratic support that extend beyond religious denomination.

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Stanojevic, Miroslav. "Slovenia: neo-corporatism under the neo-liberal turn". Employee Relations 40, n. 4 (4 giugno 2018): 709–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-01-2017-0008.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reveal the formation and development of Slovenia’s neo-corporatist industrial relations system in the 1990s, and its change which overlaps with Slovenia’s accession to the EU and the eurozone. Design/methodology/approach The approach is based on the presumption that the transitional processes engaged in by the societies of “real socialism” were merely part of a larger and deeper transition – the great recommodification of the post-war decommodified societies of European democratic capitalism. Findings Already by the mid-1990s, the Slovenian industrial relations system contained all key features of the neo-corporatist regimes emerging after the Second World War in the European systems of democratic capitalism. Like those systems, in the 1990s Slovenia also saw a system being formed of political exchanges based on wage restraint policy. The combination of this wage policy and appropriate national monetary policy facilitated the Slovenian economy’s competitiveness and above-average growth. Slovenia was a success story. Originality/value The Slovenian system started to change in the middle of the last decade. The trigger of this change was Slovenia’s entry to the eurozone. Since then, Slovenian neo-corporatism has been subject to systematic deregulation. Despite this, the analysis suggests the Slovenian industrial relations system still contains a coordinating mechanism that distinguishes it from other “post-communist”, and, generally speaking, liberal market economies.

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Yakovlev, P. "The Geopolitical Turn of Latin America". World Economy and International Relations, n. 7 (2014): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-7-55-66.

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Modern processes in Latin America confirmed the fact that the twenty-first century is a period of historic growth of developing countries. In the last 12-15 years in the Latin American region there have taken place a wave of significant changes, a lot of States have become financially and economically stronger. The countries modernized their internal socio-political structures, strengthened democratic institutions and benefited from the globalization, that enabled them to strengthen their positions in the international arena. The changes visibly transform the regional political-economic context affecting all areas of external relations of the Latin American countries, define the new role of the region in the emerging world. All these processes allow to speak about substantial geopolitical developments in the situation of Latin America.

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Pineda, Erin. "Beyond (and Before) the Transnational Turn". Democratic Theory 9, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2022): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2022.090202.

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Can civil disobedience be transnationalized? This question presumes civil disobedience to be a fundamentally domestic concept—one constitutively tied to both the nation-state and the normative underpinnings of liberal, constitutional democracies. This article shows how this assumption mistakes one version of civil disobedience’s twentieth-century intellectual history for the whole of it, and risks reproducing binaries (domestic vs. international, democracies vs. non-democracies) that trouble attempts to theorize the transnational. Turning to an alternative intellectual history—a network of civil rights and anticolonial activists—reveals a novel theory of civil disobedience as decolonizing praxis, as well the stakes of these binaries: the disavowal of white supremacy as pervasive and durable global structure of governance, linking the domestic to the international, and democratic rule to domination.

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Polacko, Matthew. "Turning off the base: Social democracy's neoliberal turn, income inequality, and turnout". Politics & Policy 51, n. 4 (agosto 2023): 538–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12550.

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AbstractGreater party system polarization has recently been shown to influence voter turnout under conditions of higher income inequality. This article builds on these findings by introducing into the framework the policy positions of social democratic parties. It does so through multilevel regression on a sample of 30 advanced democracies in 111 elections, from 1996 to 2019. In doing so, it contributes to the identification of party policy offerings as a mechanism moderating inequality and turnout. It finds that income inequality significantly reduces voter turnout, which is substantially magnified when social democratic parties adopt rightward welfare state positions. It also finds that social democratic parties can largely mitigate the negative effects of inequality on turnout for low‐income individuals by offering leftist welfare state positions. The findings carry important implications for understanding the electoral consequences of both party positioning and rising inequality in advanced democracies.Related ArticlesSimon, Christopher A., and Raymond Tatalovich. 2022. “The Turnout Myth and Referendum Voting in the United States.” Politics & Policy 50(3): 472–86. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12483.Stockemer, Daniel, and Stephanie Parent. 2013. “The Inequality Turnout Nexus: New Evidence from Presidential Elections.” Politics & Policy 42(2): 221–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12067.Wilford, Allan M. 2020. “Understanding the Competing Effects of Economic Hardship and Income Inequality on Voter Turnout.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 314–38. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12344.

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Kersting, Norbert. "Participatory Turn? Comparing Citizens’ and Politicians’ Perspectives on Online and Offline Local Political Participation". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 14, n. 2 (1 aprile 2016): 251–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/14.2.249-263(2016).

