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Bibliografie tematiche / Council of Action for Equal Pay

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Council of Action for Equal Pay"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 7 febbraio 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Council of Action for Equal Pay"

1

Johnson, Penelope. "Gender, Class and Work: The Council of Action for Equal Pay and the Equal Pay Campaign in Australia During World War II". Labour History, n. 50 (1986): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508787.

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2

Whitehouse, Gillian, e Meg Smith. "Equal pay for work of equal value, wage-setting and the gender pay gap". Journal of Industrial Relations 62, n. 4 (4 agosto 2020): 519–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620943626.

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The principle of equal pay for work of equal value has radical potential but uneven application and impact. As one strand within the multiplicity of measures required to impede the reproduction of gender pay gaps, its strengths lie in an expanded notion of equality and capacity to challenge gendered norms embedded in wage-setting practices. Almost 70 years after the principle was given expression in the International Labour Organisation’s Equal Remuneration Convention of 1951, these strengths remain difficult to capture. This collection includes studies of advances and retreats in Australia and New Zealand, shaped by political and economic trends, changing wage-setting arrangements and varying interpretations of formal provisions. These are elaborated with examples of collective action that have redefined the problem of gender pay inequality and found pathways to redress gender-based undervaluation in the absence of a supportive regulatory framework. Studies of three East Asian countries extend understanding through stark illustrations of recurring barriers, highlighting limitations in legal expression, incompatibility of equal value measures with wage-setting norms, and the impact of highly segmented labour markets. Together the articles underline the need for interrelated reforms to formal provisions, wage-setting institutions and labour markets, and the importance of ongoing mobilisation to drive change.

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Freedland, M. R., e H. COLLINS. "CCT, Equal Pay and Market Forces: North Yorkshire County Council v Raycliffe". Industrial Law Journal 23, n. 4 (1 dicembre 1994): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/23.4.341.

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4

HEIDE, Ingeborg. "Supranational action against sex discrimination: Equal pay and equal treatment in the European Union". International Labour Review 138, n. 4 (dicembre 1999): 381–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1564-913x.1999.tb00394.x.

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Jacobs, Lesley A. "Equal Opportunity and Gender Disadvantage". Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 7, n. 1 (gennaio 1994): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002563.

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Recently, in Canada both the Federal Government and various provincial governments have introduced a series of measures intended to address gender inequalities in the workplace. These measures are of two basic types. Employment equity policies involve the implementation of affirmative action programmes designed to encourage the hiring and promotion of more women in, for example, the civil service. Pay equity policies have sought to institutionalize the principle of equal pay for work of equal value or, to use the American terminology, comparable worth. The aim of this paper is to resurrect the presently out of fashion view that the principles of affirmative action and comparative worth that underlie employment equity and pay equity can be defended on the grounds that they contribute to the realization of an ideal of equality of opportunity between men and women in Canadian society. This view, although once prevalent among those concerned with gender issues, has been pushed aside, largely because of doubts about the visionary depth of the ideal of equality of opportunity. It has been replaced instead by an ideal of equality of results which emphasizes the goal of reducing the gender wage gap. It is my intention here to formulate a principle of equality of opportunity that can incorporate recent feminist legal and political philosophy in a way that offers a promising way to analyze issues posed by gender inequalities in the workplace and, as a result, provide a clear rationale for the recent employment equity and pay equity initiatives in Canada.

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Ebrahim, Shamier. "Reviewing the suitability of affirmative action and the inherent requirements of the job as grounds of justification to equal pay claims in terms of the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 21 (12 gennaio 2018): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2018/v21i0a1367.

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The purpose of this article is to analyse the grounds of justification to pay discrimination as contained in South African law, the Conventions and Materials of the International Labour Organisation and the equal pay laws of the United Kingdom. Lastly, an analysis will be undertaken to determine whether affirmative action and the inherent requirements of the job provide justifications proper to equal pay claims.

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Ebrahim, Shamier. "Equal Pay in Terms of the Employment Equity Act: The Role of Seniority, Collective Agreements and Good Industrial Relations: Pioneer Foods (Pty) Ltd v Workers against Regression 2016 ZALCCT 14". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 20 (5 dicembre 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2017/v20i0a1524.

