Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Daughters of Veterans National Alliance"

LAY SUMMARY Military service can affect the psychological health and well-being of ex-service members and their families. Most research prioritizes active duty families or Veterans, with spouses/intimate partners and adult children of Veterans often overlooked. This study reviewed all previous research on the psychological health of Veteran families within the Five Eyes alliance countries of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It found spouses/intimate partners had higher rates of anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to national rates and were more likely to feel distress when their Veteran partner had mental health issues. Adult children were at higher risk for anxiety, depression, alcohol/substance misuse, and PTSD compared to national rates. Four themes identified were: personal feelings and internal emotions, Veteran-oriented, help and support, and acting as a unit. Due to the scarce available research, further studies are needed to address psychological outcomes among military Veteran families.

Abstract The perception of choice in the caregiving role has emerged as a key theme in qualitative gerontological caregiving research but few studies have examined choice quantitatively. The aim of our study was to test whether perceived choice moderated the relation between level and duration of care and the health impact of caring for a parent over the age of 65. We tested these questions in a series of structural equation models using existing data from the National Alliance for Caregiving, Caregiving in the U.S. 2015 Survey. We found that for adult-child caregivers of parents who reported a lack of choice in taking on the caregiving role, greater responsibilities for assistance with activities of daily living (ADLs) (p<0.01) and instrumental ADLS (p<0.01), and greater time providing care (p<0.05) predicted the negative impact of caregiving on caregiver health. The number of ADLs performed also predicted the emotional stress of caregiving for parents (p<0.01). Conversely, for caregivers who reported that they did have a choice in taking on the caregiving role, level and duration of care were not significantly related to the impact of caregiving on caregiver health, or the emotional stress of caregiving. Women were significantly more likely to report a lack of choice than men (p<0.05). Additional research is needed to explore the meaning of choice, and the ways in which choice may be especially constrained for daughters who care for older adults, in order to develop interventions to ameliorate the potentially deleterious health effects of caregiving on adult-children.

ABSTRACT Healthcare workers have never faced a medical crisis that compares to the coronavirus disease-2019 pandemic. This modern-day pandemic fight draws parallels to a war. Because of these similarities, it would make sense that the experiences frontline providers have when transitioning to a normal healthcare routine would emulate experiences service members voice when reintegrating home from a battlefield. These common experiences include a unified mission, an exhausting, adrenaline-packed responsibility, and a celebrity-like status to the public. The pandemic response consumed healthcare with one united mission, but as we reemerge from the pandemic and restore other aspects of our healthcare system, multiple missions develop and compete. Returning to a common routine and regular status can manifest feelings of disappointment in healthcare workers’ everyday lives and career choices and lead to a reexamination of priorities and professions. As an organization with a focus on high reliability, mitigating the harm to staff and delivery system may be our new priority. The risk of not facing this situation head on is a potential exodus of seasoned professionals contemplating their future and selecting other career paths, thus draining the current institutional knowledge and potentially deterring future generations from healthcare. Leaders in the healthcare industry need to take a proactive stance in addressing this reemergence. Integrated, proactive programming is needed utilizing evidence-based resiliency training from professional organizations such as the National Alliance on Mental Illness, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, as well as the existing Department of Defense programs. The Veterans Affairs has the backbone to develop and offer these programs and make a positive difference with Employee Whole Health efforts. Organized, evidence-based programming such as second victim education, mindfulness, and other personal skill building could be key to improving the lifelong well-being of our caregivers.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION What are the comparative pregnancy outcomes in women who receive up to six consecutive cycles of ovulation induction with letrozole versus clomiphene citrate? SUMMARY ANSWER The risks of pregnancy, livebirth, multiple gestation, preterm birth, neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) admission and congenital malformations were higher for letrozole compared with clomiphene in participants with polycystic ovarian syndrome (PCOS), though no treatment differences were observed in those with unexplained infertility. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Randomized trials have reported higher pregnancy and livebirth rates for letrozole versus clomiphene among individuals with PCOS, but no differences among those with unexplained infertility. None of these trials were designed to study maternal or neonatal complications. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION We emulated a hypothetical trial of the comparative effectiveness of letrozole versus clomiphene citrate for ovulation induction among all women, then stratified by PCOS and unexplained infertility status. We used real-world data from a large healthcare claims database in the USA (2011–2015). PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS We analyzed data from 18 120 women who initiated letrozole and 49 647 women who initiated clomiphene during 2011–2014, and who were aged 18–45 years with no history of diabetes, thyroid disease, liver disease or breast cancer and had no fertility treatments for 3 months before trial initiation. The treatment strategies were clomiphene citrate or letrozole for six consecutive cycles. The outcomes were pregnancy, livebirth, multiple gestation, preterm birth, small for gestational age (SGA), NICU admission and major congenital malformations. We estimated the probability of each outcome under each strategy via pooled logistic regression and used standardization to adjust for confounding and selection bias due to loss to follow-up. