Tesi sul tema "Democratic turn"
Segui questo link per vedere altri tipi di pubblicazioni sul tema: Democratic turn.
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Vedi i top-15 saggi (tesi di laurea o di dottorato) per l'attività di ricerca sul tema "Democratic turn".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Vedi le tesi di molte aree scientifiche e compila una bibliografia corretta.
1
Gunn, Paul Michael David. "Multiculturalism and the democratic turn : a classical liberal critique". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1298.
Abstract (sommario):
The increasing prominence of multiculturalism and moral diversity over the past few decades has coincided with a theoretical expansion of the democratic project. In particular, so-called „deliberative‟ and „strong‟ theories of democracy have been offered and expanded as solutions to the various moral and political problems that have arisen. However, while democrats disagree in the literature about what form a strongly participative democracy should take, there has been little circumspection about the wisdom of expanding democratic mechanisms. This thesis attempts to fill this lacuna by examining the merits of the various democratic theories on offer. By analysing the dilemmas posed by diversity and multiculturalism, it shows that the efficacy of deliberative democracy rests upon its epistemic virtues. If a stronger democracy is to overcome the problems of pluralism, it needs to greatly improve the flow of information around society. The principal argument offered is that, in practice, strong theories of democracy would not be able to deliver the epistemic outcomes necessary to provide a desirable alternative to modern liberal democracy. Multiculturalists and strong democrats do offer compelling reasons to reject modern liberalism, but the various democratic positions they advance rest upon prima facie controversial assumptions about the good society. By presuming both the means and the end of social life, deliberative democracy would likely close down rather than increase the flow of information between social actors, to the detriment of those already marginalised by the liberal democratic system. As such, it is contended on pragmatic grounds that we would do better to return to a classical, „Austrian‟ form of liberalism to find a theory of multicultural accommodation. Since we cannot know in advance how we should live our lives, our best response to pluralism would be to renounce the political management of society in order to strengthen those social mechanisms which help us learn about and adapt to one another.
2
Bailey, David James. "Legitimation through integration : explaining the 'new' social democratic turn to Europe". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1774/.
Abstract (sommario):
The turn towards European integration by social democratic parties across the European Union has thus far been inadequately explained. Existing explanations are unable to account for the anticipation that traditional social democratic 'market-correcting' policies can be successfully promoted at the EU-level despite the lack of opportunities to do so. This thesis argues that the 'new' social democratic turn to Europe has enabled social democratic parties to retain a degree of ideological continuity despite the necessary retrenchment of social democracy, thereby contributing to the ongoing (yet increasingly problematic) legitimation of social democracy and the continued maintenance of a viable social democratic constituency. The turn to Europe has provided social democratic parties with the possibility of re-regulating 'globalisation' at the supranational level, thereby cohering with the traditional social democratic practice of promoting market-correcting public policy within institutions of representative democracy. However, there exist sizeable institutional obstacles to the implementation of such an agenda which prevent its realisation. Based on a theoretical discussion of the decline of 'traditional' social democracy, the thesis argues that the moderation of 'traditional' social democratic aims was necessary due to the inability to maintain an expansion of redistributive market-correcting regulations within institutions of representative democracy beyond the medium term. The 'new' social democratic turn to Europe enables redistributive market-correcting policies to be promoted, yet not realised, at the EU-level. Moreover, the non-realisation of a social democratic agenda at the European level can be understood in terms of the institutional obstacles to policy implementation at the supranational level, thereby partly obfuscating the failure of 'traditional' social democracy and contributing to its ongoing legitimation. This argument is illustrated through case studies of social democratic parties in the UK, Sweden, France, Spain and Italy, and at the European level.
3
Gilman, Hollie Russon. "The Participatory Turn: Participatory Budgeting Comes to America". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10746.
Abstract (sommario):
Participatory Budgeting (PB) has expanded to over 1,500 municipalities worldwide since its inception in Porto Alege, Brazil in 1989 by the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party). While PB has been adopted throughout the world, it has yet to take hold in the United States. This dissertation examines the introduction of PB to the United States with the first project in Chicago in 2009, and proceeds with an in-depth case study of the largest implementation of PB in the United States: Participatory Budgeting in New York City. I assess the outputs of PB in the United States including deliberations, governance, and participation. I argue that PB produces better outcomes than the status quo budget process in New York City, while also transforming how those who participate understand themselves as citizens, constituents, Council members, civil society leaders and community stakeholders. However, there are serious challenges to participation, including high costs of engagement, process exhaustion, and perils of scalability. I devise a framework for assessment called “citizenly politics,” focusing on: 1) designing participation 2) deliberation 3) participation and 4) potential for institutionalization. I argue that while the material results PB produces are relatively modest, including more innovative projects, PB delivers more substantial non-material or existential results. Existential citizenly rewards include: greater civic knowledge, strengthened relationships with elected officials, and greater community inclusion. Overall, PB provides a viable and informative democratic innovation for strengthening civic engagement within the United States that can be streamlined and adopted to scale.Government
4
Busk, Larry. "Democracy in Spite of the Demos: Arendt, the Democratic Turn, and Critical Theory". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24517.
