Bibliografie tematiche / Democracy in Morocco

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Democracy in Morocco"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 8 giugno 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Democracy in Morocco":

Sepos, Angelos. "EU Support of Polyarchy? The Case of Morocco". European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 4 (1 dicembre 2018): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018040.

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Drawing from theories of democracy, democratization and revolutions, the article examines the role of the EU in supporting democracy in Morocco in the period leading up to, during and in the immediate aftermath of the country’s Arab Spring protests. It indicates that the EU did not induce reluctant elites to reform or split, did not empower social movements and civil society, and only moderately contributed to the rise of favourable modernization socio-economic conditions in the country. At the same time, certain mediating factors, such as the monarchical, Islamic and hybrid nature of the Moroccan regime, the weaknesses of the 20 February Movement and civil society, unfavourable domestic revolutionary conditions and a diminished EU leverage over Moroccan elites, further undermined the EU’s ability to support democracy. Thus, the article argues that the EU’s contributions in Morocco during this period do not amount to the support of deep democracy but that of polyarchy. This has broader implications as to how we understand the EU as an external democracy supporter, external democracy support, and how democracy comes about in un-democratic societies.

Mouna, Khalid. "Civil Society Versus the State. The Case of Morocco". European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (1 maggio 2020): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020012.

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The process of democratization in Morocco has confronted political and economic challenges. Civil society has recently become very active in Moroccan society, operating in all sectors and starting from the paradigm of human rights. However, this civil society faces two major difficulties. The first is intrinsic to its existence, because it lacks resources and professionalism; whereas the second difficulty lies in the nature of power and its centralization, as central power is obsessed by co-optation of political actors and actors from civil society. Thus political actors and social activists must start from consensus as a prerequisite and avoid anything that could challenge the political system. This leaves little room for a genuine democratic process and is the context that the EU enters as an external player. Its presence is perceived as ambivalent, even neocolonial; its practices are not seen as supportive of the local fight for democracy, but as a source to use by emerging players, which is evidence of the competition for resources among the different actors in Morocco’s political system. Morocco, society, law, authoritarianism

Youssef, Charbati. "A Study on Democracy Metaphors in Moroccan King Mohammed VI Inaugural Speeches". Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 5, n. 1 (30 giugno 2018): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v5i1.331.

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This study analyzes democracy metaphors used in Mohammed VIs' speeches at the opening of the parliamentary session from 2003 until 2014. Mohammed VI has ruled Morocco since 1999. Many studies have uncovered the role of metaphors as influential devices used in politics. However, in the Moroccan context, studies related to metaphors and politics have received little attention so far. Politicians encounter challenges as they address their audience such as the need to convince them of their views, to gain the trust of their analysis and to give psychological realities to their abstract concepts. The Moroccan monarchy has ruled Morocco for centuries. More than three hundred and fifty years of monarchy rule has marked the history of Moroccan society. The monarchy was able to adapt to the sociopolitical changes that the Moroccan society has known. This rule was the work of multiple factors and strategies that the monarchy has followed. One of them is the use of metaphors as a communication strategy. The aim of this paper is to reveal the contribution of metaphors to the Moroccan political debate mainly by studying the king’s speeches addressed to the Moroccan nation. This research strives to uncover part of the Moroccan king’s strategy to win the hearts and minds of the moroccan people. This study provides an insight into the communication strategies used by the head of state of one of the third world regimes facing democracy transition and encountering political and economic challenges. They are based mainly on the use of the metaphor to interpret realities and design future roadmaps.

Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia". FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, n. 2-2020 (30 novembre 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.

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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.

Khakee, Anna. "Democracy aid or autocracy aid? Unintended effects of democracy assistance in Morocco". Journal of North African Studies 22, n. 2 (18 gennaio 2017): 238–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2017.1279971.

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El Haitami, Meriem. "Women in Morocco". American Journal of Islam and Society 30, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2013): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1096.