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE The estimated probabilities of pregnancy, livebirth and neonatal outcomes were similar under each strategy, both overall and among individuals with unexplained infertility. Among women with PCOS, the probability of pregnancy was 43% for letrozole vs 37% for clomiphene (risk difference [RD] = 6.0%; 95% CI: 4.4, 7.7) in the intention-to-treat analyses. The corresponding probability of livebirth was 32% vs 29% (RD = 3.1%; 95% CI: 1.5, 4.8). In per protocol analyses, the risk of multiple gestation was 19% vs 9%, the risk of preterm birth was 20% vs 15%, the risk of SGA was 5% vs 3%, the risk of NICU admission was 22% vs 16% and the risk of congenital malformation was 8% vs 2% among those with a livebirth. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION We cannot completely rule out the possibility of residual confounding by body mass index or duration of infertility. However, we adjusted for proxies identified in administrative data and results did not change. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Our findings suggest that for women with unexplained infertility, the two treatments result in comparable probabilities of a livebirth. For women with PCOS, letrozole appears slightly more effective for attaining a livebirth. Neonatal outcomes were similar for the two treatments among women with unexplained infertility; we did not confirm the hypothesized higher risk of adverse neonatal outcomes for clomiphene versus letrozole. The risks of adverse neonatal outcomes were slightly greater among women with PCOS who were treated with letrozole versus clomiphene. It is likely that these effects are partially mediated through an increased risk of multiple gestation among women who received letrozole. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This work was supported by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R01HD088393). Y.-H.C. reports grants from the American Heart Association (834106) and NIH (R01HD097778). P.R. reports grants from the National Institutes of Health. J.H. reports grants from the National Institutes of Health, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, and the California Health Care Foundation during the conduct of the study; and consulting for several health care delivery organizations including Cambridge Health Alliance, Columbia University, University of Southern California, Community Servings, and the Delta Health Alliance. S.H.-D. reports grants from the National Institutes of Health and the US Food and Drug Administration during the conduct of the study; grants to her institution from Takeda outside the submitted work; consulting for UCB (biopharmaceutical company) and Roche; and being an adviser for the Antipsychotics Pregnancy Registry and epidemiologist for the North American Antiepileptics Pregnancy Registry, both at Massachusetts General Hospital. M.A.H. reports grants from the National Institutes of Health and the U.S. Veterans Administration during the conduct of the study; being a consultant for Cytel; and being an adviser for ProPublica. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER N/A.

Abstract Introduction In the United States, there are 5.5 million military caregivers, defined as family members, friends, or other acquaintances who provide essential care and support to current or former military service members. This study describes the prevalence and predictors of unmet information and support needs in this unique group of caregivers. Until recently, little research has focused on military caregivers. In 2014, a comprehensive RAND report underscored the specific challenges experienced by military caregivers including greater physical, financial, and emotional strain when compared with civilian caregivers. Of note, compared to civilian caregivers, military caregivers provide care and support for care recipients who are more likely to have complex illness. While this recent research improved our understanding of the increased burden associated with military caregiving, it also identified gaps for future work, including the need for additional studies to better understand unmet information and support needs to inform future interventions. The current study was designed to address this gap. Materials and Methods We examined data collected in the Caregiving in the U.S. Survey, a cross-sectional online survey fielded in 2014, by the National Alliance for Caregiving and the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) for primary caregivers who had been in the role for at least six months. Four outcomes representing unmet caregiver needs were examined measuring caregiver report of needing more help or information to: (1) keep the care recipient safe at home; (2) manage challenging behaviors such as wandering; (3) manage their own emotional and physical stress; and (4) make end-of-life decisions. Survey-weighted logistic regression was used to test associations between military caregiver status (military/civilian) and unmet needs while controlling for key socio-demographic, caregiving and care recipient health variables, with nationally generalizable results. Results Compared to their civilian counterparts, military caregivers had significantly higher odds of reporting need for information or support to make end-of-life decisions (OR = 2.22; 95% CI: 1.24, 3.97; p = 0.01) and marginally higher odds of reporting need for more information or support to manage physical and emotional stress (OR = 1.64; 95% CI: 0.93, 2.88; p = 0.08). In contrast, military caregivers had significantly lower odds of reporting need for more information or support to keep the care recipient safe compared to civilian caregivers (OR = 0.54; 95% CI: 0.30, 0.95; p = 0.03). Reports of unmet needs related to managing challenging behaviors were similar between military and civilian caregivers. Conclusions Needs for information and support differ for civilian and military caregivers and may reflect direct or indirect impacts on caregivers arising from differences in TRICARE and Veterans Affairs health insurance coverage and related benefits, services and systems or access to resources that address the unique needs of military populations. Future research is needed to better understand the unique concerns of military caregivers and inform interventions that support end-of-life care decision-making for military service members and their caregivers.

