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1
Goodin, Robert E. Innovating democracy: Democratic theory and practice after the deliberative turn. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
2
Bayat, Asef. Making Islam democratic: Social movements and the post-Islamist turn. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2007.
3
Thomas, Ferguson. Right turn: The decline of the democrats and the future of American politics. New York: Hill and Wang, 1986.
4
Tomasky, Michael. Hillary's turn: Inside her improbable, victorious Senate campaign. New York: Free Press, 2001.
5
Zussini, Alessandro. Franco Invrea: Un "patrizio genovese" nella Torino giolittiana. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 2007.
6
Classics In The Modern World A Democratic Turn. Oxford University Press, 2013.
7
Hardwick, Lorna, e Stephen Harrison. Classics in the Modern World: A Democratic Turn? Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2013.
8
Hardwick, Lorna, e Stephen Harrison. Classics in the Modern World: A Democratic Turn? Oxford University Press, 2013.
9
Goodin, Robert E. Innovating Democracy: Democratic Theory and Practice after the Deliberative Turn. Oxford University Press, 2012.
10
Goodin, Robert E. Innovating Democracy: Democratic Theory and Practice after the Deliberative Turn. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2008.
11
Goodin, Robert. Innovating Democracy: Democratic Theory and Practice after the Deliberative Turn. Oxford University Press, 2008.
12
Henwood, Doug. My turn: Hillary Clinton targets the presidency. 2015.
13
Disch, Lisa, Mathijs van de Sande e Nadia Urbinati, a cura di. The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442602.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
This is the first edited volume to provide a comprehensive introduction and a critical exploration of the constructivist turn in political representation. Divided into three thematic parts, the 13 newly commissioned essays presented here develop constructivist turn as a central concept advancing the insight that there can be no democratic politics without representation because constituencies, or groups, exist as agents of democratic politics only insofar as they are represented. Complete with an original English translation of ‘Democracy and Representation’ by the French philosopher Claude Lefort, this volume delivers a rich critical intervention in democratic theory.
14
Fishman, Robert M. Democratic Practice. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190912871.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
This book offers a new way to conceptualize and study differences among democracies, focusing on political conduct and interaction as well as related taken-for-granted assumptions. With an empirical basis in a multimethod study of Portugal and Spain, pioneers in the worldwide turn to democracy that began in the 1970s, the argument identifies how political inclusion and equality vary substantially as a result of processes that the book theorizes: Nationally predominant forms of democratic practice constitute cultural legacies of the countries’ pathways to democracy during the 1970s. Whereas Portugal moved from dictatorship to democracy through a social revolution that inverted hierarchies and reconfigured cultural patterns while also generating thorough political democratization, Spain experienced a regime-led process of political transition under pressure from the opposition. The book shows how this contrast in pathways put in place ways of understanding democracy that have had deep consequences for political inclusion and conduct. Points of contrast in contemporary democratic practice include patterns of interaction between social movement protest and elected power holders as well as conduct within representative entities and in crucial secondary institutions such as the news media and the educational system. Consequences are identified in distributional outcomes, housing and welfare state policies, employment policy, and in the handling of economic crises. The implications of Spain’s less inclusionary democratic practice for cultural “others” such as Catalans are taken up in the chapter on the Catalan crisis. Implications for democratic theory and for sociological and political science theory are also taken up.
15
Sabsay, Leticia. The Political Imaginary of Sexual Freedom: Subjectivity and Power in the New Sexual Democratic Turn. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
16
Sabsay, Leticia. The Political Imaginary of Sexual Freedom: Subjectivity and Power in the New Sexual Democratic Turn. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
17
Bauböck, Rainer. Democratic Representation in Mobile Societies. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428231.003.0014.