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The recent political upheavals in the Arab world were marked by women’s significant presence in struggling for democracy alongside men. Muslim women activists in Morocco have particularly gained legitimacy in the context of the Arab Spring, which has brought the Justice and Development conservative political party to power. This has contributed to a shift from the elite liberal state feminism to a more legitimate religious activism. This introduces new spaces for contention, taking into consideration that following the 2003 Casablanca bombings, Morocco has taken a series of measures to absorb the growing momentum of political Islam. One such measure has been to restructure the religious field by means of reforming and controlling the dynamics of religion in Morocco; this was primarily marked by the significant entry and deployment of women in the religious field as religious leaders and scholars. These statetrained female religious authorities offer spiritual counseling and religious instruction to different social segments. Therefore, they redefine parameters of religious authority and define a new model of activism that seeks to cultivate collective pious conduct within society and thus contribute to a comprehensive social reform. Therefore, this article explores the dynamics of female religious authority in Morocco in light of the current social and political changes. I examine how these women construct authority as religious leaders and how they endorse the state’s authority to control the dynamics of religion in Morocco and curb the voices of individuals or groups that operate outside of official Islam. I argue that despite the fact that these female religious authorities are viewed as instruments of state propaganda, they are gaining wider legitimacy and contributing greatly to the social welfare of their communities, which makes their “official” entry into the religious domain a serious step toward democracy and positive change.

Bello Abubakar, Ghazali. "Morocco and Transition to Democracy: The Enduring Struggle". History Research 7, n. 2 (2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20190702.15.

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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings". Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, n. 1 (24 agosto 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.

Madani, Nabil, e Hassan Moumni. "ENVIRONMENTAL DEMOCRACY THROUGH ACCESS TO INFORMATION". International Journal of Advanced Research 8, n. 12 (31 dicembre 2020): 364–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12159.

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The overall aim of environmental laws is to protect the environment from any adversary effects in order to lay down the foundations for sustainable development and secure a better life on earth for the present and future generations. Environmental protection is more urgent today than ever especially due to global environmental problems. Such a noble aim can only be achieved through environmental democracy rather than exclusive and top-down decision-making. Morocco, for example, witnesses intermittent social protests triggered by the lack of access to environmental information and the gap between laws and their implementation.The main aim of this study is thus to argue that access to information is at the heart of democracy and that the achievement of the intertwined objectives of environment protection, sustainable development, and environmental democracy is dependent on the effective implementation of the right of access to information and the adoption a participatory approach in environmental decision-making. For this, we first define the concept of environmental information, and the access to this human right in international and Moroccos legislations then, we highlight the crucial role of the mass media in raising the public awareness of the threatening environmental issues and their rights and obligations towards the environment and finally, we shed light on the link between the right to access environmental information and the establishment of environmental democracy.

Colombo, Silvia, e Benedetta Voltolini. "?Business as Usual' in EU Democracy Promotion Towards Morocco?" L'Europe en Formation 371, n. 1 (2014): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.371.0041.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Democracy in Morocco":

Mousa, Waleed. "Islam, democracy, and governance Sudan and Morocco in a comparative perspective /". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0010942.

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Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.

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Meyer, Eike. "Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy". Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1959/.

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The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy“, „conditionality“ and „positive instruments“. For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more “political”, although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.
Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen „Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik“ (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der „Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft“ (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert.

Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.

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Saidi, Azbeg Hynd. "Processus de démocratisation et monarchie constitutionnelle au Maroc". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0352/document.

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L’ouverture politique au Maroc a été rendue possible suite à certains facteurs dont des évènements externes et d’autres internes, mais elle ne peut être dissociée de la volonté monarchique d’engager le pays dans un processus de démocratisation afin de renforcer l’Etat de droit.Après s’être rendu compte de l’impératif d’une conciliation de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de la démocratie, le Maroc semble désormais donner plus de priorité aux principes démocratiques. Si le pays a longtemps sombré dans un autoritarisme absolu, les différentes réformes engagées ces dernières décennies vont dans le sens de l’amélioration de la qualité démocratique du régime en place. Mais certaines résistances remettent en cause les acquis du processus démocratique, sans oublier que ce dernier se retrouve confronté aux disfonctionnements du système et aux déficits hérités du passé. Ainsi, plusieurs défis sont encore à relever.La présente thèse tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse à la question de savoir si la construction démocratique du régime marocain est possible face à un système politique qui reste fondé sur la suprématie de la monarchie et sur la tradition.Cette problématique sera abordée sous l’angle de la mutation du modèle marocain de monarchie constitutionnelle et de la difficile construction démocratique du système en place. La présente thèse estime que le Maroc est sans aucun doute sur la voie de la démocratie malgré les efforts qui restent à fournir. Elle considère aussi que ce processus de démocratisation consiste à concilier entre l’universalité de la démocratie et la spécificité de la pratique démocratique au Maroc
The political freedom in Morocco has become possible due to some factors that can be either internal or external. However, this latter cannot be disassociated from the willing of the monarchy to engage the country in a process of democratization to reinforce the rule of law.Being aware of the imperative democratization of the constitutional monarchy, Morocco seems to afford more priority to democratic principles. If Morocco has long been in the darkness of an absolute autoritarism, the different reforms engaged in these last decades have, at least, improved the quality of the local regime. However, certain resistance let us think more about the process of democracy, knowing that this latter is confronted to a disfunctioning of the system and mainly to the defects of the past. In this case, some challenges are mandatory.The present thesis, then, tend to answer the question if the democratic construction of the moroccan regime is possible in front of a political system which is based on the supremacy of the monarchy and on tradition.This problematic will be dealt with according to the mutation of the constitutional monarchy of the local regime. In addition to this, the present thesis estimates that Morocco is with no doughty in the right track of democracy even if still much effort is to be done. I t also considers that this process of democratization consists to conciliate the universality of democracy and the specificity of the democratic practice in Morocco