That murmur, soon replies, “God doth not need Either man’s work or his own gifts; who best Bear his mild yoke, they serve him best. His state Is Kingly. Thousands at his bidding speed And post o’er Land and Ocean without rest: They also serve who only stand and wait.”1 1John Milton, Sonnet 19 The COVID-19 Pandemic has brought out most of the best (and some of the worst) in us. Much has been said, shared, even sung about health care workers as frontline heroes. Whether we indeed form the frontline, or man the last line of defense, due credit is being given to all “front-liners” – essential-service workers, drivers and delivery personnel, security guards, the military and police who literally serve in the trenches of this invisible war. Indeed, it is heartening to read the inspiring messages, hear the encouraging words, listen to the uplifting (sometimes funny) music and songs, witness the moving memes and cartoons, watch the refreshing dances and tributes, and receive the healing blessings and prayers on various media and social media platforms. Indeed, we are motivated to continue to work, so that others may safely stay home. Some of us have even been called upon to die, so that others may live. But so much less is and has been said about those who make our battle possible, who selflessly and silently took it upon themselves to clothe us with personal protective equipment, feed us, transport us, and even shelter us as we engage the unseen enemy. It is these heroes I wish to thank today. I certainly cannot thank them all, but I sincerely hope that those I do mention will represent the many others I cannot. Early on, my brother Elmer Lapeña and his Team Twilight group of “golfing enthusiasts and friends” (“company owners, executives, managers, engineers, technicians, entrepreneurs, and expats in the electronics, semiconductor, metalworking, automotive, aerospace, and packaging manufacturing industries”) responded to the call for better protection for frontliners with door-to-door deliveries of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) to over 40 hospitals in the National Capitol Region, Rizal, Cavite, Laguna and Batangas including the Philippine General Hospital (PGH).2 On a personal note, Elmer and my sister-in-law Annette were closely monitoring our situation, going out of their way to obtain difficult-to-find PPEs for my wife Josie and myself, and our respective Departments of Family and Community Medicine (DFCM) and Otorhinolaryngology (ORL) at the PGH. For her part, our very dear friend Gigi Bautista Rapadas organized Project #HelpCovid19Warriors(HCW), to “go where the virus goes” and “help where help is needed and requested,” harnessing donations from ‘family, friends, and friends of friends” to procure PPE (as well as disinfectants, even canned goods) that were distributed “from Metro Manila to the provinces: Tuguegarao, Bataan, Bulacan, La Union, Nueva Vizcaya, Cavite,” moving from hospitals and health centers to correctional institutes.3 It is because of them that our PGH Department of ORL obtained very expensive but essential respirator hoods for added protection from aerosolized virus when conducting airway procedures, in addition to head-to-foot PPEs for use of the PGH DFCM in attending to PGH staff at the UP Health Service. Meanwhile, without fanfare, our dear friends Popot and Agnes (also my DLSU ’79 classmate) Lorenzana provided cooked meals for 1,000 persons daily. Working with on-the-ground social workers and with the 2KK Tulong sa Kapwa Kapatid Foundation, their Feeding Program “A thousand meals for poor communities” reached Payatas, Talayan, Pinyahan, Smokey Mountain, Maisan, Bagong Silang, Old Balara, Tatalon, Sta. Teresita, Sampaloc, and Sta. Ana, among more than 50 other communities. They generously responded to my wife’s request to provide meals for her community patients of the Canossa Health Center in Tondo. They have also provided meals for hospital staff of Amang Rodriguez Memorial Medical Center, the Medical City Hospital, Veterans Memorial Medical Center, Dr. Jose Fabella Memorial Hospital, Dr. Jose Rodriquez Memorial Hospital, Quezon City General Hospital, the San Lazaro Hospital, Valenzuela City Emergency and Lung Center of the Philippines. They continue this service which to date has provided for more than 32,000 meals, with corporate partners and private individuals joining the effort.4 Other De La Salle University (DLSU) College ‘79 batchmates who wish to remain anonymous obtained board approval of their endorsement to channel all the social development funds of their Maritime Multipurpose Cooperative for the next 3 years to the Philippine General Hospital. Adding their personal funds (and those solicited by their daughter and nephew), they took on the daunting task of sourcing and proving Powered Air Purifying Respirators (PAPRs) for our use. Another DLSU batchmate has been providing PPEs to various hospitals including PGH through their family corporation, Nobleland Ventures, Inc. Even their high school batch ’75 of Saint Jude Catholic School has donated boxes and boxes of PPEs to the PGH and other hospitals. Other DLSU ’79 classmates Bel and Bong Consing, and Timmy, Joy (and Tita Linda) Bautista have personally donated PPEs and funds for our COVID-19 operations, while classmate Fritz de Lange even sent over sweet mangoes for us to enjoy with our fellow frontliners. Generous donations also poured in from La Salle Green Hills (LSGH) High School ’76 friends Cris Ibarra, Norman Uy, Class 4E, and batchmates Tito and Pepper who wish to remain anonymous, as well as Menchit Borbon and her St. Theresa’s College Quezon City (STCQC) - Section 1 classmates. We even received overseas support from my LSGH 4B classmate Bingo Pantaleon from Yangon; my mom Libby, brother Bernie and Lilli, and friend Soyanto from Singapore, and sister Sabine from Germany. And how can we forget the regular frozen food deliveries of Jollibee chicken drumsticks and home-made Bulgogi and Tapa from our dear friends Ed and Aning Go? Perhaps the most touching gifts of all came from my eldest and youngest daughters Melay and Jica, who lovingly prepared and delivered much-appreciated meals to us, and middle child Ro-an, who with our son-in-law Reycay serenaded us with beautiful music that was appreciated by no less than Vice President Leni Robredo and featured by the Philippine Philharmonic Orchestra.5 Their musical fund-raising campaign started with another haunting piece featuring my sister Nina and brother-in-law Kiko.6 As if that was not enough, Ro-an bakes cookies to raise funds for our ongoing COVID-19 operations at PGH, while Melay and Jica keep asking us what we want to eat next. These three count among those who have least, yet “put in everything ” from what little they have.7 These are but a few examples of those known personally to me- my family and friends. And there are many more. In the same way, every other doctor and front liner will have their own stories to tell, of friends, family even mere acquaintances who have come out of the shadows to help, to care, to share in whatever way they can, in fighting this battle with us. Let this be their tribute as well. Those of us who serve in the Philippine General Hospital have been called People Giving Hope.8,9 I believe that we do give hope because others give us hope in turn. I like to think that the inscription in the PGH lobby “They Also Serve Who Care and Share” honors these others in a special way who go over and beyond the call of duty. With apologies to John Milton, our heroes go way over and beyond “they also serve who only stand and wait.”