Abstract (sommario):
Multiculturalism and transnationalism have transformed the traditional assimilationist and statist perspectives of immigrant integration studies. Yet these progressive approaches have not fully addressed the new challenges raised by the ‘mobility turn’. In highly mobile societies, the distinction between cultural majority and minorities, which is the starting point for multiculturalism, and the distinction between migrants, receiving and destination societies, which is still maintained in a transnational perspective, become increasingly blurred. Once these categories can no longer be distinguished, the normative case for differentiated multicultural and transnational citizenship becomes weaker too. The second part of the paper applies this line of thought to democratic representation issues. It identifies three challenges of mobility: representing temporary migrants; bridging cleavages between mobile and sedentary populations; and organizing democratic representation in hypermobile societies with sedentary minorities, each of which assume a different degree of societal transformation through mobility. The chapter concludes that it would be wrong to replace the methodological nationalism and statism that has prevailed in the multicultural citizenship literature with an equally biased ‘methodological migrantism’ that privileges a mobility perspective over that of territorially structured democracy. We should instead try to find institutional solutions which combine both perspectives and, where this is impossible, at least try to switch back and forth between them.
18
Bayat, Asef. Making Islam Democratic: Social Movements and the Post-Islamist Turn (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and I). Stanford University Press, 2007.
19
Bayat, Asef. Making Islam Democratic: Social Movements and the Post-Islamist Turn (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and I). Stanford University Press, 2007.
20
Luescher-Mamashela, Thierry M. The University in Africa and Democratic Citizenship. African Minds, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.47622/9781920355678.
Abstract (sommario):
Whether and how higher education in Africa contributes to democratisation beyond producing the professionals that are necessary for developing and sustaining a modern political system, remains an unresolved question. This report, then, represents an attempt to address the question of whether there are university specific mechanisms or pathways by which higher education contributes to the development of democratic attitudes and behaviours among students, and how these mechanisms operate and relate to politics both on and off campus. The research contained in this report shows that the potential of a university to act as training ground for democratic citizenship is best realised by supporting students' exercise of democratic leadership on campus. This, in turn, develops and fosters democratic leadership in civil society. Thus, the university's response to student political activity, student representation in university governance and other aspects of extra-curricular student life needs to be examined for ways in which African universities can instil and support democratic values and practices. Encouraging and facilitating student leadership in various forms of on-campus political activity and in a range of student organisations emerges as one of the most promising ways in which African universities can act as training grounds for democratic citizenship. The project on which this report is based forms part of a larger study on Higher Education and Democracy in Africa, undertaken by the Higher Education Research and Advocacy Network in Africa (HERANA). HERANA is coordinated by the Centre for Higher Education Transformation in South Africa.
21
Patton, Paul. After the Linguistic Turn: Post‐structuralist and Liberal Pragmatist Political Theory. A cura di John S. Dryzek, Bonnie Honig e Anne Phillips. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548439.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
This article examines the linguistic aspects of post-structuralist and liberal pragmatist political theory. It analyses the differences and similarities between post-structuralist philosophy and liberal political theory. It explores the egalitarian and democratic presuppositions of post-structuralist critical strategies and the non-metaphysical and historical conception of liberalism that we find in the late Rawls. It also discusses the relevant works of Jacques Derrida, Richard Rorty, and John Rawls.
22
Chao, Raul. Marxism for the Democratic Infidels: A Step by Step Case Study on How to Turn an Advancing Society into an Underdeveloped Miserable Cesspool. Lulu Press, Inc., 2022.
23
Kymlicka, Will, e Ruth Rubio-Marín. The Participatory Turn in Gender Equality and its Relevance for Multicultural Feminism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829621.003.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter identifies two parallel ‘participatory turns’ in the pursuit of gender equality. At the state level, this participatory turn is best epitomized by the global adoption of gender quotas to promote gender equality and democratic legitimacy. At the level of minority groups, multicultural feminists have proposed institutional innovations to strengthen the voice of women within minority groups in decisions about the interpretation and evolution of cultural and religious practices. These two trends have largely occurred in isolation from each other, with little academic or political attention to how they might enrich or conflict with each other. This chapter introduces these two fields of academic debate and political practice, and lays out a range of questions about how they might be connected, which the following chapters explore. The chapter concludes with summaries of the remaining chapters.
24
Cloud, Dana L. Business Unionism and Rank-and-File Unionism at the Turn of the Millennium. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036378.003.0002.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter introduces the arguments of the book in the context of a summary of the critique of traditional American union leadership as pro-business and dangerously invested in partnerships with management. First, it chronicles the two waves of the American union movement, telling the story of the rise of democratic unionism with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) and its subsequent decline in the postwar years. It then provides some examples from the 1990s and 2000s of instances in which conservative unions led workers to defeats, primarily because of the failure to prioritize rank-and-file action in favor of more administrative, legalistic, and consumer-oriented strategies. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the changing situation of labor today. It argues that that the story of the rise of the CIO provides an inspiring model of the birth of a fighting labor movement out of a period of fragmentation, exclusivity, and weakness in existing labor institutions. It further suggests that present conditions of economic crisis and the stirrings of a new militancy are ripe for a similar transformation.