Abstract (sommario):
This dissertation examines the limits of the figure of democracy as a critical category in contemporary political philosophy. I frame the analysis around a structural tension in the work of several authors who rely on democracy as a theoretical foundation, which I call “the elitist-populist ambivalence.” This theoretical tendency regards democracy as a categorical imperative—a foundational normative principle and an end in itself—but simultaneously delimits the composition of the demos by disqualifying certain political actors from the status of the political, thereby violating the parameters of a categorical imperative by specifying conditions. In other words, the democratic turn appeals to formal concepts but decides the political content in advance. It advocates democracy on its own terms, democracy in spite of the demos. But if democracy has normative purchase only under certain conditions, then our critical political theory must be based on these conditions rather than the figure of democracy.
The project focuses on three main bodies of literature: the work of Hannah Arendt, the tradition of radical democracy (exemplified by Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe, and Ernesto Laclau), and early Frankfurt School critical theory (Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse). Though Arendt betrays no particular attachment to the term “democracy,” her work is of interest to this project because it represents a stark expression of the elitist-populist ambivalence: a political ontology based on democratic iconography and a simultaneous delimitation of who should count as the demos. The discussion of Rancière, Mouffe, and Laclau explores the ways in which these figures reproduce not only Arendt’s democratic motifs but also her constitutive exclusion. Albeit with divergent political commitments, they both appeal to democracy in spite of the demos. Finally, Adorno and Marcuse provide an alternative to the categorical imperative of democracy. By critically confronting the social mediations of pervasive popular ignorance and irrationality, the early Frankfurt School displaces the normative force of the figure of democracy by a critique of the actually existing demos. This critique, I argue, allows us to steer a theoretical course between the perils of elitism and the equivocations of populism.
5
Linder, James Patrick. "Speculation on Space : spatio-social consolidation and democratic community in turn-of-the-twentieth century American thought /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9323.
6
Kuebrich, Benjamin D. "Praxis and Unfinishedness in the Public Turn: Critical Democratic Pedagogy and Civic Engagement in First-Year Composition". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1218587537.
7
Schotter, Geoffrey. "A Peculiar Type of Democratic Unity: Carl J. Friedrich's Strange Schmittian Turn 0r How Friedrich Stopped Worrying and Learned to Decide on the Exception". Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1301688653.
8
Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "The dialectic of democracy: modernization, emancipation and the great regression". Routledge, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/7107/1/13510347.2019.pdf.
Abstract (sommario):
In some of the most established and supposedly immutable liberal democracies,
diverse social groups are losing con
fi
dence not only in established democratic
institutions, but in the idea of liberal representative democracy itself. Meanwhile, an
illiberal and anti-egalitarian transformation of democracy evolves at an apparently
unstoppable pace. This
democratic fatigue syndrome
, the present article suggests, is
qualitatively di
ff
erent from the
crises of Democracy
which have been debated for
some considerable time. Focusing on mature democracies underpinned by the
ideational tradition of European Enlightenment, the article theorizes this Syndrome
and the striking transformation of democracy in terms of a dialectic process in
which the very norm that once gave birth to the democratic project -
the modernist
idea of the
autonomous subject -
metamorphoses into its gravedigger, or at least
into the driver of its radical reformulation. The article further develops aspects of my
existing work on
second-order emancipation
and
simulative democracy
. Taking a
theoretical rather than empirical approach, it aims to provide a conceptual
framework for more empirically oriented analyses of changing forms of political
articulation and participation.
9
Andersson, Birk. "POLICY OF CRIME - AN ANALYSIS OF THE PUNITIVE TURN´S INFLUENCE ON THE GREEN PARTY AND THE SWEDISH DEMOCRATS". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-26755.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis has analyzed the relationship between the punitive turn and the crime policies of the Green party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) and the Sweden democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) to answer the research question; what influence the punitive turn has had on the parties policies. The choice of method has fallen on a quantitative content-analysis with a qualitative complementarity and qualitative facilitation. From an account of the punitive turn has a word-list with recording units been created, of those recording units has a computer-search been made of the two parties most recent official documents which accounts for the parties holistic politics; MP´s Partyprogramme from 2013, and SD´s Principleprogramme from 2011. The result of the qualitative complementarity shows; a greater frequency of recording units for MP than for SD. The analysis of the qualitative facilitation-result shows; a lesser direct influence of the punitive turn for MP than for SD. The result and analysis are discussed regarding whether the research question has been answered, and no such conclusion is considered to be made by the researcher, instead are the result and analysis open for interpretation of the reader.