ABSTRACT Introduction African Americans (AAs) experience disparities in chronic pain care. This study aimed to identify the rates of emergency department (ED) utilization for visits associated with chronic pain diagnoses among AAs compared to Whites and to determine variables that accounted for any differences. Methods This retrospective observational study used national Veterans Affairs (Veteran’s Health Administration) administrative data to identify Veterans with chronic pain diagnoses in 2018. Race/ethnicity was self-reported and assessed to examine if differences exist in ED utilization. Differences between AAs and Whites were examined using negative binomial regression models, controlling for ethnicity. Multivariable models (including demographics, pain characteristics, psychiatric comorbidities, medical comorbidities, pain-related health care utilization, and medication utilization) were examined to determine factors that contributed to these disparities. Results Among the 2,261,030 patients, 22% (n = 492,138) were AA. The incidence rate ratio of ED utilization for AAs, relative to Whites, was 1.58 (95% CI: 1.56–1.59). The only independent variable that produced a clinically meaningful reduction in the race effect on ED use was rurality, which was associated with reduced ED use. Post hoc model including all variables reduced the race effect to 1.37 (95% CI: 1.36–1.38). Conclusion AA Veterans had a 58% greater risk of ED utilization for visits associated with chronic pain diagnoses relative to White Veterans, which remained meaningfully elevated after adjustment for observable confounders (37%). This observation may reflect disparities in outpatient chronic pain care for AAs. Future research could focus on enhancing therapeutic alliance in primary care to improve chronic pain treatment for AAs.

Brief in which King Henry III recalls that as there are people who might perhaps convey to the lord pope and cardinals certain business which has recently been transacted by him as a result of the advice of his magnates and vassals, who may put a malicious interpretation on it, and as the affair might be a potential hindrance to him, he (so the recipients are better prepared to argue against the cunning deceits of such men) is minded to explain here the whole sequence of certain of his affairs, so that they may not be uninformed about what has passed, on which it may happen that they or others might otherwise be deceived. [2] So they are to be aware that whereas, at the time when the bishop of Norwich was legate (1218–1221), the earl Marshal still occupied the castles of Marlborough and Ludgershall, and was proposing to marry the sister of Count Robert of Dreux, and there were also other magnates in England who were endeavouring to distance him from the king by injurious alliances, the idea of betrothing the earl to one of the king's sisters was discussed between the legate, his justiciar and certain other magnates, partly because the political alliance with foreigners was thought alarming should the earl marry the sister of the count of Dreux – so as not to render England more accessible to foreigners, especially since Richard Marshal, the brother of the earl, might obtain all the Marshal lands in Normandy – and partly because of fear of the malice of those people who endeavoured to seduce the earl's allegiance from the king; and indeed because the castles of Marlborough and Ludgershall ought to be returned to him (which many times the earl promised) so that the other magnates might the more readily be persuaded likewise to return to the king his castles which they also held. [3] Because of his tender years and the fragile state of his kingdom, one of the king's sisters was destined for the said Marshal, by the authority of the legate and the counsel of certain magnates. The said Marshal swore to marry her, if it pleased the king and the magnates of the realm. The justiciar swore to hand her over to the Marshal, if the magnates of the kingdom agreed. The legate, the justiciar and others who were present faithfully promised that they would approach this matter conscientiously. The said castles were handed back to the legate, so that if the contract were not fulfilled within a space of time long now expired, they should be given back promptly to the Marshal. [4] Further to this, when these matters were communicated to other magnates, notably to the earl of Chester who at that point returned from the Holy Land (July 1220) – the earl strongly approved the match and many others agreed, with no dissenters. But afterwards, when certain dissensions had emerged, some people demurred, claiming – just as indeed was said on their behalf in the papal curia – that the king should have no greater an aid for his own marriage as for his sisters, as a result of which his sisters’ marriage arrangements would be impeded, about which he was negotiating a considerable treaty in foreign parts, and so at that time the Marshal arrangement remained unfulfilled. [5] But when recently (June 1222) the same Marshal obtained a papal mandate addressed to the archbishop of Canterbury and bishop of Salisbury, that either they should cause him to be entirely absolved from the conditions of the oath, or the marriage contract be confirmed, the Marshal insisted vociferously that one of those options should be followed, since he cared for nothing other than that he be married. So now as before it is a worry that Marshal – a man of great power in England as much as Ireland – might marry the sister of the said count of Dreux or a daughter of the duke of Brabant, who was likewise offered to him – which on account of the matters already alluded to would assist the king in no way – or even the sister of the king of Scots, where similarly no small danger might arise, for by how much nearer Scotland is to Ireland and the Marshal lands, so much the more dangerous would the marriage be to the king. [6] So having considered the energy and power of the said Marshal, as well as the faithful service he has openly and strenuously performed for the king especially in the region of Wales – his castles which Llywelyn prince of Gwynedd held which Marshal vigorously reclaimed (in April 1223) would scarcely have been taken without his capacity and hard work – and also bearing in mind the example of Philip, the late king of France (died 14 July 1223) – who for a long time freely married off his daughters, sisters, and nieces to the likes of the counts of Namur and Ponthieu and others of his men rather than to foreigners, just as the current king of France recently married off his niece, the daughter of Guichard de Beaujeu to the count of Champagne (after August 1223); because of all these precedents and the great things which are hoped for from the Marshal, it should not be objectionable to the king and his council – all things considered – that he may at some time permit him to marry his sister to his advantage and honour. The king, on the advice of such and such men, having discussed this business extensively, conceded the Marshal his younger sister, without lessening of his lands, castles or money. [September 1223 × January 1224]A= Kew, National Archives (PRO), SC1/2/109.Printed, Royal Letters, 1: 244–246; Diplomatic Documents, 95–97.