25
Tanasoca, Ana. Deliberation Naturalized. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851479.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
Democratic theory’s deliberative turn has hit a dead end. It is unable to find a good way to scale up its small-scale, formally organized deliberative mini-publics to include the entire community. Some turn to deliberative systems for a way out, but none have found a credible way to deliberatively involve the citizenry at large. Deliberation Naturalized offers an alternative way out—one we have been using all along. The key sites of democratic deliberation are everyday political conversations among people networked across the community. Informal networked deliberation is how all citizens deliberate together, directly or indirectly. That is how public opinion emerges in civil society. Networked deliberation satisfies the classic deliberative desiderata of inclusion, equality, and reciprocity reasonably well, albeit differently than standard mini-publics. Reconceptualizing democratic deliberation in this way highlights some real threats to the networked mode of deliberative democracy, such as polarization, message repetition, and pluralistic ignorance. Deliberation Naturalized assesses the extent of each of those threats and proposes ways of protecting real existing deliberative democracy against them. By focusing on the mechanisms underpinning every democratic deliberation among citizens, Deliberation Naturalized offers a truly novel approach to deliberative democracy.
26
Ellis, Elizabeth. Democracy as Constraint and Possibility for Environmental Action. A cura di Teena Gabrielson, Cheryl Hall, John M. Meyer e David Schlosberg. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199685271.013.12.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter argues that attention to environmental action forces us to revise conventional democratic theory. Democratic theory depends upon suppositions exploded by environmental issues: on a discrete identifiable citizenry making decisions for itself, for example, or on the revisability of policy decisions. Democracy constrains environmental action while environmental challenges constrain democracy. The answer, however, is not less democracy, as there is no alternative to democracy if we seek justice in a plural world. Simple democratic assumptions are the best candidates for general adjudication of differences. Rather than turn away from democratic theory, we must return to its majoritarian essence. Thus the chapter sketches a democratic approach that enables rather than constrains environmental possibilities by refocusing democratic theory on protecting majority interests and reframing environmental issues in terms of protecting majority interest in sustainability from minority interests in extraction.
27
Birkbak, Andreas, e Irina Papazu, a cura di. Democratic Situations. Mattering Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.28938/9781912729302.
Abstract (sommario):
Democratic Situations places the making and doing of democratic politics at the centre of relational research. The book turns the well-known sites of contemporary Euro-American democracy – elections, bureaucracies, public debates and citizen participation – into fluctuating democratic situations where supposedly untouchable democratic ideals are contested and warped in practice. The empirical cases demonstrate that democracy cannot be reduced to theoretical schemes of conflict, institutions or deliberation. Instead, they offer an urgently needed renewal of our understanding of democratic politics at a time when conventional ideas increasingly fail to capture current events such as Brexit, Trump and Covid19.
28
Gagnon, J. Democratic Theorists in Conversation: Turns in Contemporary Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
29
Democratic Theorists In Conversation Turns In Contemporary Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
30
Gagnon, Jean-Paul. Democratic Theorists in Conversation: Turns in Contemporary Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
31
Gagnon, J. Democratic Theorists in Conversation: Turns in Contemporary Thought. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2014.
32
Varol, Ozan O. Cincinnatus. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0025.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter concludes the book. To summarize, in a democratic coup, militaries topple a dictator, assume absolute power during a temporary period, provide a steady hand during a turbulent transition, establish democratic procedures, and hand over power to elected leaders. Democratic does not mean unproblematic. All transitions to democracy, whether led by civilians or the military, are turbulent events and require a rethinking of our idealistic notions of success in moments of regime change. Ideally, of course, civilian, not military, leaders would spearhead democratic regime change. But civilian leaders are often unable to shoulder the momentous task of overthrowing an entrenched dictator without the help of the domestic military. Often the only hope for democracy is to turn the domestic military against the very dictatorship it’s tasked to defend. In our imperfect world, the second best may be the best we can do.