El, Azzouzi Mohamed. "L’Effectivité de l’État de droit dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021TOUL0138.

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Le Maroc s’inscrit dans une perspective résolument moderne. Ce constat nous renvoie vers la pertinence de cette thématique dans un pays à forte identité constitutionnelle, porté par une extension remarquable des fondements de ses droits et libertés.La nouvelle Constitution de 2011 est un acte fondateur qui cristallise les aspirations légitimes des citoyens. Elle constitue à travers ses dispositions, la revalorisation de droits de l’homme, de justice et de liberté. Ainsi, la justice constitutionnelle, nouveau concept crée par l’actuelle Constitution, représente un élément incontournable à l’enracinement de la démocratie. Ce projet vise à établir une renaissance institutionnelle, ce qui confirme le choix irréversible de l’État démocratique dans lequel s’affirme le Maroc.Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de l’État de droit au Maroc depuis l’adoption de sa nouvelle Constitution. Ce thème apparait d’emblée paradoxal en raison de l’existence de nuances entre théories et pratiques. Nous avons tenté, à travers nos recherches, de comprendre cette évolution dans sa réponse aux exigences de protection des droits et libertés fondamentaux. En Outre, nous avons pu remarquer l’apparition consécutive d’autres mécanismes après l’entrée en vigueur de la présente Constitution, tels que la question préjudicielle de constitutionnalité. Et, il est certain qu’aujourd’hui le Maroc a décidé de prendre une franche orientation vers une approche constitutionnelle de la justice, où la nouvelle Cour est désormais la garante de la suprématie de la Constitution par le biais du contrôle a posteriori. Ces éléments ont ainsi amené le Maroc à adopter sa nouvelle Constitution de 2011, ce qui constitue un tournant pour le pays enclin à une transformation de la notion de l’État dans son concept traditionnel, vers un État moderne, où l’État est soumis au droit. C’est avec cette orientation que le Maroc a souhaité faire du droit une norme de référence suprême.Le Maroc ne cesse donc de mener une politique de changements constitutionnels, par de nombreux mécanismes portant un souffle de démocratie moderne
Morocco is in a decidedly modern perspective. This observation brings us back to the relevance of this theme in a country with a strong constitutional identity, driven by a remarkable extension of the foundations of its rights and freedoms.The new Constitution created in 2011 in Morocco is a founding act that crystallizes the legitimate aspirations of citizens. It constitutes through its provisions, the revaluation of human rights, justice and freedom. Thus, constitutional justice, a new concept created by the current Constitution, is an essential element in the rooting of democracy. This project aims to establish an institutional revival, which confirms the irreversible choice of the democratic state in which Morocco asserts itself.This thesis focuses on the evolution of the state governed by law in Morocco since the adoption of its new Constitution. This theme immediately appears paradoxical because of the existence of nuances between theories and practises. Throughout our research, we have tried to understand this evolution in its response to the requirements for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Furthermore, following the entry into force of this Constitution we have seen the successive apparition of other mechanisms, such as the interlocutory question of constitutionality. Therefore, it is a certain fact that today Morocco seems to be oriented towards a constitutional approach of justice, where the new Court is henceforth the guarantor of the supremacy of the Constitution through a posteriory oversight.These elements led Morocco to adopt its new Constitution, which is a turning point for the country inclined to a transformation of the notion of the state in its traditional concept, towards a modern state, where the state is subject to the law. This is the direction that Marocco has chosen in order to make of the law the supreme point of reference. Morocco therefore continues to change its constitutional system through many mechanisms which reflect the rise of modern democracy