This is the title of this year’s first issue, and civil-military relations will be the guiding theme of the following three issues planned for this year. In the second issue we would like to know what is new in the development of the defence system, while we want to dedicate the third one to the emerging non-military threats, which appear in the form of cyber threats, various diseases, such as Ebola, and of course as the problem of increased migration from Africa towards European borders. In the fourth issue, we will remember the centenary of the beginning of the Isonzo Front. Civil-military relations denote a relationship between the civil society and military organizations. When looking at them in more detail, we find that it is a form of control over the military organization by the civil society. The first two authors to focus on these relationships were Sun Tzu around 500 BC and Carl von Clausewitz on the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. They based their findings on the fact that the military are in the service of the state. Civil-military relations were introduced into the academic sphere of political science and sociology by Samual P. Huntington and Morris Janowitz. Much of the literature discussing this topic emerged in the period between the end of World War II and the fall of the Berlin Wall. The transformation of armed forces as a result of the end of the bloc division in the western part of the world has contributed to the emergence of a variety of literature focusing on the transformation paradigm primarily developed within NATO. We can conclude that, after 2010 in Slovenia, the scope of military professional and scientific literature has been regressing. Despite the large amount of security, defence and military challenges, there is no real motivation in academic and professional circles to organize events where one would exchange ideas and critical thoughts and respond to them. Due to the lack of such additional incentives, it seems somewhat logical that there are also no articles, monographs and textbooks dealing with these topics. What can we do to encourage debate on civil-military relations, security, defence and military, in order to produce high-quality writing for others - students, youth, veterans, professional and scientific public, civil society? One of the options available to the Slovenian Armed Forces and the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces as the authority issuing this publication is to encourage the employees and those who work with the armed forces and ministries to write. The result of such incentives are the articles published in this issue. Gregor Garb wrote an article titled Establishment of private military companies through a prism of global security, basing his findings on the changes in the political and security environment. This has led to the fact that, in addition to the traditional ones, non-state actors with transnational connections and influences were being mentioned in professional security circles. This subject was discussed by Professor Žabkar as early as in 2004 in the chapter Have the first years of the third millennium led to the privatization of the military profession, published in the second volume of the book titled Marsova dediščina (Mars’s heritage). A good ten years later, Garb is presenting his findings. Padányi József and László Földi present different experiences of the Hungarian Armed Forces in international operations and missions as well as its assistance to the population in the event of natural and other disasters. In 2010, the Hungarian Armed Forces assisted in the aftermath a major disaster of the red-sludge spill. More on this subject can be found in the article Tasks and experiences of the Hungarian Defence Forces in crisis management. Late last year, the Alliance ended the ISAF operation in Afghanistan, where members of the Slovenian Armed Forces worked with the Allied forces for ten years. Kristian Beršnak wrote an article on the mission, tasks and experiences of the Special Operations Unit titled Development of SAF special forces and experiences from Afganistan. Addressing today's challenges determines the use of a wide spectrum of civil and military capabilities, improved cooperation and coordination between all the entities involved and the creation of one single entity of national security, writes Andrej Androjna in his article titled Coastguard - factor of enhancing security in maritime transport, where he examines different options of providing this form of security. In his article Usefulness of Topobase software in property management of the defence sector, Andrej Skvarča describes a software tool used by the Cerklje ob Krki airport. In the time when the protection of critical infrastructure is becoming increasingly important, it seems reasonable to use this software tool more widely in the defence system. This was the amount of engagement provided for this issue by the Slovenian Armed Forces. Is there maybe anybody else who deals with defence and military issues? There are some faculties in Slovenia with chairs dealing with different security topics. There are some institutions which can be referred to as "think tanks", the term used in an English-speaking environment to denote the institutions renowned as “brain centres” of new ideas. Are we in Slovenia out of new ideas concerning security? Perhaps they are still there, but have remained caught somewhere “on air”, because nobody writes them in a professional or scientific article.