33
Rose, David C. The Free Market Democracy Dilemma. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199330720.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
In this chapter the tension between having a free market system and a democratic government is explored. Human flourishing requires ample general prosperity that comes from a free market system and it requires freedom that depends upon democratic institutions. But this produces a dilemma. The democratic system facilitates redistributive and regulatory favoritism that undermines trust in the system generally. This, in turn, weakens many trust-dependent institutions upon which the free market system and democracy depend. This is a dilemma because democracy is needed for freedom, but it can set in motion changes that ultimately reduce freedom. This tension has implications for social, political, and economic development because it suggests that societies can use trust in the system to substitute for low levels of generalized trust.
34
Hendriks, Carolyn M., Selen A. Ercan e John Boswell. Mending Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843054.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
This book advances the idea of democratic mending in response to the growing problem of disconnections in contemporary democracies. Around the globe vital connections in our democratic systems are wearing thin, especially between citizens and their elected representatives, between citizens in polarized public spheres, and between citizens and their complex governance systems. The wide scale of disrepair in our democratic fabric cannot realistically be patched over through institutional redesign or one-off innovation. Instead this book calls for a more connective and systemic approach to repairing democracies. For reform inspiration the authors engage in a critical dialogue between systems thinking in deliberative democracy and contemporary practices of political participation. They present three rich empirical cases of how everyday actors — citizens, community groups, administrators, and elected officials—are seeking to create and strengthen democratic connections in unpromising or challenging circumstances. The cases uncover the practical and varied work of democratic mending; these are small-scale, incremental interventions aimed at repairing disconnects in different parts of democratic systems. The empirical insights revealed in this book push forward ideas on connectivity in democratic theory and practice. They demonstrate that even in moments of dysfunctional disconnection, considerable learning, adaptation, and improvisation for democratic renewal can emerge. Ultimately, this book pioneers an approach to analysing democratic politics which might spark a ‘connective turn’ in the way scholars and practitioners think about and seek to improve democracy at the large scale.
35
Bell, Jonathan. From Popular Front to Liberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0003.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter situates the consumer boom and suburbanization of California after World War II in the context of the changing dynamics of liberal politics on the West Coast. The rise of the Democratic Party to power in California took place at a time in which a range of interest groups demanding greater racial, sexual, and economic equality began to gain political traction and found that the existing avenues of party political action were inadequate for their needs. The California Democratic Party in the 1950s acted as a meeting ground for a range of cross-class interests searching for political meaning in a suburbanized, consumerist political marketplace. Creating the Democratic Party anew in the 1950s, at a time of a sharp right turn in state Republican politics, set the tone of political debate for the next generation.
36
Fischer, Frank. Urban Sustainability, Eco-Cities, and Transition Towns: Resilience Planning as Apolitical Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199594917.003.0010.
Abstract (sommario):
After having explored various locally oriented projects in participatory governance that present practical alternatives to the theory of deliberative democracy, this chapter examines the democratic participatory potentials and realities of other local initiatives. It looks at the participatory activities of cities, including large cities, with a particular focus on the role for citizens in programs designed for adaptive responses to the consequences of climate change. Sponsored by city officials, these participatory initiatives are seen to be largely top-down in nature and not generally democratic per se. We then turn to the Transition Town movement, often cited by environmentalists as a progressive ecological alternative founded on citizen engagement. The participatory activities of this movement, while ecologically credible, are shown not to be geared to the furtherance of democratic practices. One main reason has to do with its emphasis on the theory of resilience, which ignores the political questions raised by ecological transition.
37
Morris, Irwin L. Movers and Stayers. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.
38
Kelly, Duncan. Populism and the History of Popular Sovereignty. A cura di Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo e Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.25.
Abstract (sommario):
Political theory tends to react to upsurges in populist politics in the real world, explaining them in turn as largely reactions to contemporary political crises, and in terms of regional styles, American or European most commonly. But for students of political theory, populism in theory and in practice has only been contingently, rather than structurally, related to the history of democratic politics and the growth of popular sovereignty. This chapter argues by contrast that populism is part of the mainstream structural history of popular sovereignty, and moreover, that such a history connects European and American democratic politics from the period of the 1848 revolutions through to the present. Taking populist politics as one component part of this transnational history, it also claims that the derivative reliance upon different national styles of populism misses something deeper about the relationship between populism and modern political theory.