10
Thiberg, Andreas. "Drömmar om makt och ekologi : Miljöpolitiska debattböcker och konkurrerande sociotekniska föreställningsvärldar under det svenska ekologiska genombrottet 1967–1972". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196308.
Abstract (sommario):
The Swedish ecological breakthrough of the late 1960’s and the early 1970’s entailed a rapid proliferation of competing perspectives on the environment, on man’s relation to it, and on the possible – dystopian or utopian – futures that lay ahead. By drawing on the theoretical concept of sociotechnical imaginaries as defined by Sheila Jasanoff and Sang-Hyun Kim, this thesis aims to explore the critical role played by these perspectives, and by these visions of the future, during this formative period of the emerging environmental consciousness and of early Swedish environmental politics. With this purpose in mind, the thesis examines the sociotechnical imaginaries mobilized in three Swedish books on environmental politics written by politically concerned scientists, as well as the two first environmental manifests published by the ruling Social Democratic Party in 1968 and 1972. By comparing the imaginaries mobilized in each text, the thesis then argues that the party incorporated certain elements of the critical perspectives into the dominant paradigm, but that they never wavered in their commitment to industrial development. The thesis also shows how these environmental imaginaries were used to legitimize political power, as well as the social democratic hegemony.
11
Mohamed, Rafsandjani Hassani. "Les révisions constitutionnelles en Afrique et la limitation des mandats présidentiels. : Contribution à l'étude du pouvoir de révision". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOUL0147.
Abstract (sommario):
On constate une inflation des révisions constitutionnelles en Afrique qui touchent essentiellement la clause de limitation du nombre des mandats présidentiels. Les chefs d’État qui en sont à l’initiative cherchent à faciliter leur réélection. Ces velléités réformistes provoquent des crises politiques et sociales importantes. Pour les acteurs politiques, les organisations de la société civile ou encore les mouvements citoyens, la clause de limitation des mandats présidentiels est un élément fondamental des constitutions et ne peut pas, à ce titre, faire l’objet de révision constitutionnelle. Cette thèse entend démontrer que le pouvoir de révision n’est pas souverain. Il est soumis à deux impératifs. Le premier, d’ordre formel, impose de suivre la procédure régulière de révision fixée par la constitution. Le second impératif est finaliste et met à la charge du pouvoir de révision une obligation de consolider le système institutionnel en préservant ses principes fondateurs. Ces derniers forment la structure basique de la constitution. Il apparaît que ces deux impératifs ne sont pas toujours observés par les révisions en Afrique. La présente étude permet également de montrer qu’il existe, tant au niveau national que régional, un ensemble de mécanismes politiques et juridictionnels originaux, mais encore balbutiants, d’encadrement et de contrôle du pouvoir de révisionAfrican countries have been experiencing an increasing number of constitutional amendments, mainly affecting the presidential term limit clause. Leaders, who initiate them, seek to facilitate their re-election. Such reformist inclinations lead to major political and social crises. From the political actors, civil society organisations and citizen movements point of view, the presidential term limit clause is a key feature of constitutions and as such it should not be the subject of constitutional amendments. This thesis aims at demonstrating that constitutional amendment power is not absolute power. It must comply with two requirements. The first is formal. The amendment process provided by constitutions needs to be followed. The second is an objective. The duty of constitutional amendment power is to consolidate the institutional system by preserving its founding principles. These form the basic structure of constitutions. In Africa, it appears that these two requirements are not always observed when amending constitutions. This research also highlights that at both national and regional levels, there is a set of original mechanisms supervising constitutional amendment power, which are political and jurisdictional, but still in their infancy
12
Whately, Gustavo Vilella. "Conto com o seu voto: marketing pol?tico eleitoral no primeiro turno das elei??es presidenciais de 2010". Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2012. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13653.