Introduction Presidents “define who Americans are—often by declaring who they aren’t”, and “by their very utterances […] have shaped our sense of who we are as Americans” (Stuckey, front cover). This advocacy of some groups and policies to the exclusion of others has been facilitated in the United States’ political culture by the country music industry. Indeed, President Richard Nixon said of country music that it “radiates a love of this nation—a patriotism,” adding that it “makes America a better country” (Bufwack and Oermann 328). Country music’s ardent support of American military conflict, including Vietnam, has led to its long-term support of Republican candidates. There has been a general lack of scholarly interest, however, in how country music has promoted Republican definitions of what it means to be an American. Accordingly, we have two primary objectives. First, we will demonstrate that Republicans, aided by country music, have used the theme of defence of “country,” especially post-9/11, to attempt to intimidate detractors. Secondly, Republicans have questioned the love of “country,” or “patriotism,” of their electoral opponents just as country musicians have attempted to silence their own critics. This research is timely in that little has been done to merge Presidential advocacy and country music; furthermore, with the election of a new President mere days away, it is important to highlight the tendencies toward intolerance that both conservatism and country music have historically shared. Defence of ‘Country’ After the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush addressed the nation before a Joint Session of Congress on 20 September 2001. During this speech, the president threatened the international community and raised the spectre of fear in Americans both while drawing distinctions between the United States and its enemies. This message was reflected and reinforced by several patriotic anthems composed by country artists, thus enhancing its effect. In his remarks before Congress, Bush challenged the international community: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists;” thus “advocating some groups to the exclusion of others” on the international stage (20 September 2001). With these words, the President expanded the definition of the United States’ enemies to include not only those responsible for the 9/11 attacks, but also anyone who refused to support him. Republican Senator John McCain’s hawkishness regarding the attacks mirrored the President’s. “There is a system out there or network, and that network is going to have to be attacked,” McCain said the next morning on ABC (American Broadcasting Company) News. Within a month he made clear his priority: “Very obviously Iraq is the first country,” he declared on CNN. Later he yelled to a crowd of sailors and airmen: “Next up, Baghdad!” (http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/17/america/mccain.php). Bush’s address also encouraged Americans at home to “be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat” (20 September 2001). The subtle “us vs. them” tension here is between citizens and those who would threaten them. Bush added that “freedom and fear” had always “been at war” and “God is not neutral between them” (20 September 2001) suggesting a dualism between God and Satan with God clearly supporting the cause of the United States. Craig Allen Smith’s research refers to this as Bush’s “angel/devil jeremiad.” The President’s emphasis on fear, specifically the fear that the American way of life was being assailed, translated into public policy including the creation of the Department of Homeland Security and the Patriot Act. This strategic nomenclature strengthened the power of the federal government and has been used by Republicans to suggest that if a candidate or citizen is not a terrorist then what does he/she have to fear from the government? The impact of Bush’s rhetoric of fear has of late been evaluated by scholars who have termed it “melodrama” in international affairs (Anker; Sampert and Treiberg). To disseminate his message for Americans to support his defence of “country,” Bush needed look no further than country music. David Firestein, a State Department diplomat and published authority on country music, asserted that the Bush team “recognised the power of country music as a political communication device” (86). The administration’s appeal to country music is linked to what Firestein called the “honky-tonk gap” which delineates red states and blue states. In an analysis of census data, Radio-Locator’s comprehensive listing by state of country music radio stations, and the official 2004 election results, he concluded that If you were to overlay a map of the current country music fan base onto the iconic red-and-blue map of the United States, you would find that its contours coincide virtually identically with those of the red state region. (84) And country musicians were indeed powerful in communicating the Republican message after 9/11. Several country musicians tapped into Bush’s defence of country rhetoric with a spate of songs including Alan Jackson’s Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning), Toby Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American), and Darryl Worley’s Have You Forgotten? to name a few. Note how well the music parallels Bush’s attempt to define Americans. For instance, one of the lines from Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American) speaks of those who have given their lives so that other Americans may rest peacefully. This sentiment is reiterated by the theme of Worley’s Have You Forgotten? in which he talks of spending time with soldiers who have no doubts about why they are at war. Both songs implicitly indict the listener for betraying United States soldiers if his/her support for the Iraqi war wanes or, put in Bush terms, the listener would become a supporter of “terrorism.” Country music’s appeal to middle-America’s red state conservatism has made the genre a natural vehicle for supporting the defence of country. Indeed, country songs have been written about every war in United States history; most expressing support for the conflict and the troops as opposed to protesting the United States’ action: “Since the Civil War and Reconstruction, ‘Dixie’ has always been the bellwether of patriotic fervour in time of war and even as the situation in Vietnam reached its lowest point and support for the war began to fade, the South and its distinctive music remained solidly supportive” (Andresen 105). Historically, country music has a long tradition of attempting to “define who Americans were by defining who they weren’t” (Stuckey). As Bufwack and Oermann note within country music “images of a reactionary South were not hard to find.” They add “Dixie fertilized ‘three r’s’ – the right, racism, and religion” (328). Country musicians supported the United States’ failed intervention in Vietnam with such songs as It’s for God and Country and You Mom (That’s Why I’m Fighting In Vietnam), and even justified the American massacre of noncombatants at My Lai in the Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley (328). Thus, a right-wing response to the current military involvement in Iraq was not unexpected from the industry and the honky-tonk state listeners. During the current election, Republican presidential nominee McCain has also received a boost from the country music genre as John Rich, of Big and Rich, wrote Raising McCain, a musical tribute to McCain’s military service used as his campaign theme song. The song, debuted at a campaign rally on 1 August 2008, in