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The paper presents a participatory framework for online and offline participation (participatory rhombus).Most democratic innovation such as referendums, new advisory boards are primarily implemented at the local level, which can be regarded as a laboratory for democratic innovation. Some are online instruments (e-petitions, e participatory budgeting). The paper presents results from a broad representative national survey within 27 cities in Germany analyzing the attitudes of citizen and local politicians. Citizen as well as elected politicians and the administration are generally quite open regarding these new online participatory instruments. Participatory budgeting as well as Online participation is regarded less attractive?

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Bartinelly Sousa da Silva Melo, Sílvia. "DEMOCRATIC SCHOOL MANAGEMENT". Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade 4, n. 05 (26 settembre 2023): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51249/gei.v4i05.1595.

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The educational environment, as a significant social provider, is the result of a collection of protagonists, who, in turn, as demanders of education, have responsibilities that are often not properly assumed. The present article brings to the question the democratization of school management. It presents the high level of difficulty that this action brings with it, considering the experience in a society whose standards are filled with authoritarianism, based on an exacerbated exercise of power not only in a political vision, but also social and economic. The little one reproduces itself and thereby produces the great; and the school, as an institution of the system, is subject to this ambiguous, or perhaps even contradictory, relation as it incorporates the very title of the article. There is a whole historical movement in the search of decentralizing the power in the management of public policies that attempt in the direction of the municipal power. However, a question runs through what is said in this article: how to democratize school in a society that, at times, still resists the basic principles of democracy? This work does not have definite and conclusive answers, but it is concerned with pointing out certain biases that may (or may not) lead to a democratized school process, from a management that makes democracy its greatest desire. In accordance with the information acquired during the work, at the end some considerations are established, through which it is intended to assist other research that may be triggered.

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Liashchenko, Iryna. "DEFICIENCIES OF PLATO’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM". Politology bulletin, n. 82 (2019): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.82.37-43.

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Main objective of the study. The objective of the study is to identify deficiencies of the democratic political system in order to protect democracy from rapid degradation into tyranny. Methodology. The systematic method was selected as the methodological basis for the research, as it enables the consideration of Plato’s democratic system as interdependent with other types of states. The comparative method proved to be effective for distinguishing the characteristic features of the aristocratic, timocratic, oligarchic, democratic and tyrannical state of the human soul and Plato’s system of government.Findings and conclusions. To enable proper operation of democracy, it requires protection from its own deficiencies. These deficiencies include the following: firstly, the flaw of haughty, arrogant attitude towards wise talented naturally eminent people and the fear of their coming to power originates from timocracy; secondly, just as «barns with gold» destroyed the timocratic and oligarchic type of state, so the residues of these «barns» turn into a flaw of democracy in the form of a social abyss between the most affluent and the most deprived strata of the society; thirdly, this is excessive will in democracy that is gradually turning into excessive slavery. Regarding the latter, Plato emphasizes the anarchic extreme of freedom in democracy, which turns it into arbitrariness. After all, in a democracy there is no need to participate in government; not necessarily obey; no go to war; neither obey peace or laws, etc. The main consequence of all these deficiencies in the democratic system is the fostering of a future tyrant rooting from a people’s deputy. Since the thinker points out that no matter how many times a tyrant appears, he does not come from somewhere, but only from a democratic election procedure.

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Liashchenko, Iryna. "DEFICIENCIES OF PLATO’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM". Politology bulletin, n. 82 (2019): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.82.37-43.

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Abstract (sommario):

Main objective of the study. The objective of the study is to identify deficiencies of the democratic political system in order to protect democracy from rapid degradation into tyranny. Methodology. The systematic method was selected as the methodological basis for the research, as it enables the consideration of Plato’s democratic system as interdependent with other types of states. The comparative method proved to be effective for distinguishing the characteristic features of the aristocratic, timocratic, oligarchic, democratic and tyrannical state of the human soul and Plato’s system of government.Findings and conclusions. To enable proper operation of democracy, it requires protection from its own deficiencies. These deficiencies include the following: firstly, the flaw of haughty, arrogant attitude towards wise talented naturally eminent people and the fear of their coming to power originates from timocracy; secondly, just as «barns with gold» destroyed the timocratic and oligarchic type of state, so the residues of these «barns» turn into a flaw of democracy in the form of a social abyss between the most affluent and the most deprived strata of the society; thirdly, this is excessive will in democracy that is gradually turning into excessive slavery. Regarding the latter, Plato emphasizes the anarchic extreme of freedom in democracy, which turns it into arbitrariness. After all, in a democracy there is no need to participate in government; not necessarily obey; no go to war; neither obey peace or laws, etc. The main consequence of all these deficiencies in the democratic system is the fostering of a future tyrant rooting from a people’s deputy. Since the thinker points out that no matter how many times a tyrant appears, he does not come from somewhere, but only from a democratic election procedure.