Abdel-Sattar, Nesrine M. A. K. "Innovation in Arabic online newsrooms : a comparative study of the social shaping of multimedia adoption in Aljazeera Net, Almassae and Almasry Alyoum in the context of the Arab Spring". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a442328b-2288-4731-b140-2c3a6d0bd91b.

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This study focuses on the factors shaping innovation in online newsrooms in three nations of the Arab World, with particular interest in the adoption of multimedia news innovations. Applying theoretical perspectives from the social shaping of technology and the diffusion of innovation literature, this study sought to identify the key factors shaping the innovation process. Field studies were based in three Arabic newsrooms: Aljazeera Net in Qatar, Almasry Alyoum in Egypt, and Almassae in Morocco. The case studies are grounded in two weeks of participant-observation field research within each online newsroom, along with over 100 in-depth interviews with those involved in the production of online news, and online archival reviews of the three news portals since their inception. Field research began with participant observation at Aljazeera in 2010, prior to the uprisings of the Arab Spring, and continued through early 2013. The political context of each newsroom during the field research became a major aspect of the innovation process of each case study. The thesis reinforces a wide range of social, economic, and organizational factors in the adoption and adaptation of multimedia technologies in the newsrooms studied, supporting earlier research on newsroom innovation across other regions of the world. For example, conceptions about ‘ideal’ industry multimedia models for the modern newsroom were important in each case. However, in the political context of events related to the Arab Spring, the overriding importance of the larger political context emerged in each case. The significance of this observation suggests that research on news organizations cannot take the political context for granted and should more explicitly embed it in discussion of the social shaping of innovation, even under more stable and liberal political conditions. There is a relative lack of systematic empirical research on Arabic newsrooms among studies of news innovation. Looking at the political context of emergent or weak democracies and their influence on modern multimedia newsrooms especially during crisis events, therefore, can contribute to the development of theory and research in Western democracies; and reintroduce politics into theories of innovation within modern newsrooms. This study suggests that future scholarship brings politics into the study of the social shaping of newsroom innovation without losing the many significant advances of existing research in more liberal democratic Western contexts of the multimedia newsroom.

Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.

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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.

L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).

La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Bestland, Tanis. "The Middle East, semi-democracy and monarchy: a comparative analysis of Algeria, Jordan, and Morocco". Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4638.

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Democratization in the Middle East has been fraught with pitfalls - the Islamist challenge, rentierism, and the weaknesses of democratic political culture, independent civil society and multipartisrn; yet democratization has become attractive (if not indeed necessary) to many regimes in the last decade or so, facing as they are legitimacy crises due to economic difficulties. This thesis explores the Middle Eastern experience with democratization through the analysis of three relevant case studies: Algeria, Jordan and Morocco. None of these countries is at present fully democratic, but all have experienced periods of semi-democratic rule - Jordan being the most successful to date, Algeria the least. The potential for transition from non-democracy to semi-democracy (and eventually democracy) and the factors which contribute to successful transition and consolidation of such new systems are the issues analyzed here. The theoretical literature on democratization is reviewed, with particular attention to cultural and economic factors, historical legacies, democratic transition and consolidation, elite behavior, the role of Islam, and political legitimacy. Comparative variations in levels of development tend not to be the best explanation for the relative success of the three case studies examined here. Instead, the factors determined to be most conducive to a stable, successful transition are a medium- to long-term time frame for the process, the presence of a pact between the government and the opposition (elite consensual unity), and the presence of a stable, legitimate institution to guide the process. Democratization in the Middle East also requires a decision by the regime on how to deal with Islamist groups/parties, and this decision always has important repercussions for the success of the process. In the cases of Jordan and Morocco legitimate authority has been found in the person of the king. Thus this thesis points out that the presence of a monarch in a democratizing society is likely to be a stabilizing force in the transition and, later, the consolidation of the democratic system. Scholars would thus be wise to explore further the potentialities of monarchy in democratization, as well as other ways that new democratic regimes might gain and maintain legitimacy.