Florida, mentions McCain’s ‘Prisoner of War’ status to keep the focus on the war and challenge those who would question it. Scholars have researched the demographics of the country music listener as they have evaluated the massification theory: the notion that the availability of a widespread media culture would break down social and cultural barriers and result in a “homogenised” society as opposed to the results of government-controlled media in non-democratic countries (Peterson and DiMaggio). They have determined that the massification theory has only been partially demonstrated in that regional and class barriers have eroded to some extent but country music listeners are still predominately white and older (Peterson and DiMaggio 504). These individuals do tend to be more conservative within the United States’ political culture, and militarism has a long history within both country music and conservatism. If the bad news of the massification theory is that a mass media market may not perpetuate a homogenous society, there is good news. The more onerous fears that the government will work in tandem with the media to control the people in a democracy seem not to have been borne out over time. Although President Bush’s fear tactics were met with obsequious silence initially, resistance to the unquestioning support of the war has steadily grown. In 2003, a worldwide rally opposed the invasion of Iraq because it was a sovereign state and because the Bush doctrine lacked United Nations’ support. Further opposition in the United States included rallies and concerts as well as the powerful display in major cities across the nation of pairs of combat boots representing fallen soldiers (Olson). Bush’s popularity has dropped precipitously, with his disapproval ratings higher than any President in history at 71% (Steinhauser). While the current economic woes have certainly been a factor, the campaigns of Barack Obama and John McCain can also be viewed as a referendum on the Bush war. The American resistance to the Bush rhetoric and the Iraq war is all the more significant in light of research indicating that citizens incorrectly believe that the opposition to the Vietnam War was typified by protests against the troops rather than the war itself (Beamish). This false notion has empowered the Republicans and country musicians to challenge the patriotism of anyone who would subsequently oppose the military involvement of the United States, and it is to this topic of patriotism that we now turn. Patriotism Patriotism can be an effective way for presidential candidates to connect with voters (Sullivan et al). It has been a particularly salient issue since the 9/11 attacks and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ironically, George W. Bush, a man whose limited military service had been the subject of debate in 2000, was able to employ the persistent patriotic themes of country music to his electoral advantage. In fact, Firestein argued that country music radio had a greater effect on the 2004 election than any ads run by issue groups because it “inculcated and reinforced conservative values in the red state electorate, helped frame the issues of the day on terms favourable to the conservative position on those issues, and primed red state voters to respond positively to President Bush’s basic campaign message of family, country, and God” (Firestein 83). Bush even employed Only in America, a patriotic anthem performed by Brooks and Dunn, as a campaign theme song, because the war and patriotism played such a prominent role in the election. That the Bush re-election campaign successfully cast doubt on the patriotism of three-time Purple Heart winner, Democratic Senator John Kerry, during the campaign is evidence of Firestein’s assertion. The criticism was based on a book: Unfit for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry (O’Neill and Corsi). The book was followed by advertisements funded by Swift Boat Veterans for Truth which included unsubstantiated claims that Kerry lied or exaggerated his combat role in Vietnam in order to obtain two of his Purple Hearts and his Bronze Star; the testimony of Kerry’s crewmen and Navy records notwithstanding, these ads were effective in smearing Kerry’s service record and providing the President with an electoral advantage. As far as country music was concerned, the 2004 election played out against the backdrop of the battle between the patriotic Toby Keith and the anti-American Dixie Chicks. The Dixie Chicks were berated after lead singer Natalie Maines’s anti-Bush comments during a concert in London. The trio’s song about an American soldier killed in action, Travelin’ Soldier, quickly fell from the top spot of the country music charts. Moreover, while male singers such as Keith, Darryl Worley, and Alan Jackson received accolades for their post 9/11 artistic efforts, the Dixie Chicks endured a vitriolic reaction from country music fans as their CDs were burned, country radio refused to play their music, their names were added to an internet list of traitors, their concerts were protested by Bush supporters, and their lives were even threatened (http://www.poppolitics.com/archives/2003/04/Bandwagon). Speaking from experience at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, Kerry addressed the issue of patriotism stating: This election is a chance for America to tell the merchants of fear and division: you don’t decide who loves this country; you don’t decide who is a patriot; you don’t decide whose service counts and whose doesn’t. […] After all, patriotism is not love of power or some cheap trick to win votes; patriotism is love of country. (http://www.clipsandcomment.com/2008/08/27/full-text-john-kerry-speech-democratic-national-convention/) Kerry broached the issue because of the constant attacks on the patriotism of Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama. At the most basic level, many of the attacks questioned whether Obama was even an American. Internet rumours persisted that Obama was a Muslim who was not even an American citizen. The attacks intensified when the Obamas’ pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, came under fire for comments made during a sermon in which he stated “God damn America.” As a result, Obama was forced to distance himself from his pastor and his church. Obama was also criticised for not wearing a United States flag lapel pin. When Michelle Obama stated for the “first time [she was] proud of her country” for its willingness to embrace change in February of 2008, Cindy McCain responded that she “had always been proud of her country” with the implication being, of course, a lack of patriotism on the part of Michelle Obama. Even the 13 July 2008 cover of the liberal New Yorker portrayed the couple as flag-burning Muslim terrorists. During the 2008 election campaign, McCain has attempted to appeal to patriotism in a number of ways. First, McCain’s POW experience in Vietnam has been front and centre as he touts his experience in foreign policy. Second, the slogan of the campaign is “Country First” implying that the Obama campaign does not put the United States first. Third, McCain’s running mate, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, insisted in a speech on 4 October 2008, that Barack Obama has been “palling around with terrorists who would target their own country.” Her reference was to Obama’s acquaintance, Bill Ayers, who was involved in a series of Vietnam era bombings; the implication, however, was that Obama has terrorist ties and is unpatriotic. Palin stood behind her comments even though several major news organisations had