39
Keyt, David. Aristotelian Freedom. A cura di David Schmidtz e Carmen E. Pavel. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199989423.013.7.
Abstract (sommario):
According to Aristotle, the “democratic” freedom treasured by the exponents of ancient Greek democracy has two marks, one personal and one political: (i) to live as one wishes and (ii) to rule and be ruled in turn. Though Aristotle is a critic of such freedom, it has been claimed that he has no notion of his own to set against it. This chapter counters this claim by showing the development within Aristotle’s Politics of a conception of “aristocratic” freedom that is richer than the democratic. By this aristocratic conception a person is free to the extent that he is able to live a life of politics and philosophy, and a polis is free to the extent that its institutions promote such a life for each and every citizen by removing the impediments to its realization such as unfavorable political institutions, lack of moral and intellectual education, and insufficient material resources.
40
Berger, Tobias. The Project ‘Activating the Village Courts’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807865.003.0005.
Abstract (sommario):
International donor agencies have only recently started again to turn towards non-state courts as potential sites for the promotion of human rights and the rule of law. This chapter analyses this turn by focusing on one project aimed at activating village courts in Bangladesh. The project is the largest donor-sponsored intervention in non-state justice systems anywhere in the world today. The chapter reconstructs the genesis of the project. It thereby not only reveals strong parallels between the contemporary project and its colonial predecessor but also shows how the contemporary project with the village courts emerged in recursive processes of translation between international bureaucrats and Bangladeshi legal experts. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the different ways in which the EU, UNDP, and local NGOs make sense of the village courts as institutions of the rule of law, democratic governance, and local justice.
41
Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár e Maciej Janowski. The Postwar “Transition Years”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0008.
Abstract (sommario):
Debates on the postwar “transition” are symbolically linked to the year 1945, but in many cases they had already started in 1943–4 and lasted until 1948. A general feeling of rupture with the past dominated throughout East Central Europe. Symbolic geographical references underwent important change, stressing some sort of synthesis between East and West. The experience of the Holocaust resulted in reflections on the responsibility of the region’s societies for the genocide. The debates of the immediate postwar period were also concerned with the relationship of democracy and socialism, the nationalization of communism, the conflict of neo-Romantic, neoclassicist, and modernist aesthetic sensitivities, and the clash between a strict adherence to Moscow and dissenting options. The noncommunist thought of the period ranged from social democratic and Christian democratic streams to various versions of nationalism. In turn, the armed anti-communist resistance rarely went beyond devising a mobilizing rhetoric, the most important exception being the Ukrainian underground, which produced relatively developed theoretical reflection.
42
Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár e Maciej Janowski. The Second World War. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0007.
Abstract (sommario):
The Second World War catalyzed a profound reconfiguration of the political discourse in East Central Europe. A considerable part of the region experienced consecutive occupation regimes, which triggered strategies of playing out the occupiers against each other. A central tenet of any legitimization of collaboration was the idea that the liberal democratic world order had disintegrated and a new totalitarian Zeitgeist had emerged in its stead. In turn, the resistance movements were organized either by communists or by members of the prewar elites. The former had a hard time coping with the Nazi–Soviet friendship in 1939–41, and later had to show their relative independence from the Soviet Union in order to gain legitimacy in their societies. The resistance led by the members of the old elites, in turn, had to prove that they were able to modify their old ideas for a new situation. The chapter also reviews the first reactions to the genocidal policies during the war.
43
Ebrahim, Afsah. Part 5 Emerging Constitutions in Islamic Countries, 5.1 Constitution-Making in Islamic Countries—A Theoretical Framework. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199759880.003.0027.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter analyzes the challenges of establishing legitimate governance in post-conflict societies. It highlights the fact that the establishment of a stable political community that is not inordinately dependent on repressive violence rests ultimately on the voluntary acceptance by the populace of the given institutional order as legitimate. Increasingly, legitimacy is becoming tied to norms of democratic participation. But the commitment to majoritarian decision-making that lies at the heart of democracy will in and of itself not necessarily yield a stable polity without a modicum of liberalism. This, in turn, depends on a functioning institutional structure and learned behavioral patterns of compromise and legality.