Abstract (sommario):
Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
GustavoVW_DISSERT.pdf: 981783 bytes, checksum: ac8d7fee93281f331ae828f417bba7cc (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2012-02-24Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
O Marketing pol?tico e eleitoral se apresenta como uma forte e crescente ferramenta para a capta??o de votos durante o per?odo eleitoral, se tornando cada vez mais complexa e profissionalizada. Por?m, o que se apresenta ? que a campanha eleitoral vinculada na televis?o, em especial no HGPE (hor?rio gratuito de propaganda eleitoral) se mostra cada vez mais pr?xima a linguagem daquela, valorizando a empatia com o eleitor e a personalidade do candidato em detrimento de conte?dos ideol?gicos dos partidos e candidatos. Tendo esta discuss?o em vista, o presente trabalho pretende analisar a estrutura e o conte?do dos programas vinculados ao HGPE referentes ao primeiro turno dos tr?s principais candidatos a presid?ncia de 2010, Dilma Rousseff, Jos? Serra e Marina Silva
13
Byrskog, Bruce, e Tomas Hedlund. "DEMOKRATINS GODA HUMÖR, NERVER AV STÅL OCH GNUTTA TUR -En kvantitativ studie om demokratiska principer och dess relation till mänsklig utveckling". Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-75107.
Abstract (sommario):
The United Nation has declared a number of articles that protect human rights and with those articles imposing special obligations on the state to enforce these requirements. With this in mind it's not too hard to understand the democratic triumph over other regimes. The democratic regime has great theoretical and empirical support for its ability to bring higher levels of human development to citizens. This could be one of the reasons why democracy has spread over the world since the 19th century. But in recent years the importance of democracy has been questioned. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine the connection of various democratic principles to human development. We are particularly interested in analyzing 1) if dissimilar democratic principle have any relation to human development and 2) if there are any democratic principles that tends to have a distinguishable relation to human development over recent decades. In this paper we use correlation- and regression analysis to analyze this relationship. The democratic principles are measured with the democratic components created by the V-Dem institute while human development is measured with the Human Development Index. Our findings give support to the existence of a relation between all measured democratic principles and human development. According to our findings, the democratic principle of equality has a distinguishable relationship to human development that runs over recent decades. This paper concludes the several shapes of relationships that occur between democratic principles and human development.
14
INSERO, MARTINA. "L’Affective Turn. Il ruolo degli affetti tra teoria e politica". Doctoral thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1649955.
Abstract (sommario):
La tesi indaga quella che negli ultimi decenni è stata definita "Affective Turn" o "Emotional Turn", partendo dallo studio di teorie filosofiche e politiche in cui l’affettività ha rappresentato un elemento centrale. La ricostruzione di un “laboratorio dell’affettività”, parte da uno studio riguardante le concezioni delle passioni e degli affetti, quali modi differenti di definire tale dimensione e come costrutti teorici, partendo dall’antichità per osservarli nel loro divenire. La ricerca si muove nel tentativo di ricostruire una storia della dimensione affettiva per cercare di comprendere le modalità attraverso le quali questa ha contribuito alla costruzione dei modelli di soggettività, all’interno delle dinamiche politiche, sociali e culturali del nostro tempo. Per comprendere lo sviluppo di tali discorsi, grande importanza è affidata anche ai contributi della prima psicologia scientifica, che hanno arricchito il dibattito in questione. Particolare attenzione sarà riservata ad un’analisi critica della politica contemporanea che, grazie a nuove linee guida, ripensamenti categoriali e concettuali, non viene più unicamente pensata come spazio all’interno del quale agiscono le facoltà razionali degli individui. Un ripensamento delle potenzialità, o più in generale del ruolo degli affetti e delle cosiddette political emotions, si lega ad un conseguente ripensamento del concetto e del modello democratico e più in generale della sfera politica. Il punto di arrivo della ricerca si interroga sulle possibili prospettive di questa dimensione, alla luce di questa “ondata affettiva” che domina molti degli ambiti che ci circondano. Prospettive pensate soprattutto indagando gli studi più recenti sulla natura umana che sembrano aver dato vita a nuove concezioni dell’umano influenzate dagli sviluppi delle neuroscienze e delle teorie cognitive.
15
Benda, Marek. "Aféra Spiegel z roku 1962 a krize kolem České televize na přelomu let 2000/2001 pohledem vybraných konceptů demokratické konsolidace". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351214.
Abstract (sommario):
This master thesis deals with the affair Spiegel from 1962 and the Czech Television-Crisis from the turn 2000 and 2001. Both cases are compared by the conceptual approach of democratic consolidation from the Juan Linz's and Alfred Stepan's work The Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (Baltimore, 1996). The analysis aims to find out whether German Federal Republic in 1962 and the Czech Republic on the start of the third millennium fulfilled the first three Linz's and Stepan's criteria of a consolidated democracy. The theoretical chapter highlights some of alternative approaches and discussions about democratic consolidation as an analytical tool in comparative politics.