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Katner, Adrienne, Kari Brisolara, Philip Katner, Andrew Jacoby e Peggy Honore. "Panic in the Streets—Pandemic and Protests: A Manifestation of a Failure to Achieve Democratic Ideals". NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 30, n. 3 (21 settembre 2020): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291120960233.

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America is at a critical crossroads in history as the COVID-19 pandemic expands. We argue that the failure to respond effectively to the pandemic stems from the nation’s protracted divergence from the democratic ideals, we purport to value. Structural racism and class-based political and economic inequity are sustained through the failings of the nation’s democratic institutions and processes. The situation has, in turn, fostered further inequity and undermined science, facts, and evidence in the name of economic and political interests, which in turn has encouraged the spread of the pandemic, exacerbated health disparities, and escalated citizen tensions. We present a broad vision of reforms needed to achieve democratic ideals which we believe is the most important first step to achieving true political representation, achieving a resilient and sustainable economy, and fostering the health of vulnerable communities, workers, and the planet.

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Manski, Ben. "The Democratic Turn of the Century: Learning from the U.S. Democracy Movement". Socialism and Democracy 29, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2015): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2015.1006392.

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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "The governance of unsustainability: ecology and democracy after the post-democratic turn". Environmental Politics 22, n. 1 (febbraio 2013): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2013.755005.

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Saffari, Siavash. "The Post-Islamist Turn and the Contesting Visions of Democratic Public Religion". Sociology of Islam 2, n. 3-4 (10 giugno 2014): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204003.

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This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of their particular conceptions of democratic public religiosity for contributing to the ongoing processes of change in Iran and other contemporary Muslim societies.

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Holdo, Markus. "Violations of basic deliberative norms: The systemic turn and problems of inclusion". Politics 40, n. 3 (8 novembre 2019): 348–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395719887329.

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What is the appropriate way to respond to actions that break basic norms of respectfulness, sincerity, and public-mindedness? At the same time as this question has become a central concern for democratic societies, a ‘systemic’ turn has unsettled established solutions for democratic theorists. From the systemic perspective, it is more important how actions contribute to public discourse than whether they meet standards of deliberation individually. This article challenges theorists to consider three additional propositions: (1) to be inclusive and deliberative, the system and its parts must be mutually supportive; (2) well-performing systems have sufficient reflective capacity to examine their own deficiencies when violations of basic norms occur; and (3) the performance of a deliberative system needs to take into account both the frequency of violations and the reflective qualities of the system’s response. For a well-performing system, violations of basic norms are opportunities to learn and strengthen the support for spaces of deliberation.

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Greiman, Jennifer. "Democratic Aesthetics, Aesthetic Democracy". American Literary History 35, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2023): 400–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac234.

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Abstract This essay reviews four new books, each of which assesses the prospects of contemporary democracy in the face of wide-ranging crises—from the legacies of settler colonialism to the resurgence of right-wing nationalism—and finds possibilities for democratic renewal in aesthetic orientations and practices. Taken together, Jason Frank’s The Democratic Sublime (2021), Andrés Fabián Henao Castro’s Antigone in the Americas (2021), Michael Steinberg’s The Afterlife of Moses (2022), and Elisabeth Anker’s Ugly Freedoms (2022) suggest that the aesthetic turn in democratic theory most closely associated with the work of Jacques Rancière has been decisive. But if democratic theorists now fully embrace the centrality of creativity, performative assembly, and affective attachment and aversion to democratic renewal, they do not fully agree on the more fundamental question of whether democracy is a stable form that has aesthetic features or whether it is constitutively aesthetic—in other words, whether its people comes into being in moments of materialization with no prior referent.If contemporary political theorists . . . have found better prospects for the revitalization of democratic politics in collective performance and creative resistance than in . . . legal and political institutions, this shows how seriously . . . democratic thought has come to take democracy’s aesthetic dimensions.

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Faeedfar, Ziba, e Yasin Lotfata. "Public Sphere as Democratic Sphere". Issues in Social Science 6, n. 2 (21 dicembre 2018): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v6i2.14082.