44
Palmer, R. R. Europe and the American Revolution. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161280.003.0009.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter discusses the impact of the American Revolution on the democratic and revolutionary spirit in Europe, to the desire, that is, for a reconstitution of government and society. The first and greatest effect of the American Revolution was to make Europeans believe, or rather feel, often in a highly emotional way, that they lived in a rare era of momentous change. They saw a kind of drama of the continents. The successful War of American Independence presented itself as a great act of retribution on a cosmic stage. There were many Europeans who said that America would someday, in its turn, predominate over Europe.
45
Macgregor, Sherilyn. Citizenship. A cura di Teena Gabrielson, Cheryl Hall, John M. Meyer e David Schlosberg. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199685271.013.26.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter provides a review of the main themes and debates in the literature on green citizenship. It is framed by a question of depoliticization: whether the concept has become too blunted to address the challenges presented by neo-liberalism and the contemporary environmental problematique. The discussion identifies important insights from radical democratic, feminist, and postcolonial theories that have thus far been marginalized from the development of the concept in mainstream environmental political thought. It is argued that these insights—about corporeality, intersectionality, social reproduction, and performativity—suggest a more transformative understanding of political subjectivity that might, in turn, lead to a re-politicization of green citizenship.
46
Bashevkin, Sylvia. Women’s Security as National Security. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190875374.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
Chapter 6 evaluates the trajectory of Hillary Rodham Clinton from the roles of first lady, senator, and presidential candidate to secretary of state. Similar to Albright’s actions in the Balkans, Clinton endorsed NATO intervention in Libya in 2011. Military action in North Africa formed a crucial element of President Barack Obama’s first-term foreign policy record. It paralleled Clinton’s support as a senator for the US invasion of Iraq. Efforts by Clinton to make women’s rights a major pivot of her international doctrine echoed the feminist perspectives she held since early adulthood, which in turn were integral to the Democratic Party support base of the 1970s and following.
47
Powers, Melinda. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777359.003.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
The Introduction begins by providing a brief overview of the reception of Greek drama by under-represented communities in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century America. After situating the book’s topic within this historical timeline, it proceeds to explain the development of the project, the focus on live theatre, the choice of productions, and the reasons for them. It defines terms, provides disclaimers, explains the methodology used, clarifies the topic, situates it within its historical moment, summarizes each of the chapters, describes the development of the ‘democratic turn’ in Greek drama, and finally speculates on the reasons for the appeal of Greek drama to artists working with under-represented communities.
48
Landemore, Hélène. Open Democracy. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691181998.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.
49
Beiner, Guy. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749356.003.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
Questioning the inevitability of an inherent opposition between myth and history opens possibilities for rethinking our engagement with the past through the lens of ‘mythistory’. In the same vein, the concept of ‘vernacular historiography’ is introduced in relation to a number of related historiographical developments, namely: living history, history from below, people’s history, subaltern history, democratic history, ethnohistory, popular history, public history, applied history, everyday history, shared history, folk history, grass-roots history, as well as local and provincial history. In turn, the study of forgetting and of lieu d’oubli is identified as a new direction for advancing the field of Memory Studies and moving beyond our current understanding of lieux de mémoire. In particular, ‘social forgetting’, whereby communities try to supress recollections of inconvenient episodes in their past, is conceptualized as thriving on tensions between public reticence and muted remembrance in private. Finally, charting the forgetful remembrance of the 1798 rebellion in Ulster—known locally as ‘the Turn-Out’—is presented as an illuminating case study for coming to terms with social forgetting and vernacular historiography.
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Triandafyllidou, Anna. Introduction. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428231.003.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
Migrant integration and addressing the challenges of cultural and religious diversity in liberal democratic societies is arguably one of the pressing challenges of the twenty-first century. During the last twenty-five years there have been intensive political and academic debates on the appropriate normative and policy framework for addressing cultural diversity in Europe and North America. In terms of discourse, many politicians (including David Cameron, Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy) and intellectuals have argued that the philosophy of multiculturalism has failed. In terms of policies, integration priorities have increasingly taken a civic assimilationist turn, emphasising a set of common civic and political values to which all migrants and ethnic minorities must adhere....