concluded that the relationship was not significant as Ayers’ terrorist activities occurred when Obama was eight-years-old. This recent example is illustrative of Republican attempts to question the patriotism of Democrats for their electoral advantage. Country music has again sided with the Republicans particularly with Raising McCain. However, the Democrats may have realised the potential of the genre as Obama chose Only in America as the song played after his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention. He has also attempted to reach rural voters by starting his post-convention campaign in Bristol, Virginia, a small, conservative town. Conclusion Thus, in the wake of 9/11, Republicans seized the opportunity to control the culture through fear and patriotic fervour. They were facilitated in this endeavor by the country music industry with songs that that would questions the motives, defence of “country,” and patriotism, of anyone who would question the Bush administration. This alliance between country music and the right is an historically strong one, and we recommend more research on this vital topic. While this election may indeed be a referendum on the war, it has been influenced by an economic downturn as well. Ultimately, Democrats will have to convince rural voters that they share their values; they don’t have the same edge as Republicans without the reliance of country music. However, the dynamic of country music has changed to somewhat reflect the war fatigue since the 2004 campaign. The Angry American, Toby Keith, has admitted that he is actually a Democrat, and country music listeners have grown tired of the “barrage of pro-troop sentiment,” especially since the summer of 2005 (Willman 115). As Joe Galante, the chief of the RCA family of labels in Nashville, stated, “It’s the relatability. Kerry never really spent time listening to some of those people” (Willman 201). Bill Clinton, a Southern governor, certainly had relatability, carrying the normally red states and overcoming the honky-tonk gap, and Obama has seen the benefit of country music by playing it as the grand finale of the Democratic Convention. Nevertheless, we recommend more research on the “melodrama” theory of the Presidency as the dynamics of the relationship between the Presidency and the country music genre are currently evolving. References Andreson, Lee. Battle Notes: Music of the Vietnam War. 2nd ed. Superior, WI: Savage Press, 2003. Anker, Elisabeth. “Villains, Victims and Heroes: Melodrama, Media and September 11th.” Journal of Communication. 55.1 (2005): 22-37. Baker, Peter and David Brown. “Bush Tries to Tone Down High-Pitched Debate on Iraq.” Monday, 21November 2005, Page A04. washingtonpost.com Beamish, Thomas D., Harvey Molotch, and Richard Flacks. “Who Supports the Troops? Vietnam, the Gulf War, and the Making of Collective Memory.” Social Problems. 42.3 (1995): 344-60. Brooks and Dunn. Only in America. Arista Records, 2003. Bufwack, Mary A. and Robert K. Oermann. Finding Her Voice The Saga of Women in Country Music. New York: Crown Publishers, 1993. Dixie Chicks. “Travelin Soldier.” Home. Columbia. 27 August 2002. Firestein, David J. “The Honky-Tonk Gap.” Vital Speeches of the Day. 72.3 (2006): 83-88. Jackson, Alan. Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning) Very Best of Alan Jackson. Nashville: Arista, 2004. Keith, Toby. Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American). Nashville: Dreamworks. November 9, 2004. Olson, Scott. “Chicago remembers war dead with 500 pairs of empty boots.” 22 January 2004. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-01-22-chicago-boots_x.htm O’Neill, John E. and Jerome L. Corsi. “Unfit for Command Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry.” Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2004. Peterson, Richard A. and Peter Di Maggio. “From Region to Class, the Changing Locus of Country Music. A Test of the Massification Hypothesis.” Social Forces. 53.3 (1975): 497-506. Rich, John. Raising McCain. Production information unavailable. Sampert, Shannon, and Natasja Treiberg. “The Reification of the ?American Soldier?: Popular Culture, American Foreign Policy, and Country Music.” Paper presented at the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention, Chicago, Illinois, United States, 28 February 2007. Smith, Craig Allen. “President Bush’s Enthymeme of Evil: The Amalgamation of 9/11, Iraq, and Moral Values.” American Behavioral Scientist. 49 (2005): 32-47. Steinhauser, Paul. “Poll: More disapprove of Bush that any other president.” Politics Cnn.politics.com. 1 May 2008. Stuckey, Mary E. Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity. Lawrence: UP of Kansas, 2004. Sullivan, John L., Amy Fried, Mary G. Dietz. 1992. “Patriotism, Politics, and the Presidential Election of 1988.” American Journal of Political Science. 36.1 (1992): 200-234. Willman, Chris. Rednecks and Bluenecks: The Politics of Country Music. New York: The New Press, 2005. Worley, Darryl. Have You Forgotten? Nashville: Dreamworks, 2003.

Understanding the effects of national culture differences on cooperation and performance is a problem facing the United States and South Korean Air Component Command Headquarters. Little is known about the dynamics of national cultural differences within the headquarters, and as a result, little attention is given to educating members on how to manage multicultural relationships. Guided by Hofstede's cultural dimension theory and Schein's model of organizational culture, the purpose of this quantitative quasi-experimental study was to understand the factors influencing national cultural differences among the United States and South Korean staff officers (N =178) assigned to the Air Component Command Headquarters, Republic of South Korea. Primary data were collected using the 2013 Values Survey Module. The following 6 dependent variables were examined: power distance, individualism, indulgence, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, and long-term orientation. These data were analyzed via bivariate correlation, independent-sample t tests, and one-way analysis of variance. Analysis of variance and t-test findings indicated that an increase in cross-cultural experience (military exchanges, foreign language proficiency, and years lived abroad) influenced national cultural scores. Additionally, to a moderate extent, bivariate correlation analysis showed that national cultures could also be affected (positively and negatively) by differences in participant education levels, military seniority and time served, years lived abroad, military exchanges, and foreign language experience. Implications for positive social change include increasing national cultural awareness among Air Component Command members as a method for improving collaboration and military readiness.

This chapter examines the hardships faced by German soldiers held captive by the British during the Great War as they attempted to gain financial compensation and recognition as honorable veterans in the Weimar Republic. The stigma of captivity remained with the German prisoners in the years after repatriation and served as an obstacle to full social reintegration. Many observers continued to associate the mass surrenders of the summer and autumn of 1918 with the German army's defeat and considered former prisoners of war (POWs) to be second class soldiers. This chapter considers the prisoners' battle for respect and redemption following repatriation and eventual alliance with Adolf Hitler and National Socialism, as well as the persistence of the sacrificial masculine standard that marginalized POWs.