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Political public space is more conflicted and stressed. Process of black-balling other actors is dominant here. Other civilian public spaces mean mutual learning and opinion improvement. These two spaces try to affect each other. Civilian public spaces try to affect political public space with political discourses. The only way to determine the willpower of the society is participation. Planning is conducted through this participation which brings democracy concept with. Planning is the participation of the folk in the decision phase. It puts communicative rationality instead of instrumental rationality in decisions to be taken for the community. This newly existing planning concept is based on the principle of consensus creating. All these let the planning turn into a democracy project. Handling the planning in such a concept and bringing together new spatial representation form in transmitting information by regarding spatial changings must be concept of planning of today. This study conducted a brief review on constructing democratic public space.

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Dunmire, Patricia L. "Democratic peace as global errand". Journal of Language and Politics 16, n. 2 (21 marzo 2017): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16004.dun.

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Abstract Focusing on the foreign policy discourse of George H. W. Bush and William Clinton, I examine the role the American jeremiad played in conceptualizing the geopolitical change initiated by the ending of the Cold War. I identify “extending the democratic peace” as the nation’s post-Cold War “errand” and argue that this global mission represented the contemporary “re-dedication” of American policy to the nation’s “divine cause.” I demonstrate that a key issue facing the nation was whether the U.S. would reap the benefits of its Cold War victory by extending its political-economic system globally or whether it would turn inward and, thereby, give rein of the future to the forces of “anarchy” and chaos.” As with earlier renditions of the jeremiad, the post-Cold War variant turned this liminal moment into a “mode of socialization” (Bercovitch 2012, 25) by deploying the concept of democratic peace to legitimate an interventionist foreign policy.

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Dieleman, Susan. "Epistemic Justice and Democratic Legitimacy". Hypatia 30, n. 4 (2015): 794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12173.

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The deliberative turn in political philosophy sees theorists attempting to ground democratic legitimacy in free, rational, and public deliberation among citizens. However, feminist theorists have criticized prominent accounts of deliberative democracy, and of the public sphere that is its site, for being too exclusionary. Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, and Seyla Benhabib show that deliberative democrats generally fail to attend to substantive inclusion in their conceptions of deliberative space, even though they endorse formal inclusion. If we take these criticisms seriously, we are tasked with articulating a substantively inclusive account of deliberation. I argue in this article that enriching existing theories of deliberative democracy with Fricker's conception of epistemic in/justice yields two specific benefits. First, it enables us to detect instances of epistemic injustice, and therefore failures of inclusion, within deliberative spaces. Second, it can act as a model for constructing deliberative spaces that are more inclusive and therefore better able to ground democratic legitimacy.

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Bunce, Valerie. "Rethinking Recent Democratization: Lessons from the Postcommunist Experience". World Politics 55, n. 2 (gennaio 2003): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0010.

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This study compares democratization in the postcommunist region (or the twenty-seven countries that emerged from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe) in order to evaluate some of the assumptions and arguments in the literature on recent democratization in southern Europe and Latin America. Five conclusions are drawn, all of which challenge the received wisdom about democratization in southern Europe and Latin America. First, the uncertainty surrounding the postcommunist transitions to democracy varied significantly. This influenced, in turn, the strategies of transition and their payoffs. This also meant that the most successful transitions in the postcommunist context involved a sharp break with the old order. Second, popular mobilization often functioned to support the democratic project. Third, nationalist mobilization was also helpful, though this depended upon whether it began with the breakdown of authoritarian rule or had a longer history—with the latter compromising the democratic project. Fourth, if the timing of nationalist mobilization was critical for the success of democratization in those cases where such mobilization occurred, then the strength of the opposition was the key factor in the remaining cases. Finally, while democratic consolidation necessarily enhances the prospects for democratic sustainability, the failure to consolidate democracy does not necessarily threaten the continuation of democratic rule. Indeed, as in the Russian case, such a failure may prolong democratic rule. This suggests, in turn, that a key distinction must be made between the optimal conditions for democratization and optimal strategies.

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Rupnik, Jacques, e Jan Zielonka. "Introduction: The State of Democracy 20 Years on". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, n. 1 (12 dicembre 2012): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465110.

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The countries of East-Central Europe (ECE) embarked on a democratic transition in 1989 were proclaimed consolidated democracies when they joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. Today most of the new democracies are experiencing “democratic fatigue” and some seem vulnerable to an authoritarian turn. The EU, seen as the guarantor of the post-1989 democratic changes, is experiencing an unprecedented economic, financial, and democratic crisis with the combined challenges of technocracy and populism. The article explores the different approaches to the study of democracies in ECE, their specific features and vulnerabilities, and tries to provide an interpretation of the premature crisis of democracy in ECE in a broader transeuropean context.

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