Chirisa, Never. "European Union and democratization of Africa: the case of Ghana, Uganda, Zimbabwe and Morocco (1990-2010)". Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/18336.

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A research report submitted to the School of Social Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a Degree of Master of Arts in International Relations by coursework and research report.
In the early 1990s, issues of democracy, good governance, security and human rights became more prominent in the international system and attained space in various policy documents. The period has been characterized by massive waves of transitions from one-party to multi-party political systems, which can be described as global democratic revolutions. Such democratic revolutions or movement towards democracy was not confined to one territory; rather it was a worldwide phenomenon that reached many parts of the world such as Latin America, Europe, Asia and Africa. It involved radical political transitions due to pressure to promote political liberalization and foster democratic reforms in most of these countries. The push for democratization was led by various democratic actors such as the European Union, United States of America, Britain, Norway, Canada and institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank among others. The waves and calls for democratization by these actors have resulted in various democratic transition outcomes in which some of the recipient countries of external democratic support are left stuck in the process while some of them have completely failed and reverted back to authoritarian or oppressive regimes. Countries that have failed in the democratization process experience various consequences such as limited access to the media, fragmented opposition political parties, fraudulent electoral activities, violence and poor citizen participation. These shortfalls reflect gaps or inconsistencies in the outcomes of the democratization process that needs to be investigated. This study looks at the factors causing inconsistencies in the outcomes of the process.

Libri sul tema "Democracy in Morocco":

1937-, Zubaida Sami, e Middle East Research and Information Project., a cura di. Islam, the state and democracy: Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Palestine. Washington, DC: Middle East Research & Information Project, 1992.

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Layachi, Azzedine. State, society & democracy in Morocco: The limits of associative life. Washington, DC: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, 1998.

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Majallah al-Maghribīyah lil-Idārah al-Maḥallīyah wa-al-Tanmiyah (Firm), a cura di. Kull shayʼ ʻan al-intikhābāt al-tashrīʻīyah 97 [i.e. 1997]. 8^a ed. [Rabat, Morocco]: al-Majallah al-Maghribīyah lil-Idārah al-Maḥallīyah wa-al-Tanmiyah, 1998.

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Dustūr al-Jadīd 2011, Wathīqah Jawharīyah lil-Intiqāl al-Dīmuqrāṭī fī al-Maghrib? (Conference) (2012 Marrakech, Morocco). al-Dustūr al-jadīd 2011, wathīqah jawharīyah lil-intiqāl al-dīmuqrāṭī fī al-Maghrib?: Aʻmāl al-nadwah al-waṭanīyah al-munaẓẓamah min ṭaraf majmūʻat al-baḥth ḥawla al-idārah wa-al-siyāsāt al-ʻumūmīyah (GRAPP) = Nouvelle constitution 2011, un texte majeur pour la transistion démocratique au Maroc? 8^a ed. Marrākush: Manshūrāt Kullīyat al-ʻUlūm al-Qānūnīyah wa-al-Iqtiṣādīyah wa-al-Ijtimāʻīyah, 2013.

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Tiṭwānī, Muḥammad al-Faqīh. Taṭawwur al-mumārasah al-dīmuqrāṭīyah bi-al-Maghrib. [Rabat?: s.n., 2000.

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Tiṭwānī, Muḥammad al-Faqīh. Taṭawwur al-mumārasah al-dīmuqrāṭīyah bi-al-Maghrib. [Rabat?: s.n., 2000.

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Carl, Dawson. EU integration with North Africa: Trade negotiations and democracy deficits in Morocco. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2009.

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Sater, James N. Morocco: Challenges to tradition and modernity. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.

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Maâti, Monjib, a cura di. Islamists versus secularists: Confrontations and dialogues in Morocco : values, democracy, violence, freedom, education. Rabat: IKV PAX, 2009.

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Boukhars, Anouar. Politics in Morocco: Executive monarchy and enlightened authoritarianism. Abingdon, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2010.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Democracy in Morocco":

Freyburg, Tina, Sandra Lavenex, Frank Schimmelfennig, Tatiana Skripka e Anne Wetzel. "Morocco". In Democracy Promotion by Functional Cooperation, 130–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137489357_7.

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Kafas, Samir, e Ashley V. Miller. "Visibility, democracy and the national museum network in Morocco". In National Museums in Africa, 17–37. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003013693-1.

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Faustini Torres, Luisa. "Hindering Democracy Through Migration Policies? An Analysis of EU External Migration Policies’ Impacts on the Democratisation of Morocco". In Migrations in the Mediterranean, 29–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42264-5_3.

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AbstractWhat are the impacts of the European Union’s (EU) external migration policies on the democratisation of Southern Mediterranean Countries (SMCs)? Even though democracy promotion is an important element of the EU’s external migration policies, there is little academic knowledge about their effects on SMCs’ democratisation. This chapter attempts to start uncovering their impact on this policy field by focusing on EU policy practices. The analysis is done in two stages: (1) by suggesting an innovative theoretical framework, and (2) by applying it to the case of Morocco, a paradigmatic case among SMCs. Focusing on the years between 2015 and 2020, the case study draws on a content analysis of a broad range of qualitative data, including policy documents, literature, reports, and press releases. The research finds that EU external migration policies are likely to have had a negative impact on Morocco’s democratisation trajectory, affecting the EU’s capacity and willingness to exert leverage in this country and working as a tool for Morocco’s autocratic resilience. This outcome would contradict the EU’s own narratives, confirming the existence of a wide and deep gap between EU discourses and actions in this field, further contributing to the “process of disillusionment” of the Barcelona Process.

Panebianco, Stefania, e Giuseppe Cannata. "(Im-)Mobility Partnerships: Limits to EU Democracy Promotion Through Mobility in the Mediterranean". In Migrations in the Mediterranean, 71–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42264-5_5.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, the relations of the European Union (EU) with the Southern neighbourhood countries (SNCs) were reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion, epitomised in the Communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity (European Commission, A partnership for democracy and shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean, COM (2011) 200 final. European Commission, Brussels, 2011a). The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through EU conditional support for Mediterranean partners in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility.’ This chapter aims to critically analyse cooperation on mobility within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), focusing on the case of Mobility Partnerships (MPs) in the Southern neighbourhood. Existing MPs and EU-SNCs agreements on migration and mobility challenge the mobility-democracy nexus advocated by the EU. When it comes to a trade-off between cooperation with authoritarian governments to ensure stability and democracy promotion, the EU tends to prioritise the former. Looking at the content of MPs with Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan, the chapter draws some useful considerations on the extent to which policy tools such as the MPs are constrained into a stability-democracy dilemma, contending that the EU is unable to promote democracy in the Southern neighbourhood via ‘more mobility’.

Campbell, Caroline. "The Colonial Roots of Political Violence in France: The Croix de Feu, the Popular Front and the Riots of 22 March 1936 in Morocco". In Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940, 127–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957_8.

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Tessler, Mark. "Do Islamic Orientations Influence Attitudes toward Democracy in the Arab World? Evidence from the World Values Survey in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Algeria". In Values and Perceptions of the Islamic and Middle Eastern Publics, 105–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603332_5.

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Khakee, Anna, e Ragnar Weilandt. "Supporting democratic participation beyond democracy promotion? EU relations with Moroccan and Tunisian civil society in the areas of trade and anti-corruption". In Transversal Democracy Projection in the Mediterranean, 38–64. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003492740-3.

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Pluies, Julie, Margaux Bressan e Sarah Bonnard. "Self-control and Bodily Resources: Teenage Girls in the Face of the Paradox of Sanitary Democracy. Swiss and Moroccan Case Studies". In Kindheit(en) in formalen, nonformalen und informellen Bildungskontexten, 301–20. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-23238-2_15.

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"6 Democratic Commitment in Morocco". In Defining Democracy, 133–56. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685856533-008.

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Jamal, Amaney A. "Morocco". In Of Empires and Citizens. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.

Atti di convegni sul tema "Democracy in Morocco":

Ballı, Esra, e Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries". In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.

Elmahfoudi, Mohamed Amine, Awatif Hayar, Serge Miranda e Vincent Meyer. "Role of social networks and paperless citizens' claims processing in strengthening democracy in the Arab world: The case of Morocco: Towards a CIRM ∗ across the state". In 2014 Fifth International Conference on Next Generation Networks and Services (NGNS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ngns.2014.6990248.

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