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Equal pay for equal work and work of equal value is recognised as a human right in international law. South Africa has introduced a specific provision in the EEA in the form of section 6(4) which sets out the causes of action in respect of equal pay claims. The causes of action are: (a) equal pay for the same work; (b) equal pay for substantially the same work; and (c) equal pay for work of equal value. In addition to the introduction of section 6(4) to the EEA, the Minister of Labour has published the Employment Equity Regulations of 2014 and a Code of Good Practice on Equal Pay for work of Equal Value. This constitutes the equal pay legal framework in terms of the EEA. The Regulations sets out the factors which should be used to evaluate whether two different jobs are of equal value. It further provides for the methodology which must be used to determine an equal pay dispute and it sets out factors which would justify a differentiation in pay. The Code provides practical guidance to both employers and employees regarding the application of the principle of equal pay for work of equal value in the workplace, inter alia. Regulation 7 sets out factors which would justify pay differentiation. These factors are: (a) seniority (length of service); (b) qualifications, ability and competence; (c) performance (quality of work); (d) where an employee is demoted as a result of organisational restructuring (or any other legitimate reason) without a reduction in pay and his salary remains the same until the remuneration of his co-employees in the same job category reaches his level (red-circling); (e) where a person is employed temporarily for the purpose of gaining experience (training) and as a result thereof receives different remuneration; (f) skills scarcity; and (g) any other relevant factor. If a difference in pay is based on any one or more of the above factors then it is not unfair discrimination if it is fair and rational. This is spelt out in regulation 7(1). In Pioneer Foods (Pty) Ltd v Workers Against Regression 2016 ZALCCT 14 the seniority (length of service) factor was at the fore in the Labour Court. The Labour Court, on appeal, reversed an arbitration award in which the Commissioner found that paying newly appointed drivers at an 80% rate for the first two years of employment as opposed to the 100% rate paid to drivers working longer than two years in terms of a collective agreement amounted to unfair discrimination in pay. The CCMA, in essence, regarded the factor of seniority as a ground of discrimination as opposed to a ground justifying pay differentiation. Pioneer Foods is noteworthy as it is one of the first reported cases from the Labour Court dealing with the relatively new equal pay legal framework. It raises the following important equal pay issues: (a) is seniority a ground of discrimination or a ground justifying pay differentiation? And (b) what is the role of a collective agreement and good industrial relations when determining an equal pay claim? The purpose of this note is to critically analyse these issues and guidance will be sought from South African Law, Foreign law and relevant ILO materials in this regard.

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Kilpatrick, Claire. "Putting s1.(3) Equal Pay Act 1970 together again:Ratcliffe v North Yorkshire County Council". International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 2, n. 1-2 (dicembre 1996): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135822919600200210.

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Parker, Jane, e Noelle Donnelly. "The revival and refashioning of gender pay equity in New Zealand". Journal of Industrial Relations 62, n. 4 (9 luglio 2020): 560–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620929374.

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While the foundations for redressing gender pay inequality in New Zealand were established half a century ago, significant numbers of women still endure the sharp end of gender-based pay differentials. Following a landmark test case in the aged care sector which focused on the (re)interpretation of the Equal Pay Act 1972, gender pay equality is once again under intense scrutiny. On the 125th anniversary of women’s suffrage, the New Zealand government signalled the introduction of legislative amendments to address this enduring challenge. Although widely contested, the intent of the Equal Pay Amendment Bill is to lower the threshold for raising pay equity claims, while establishing a bargaining process for resolving them. Alongside this, the government has introduced an ambitious workplace action plan to eliminate public service gender pay gaps. Informed by gender equity policy approaches, this article examines New Zealand’s (gendered) regulatory history relating to equal pay, yielding insights into how labour law and policy have both addressed and evaded the objective of equal remuneration for work of equal value, concluding with a discussion of recent initiatives. This qualitative analysis illustrates how institutional contexts for wage-setting and value-laden equality strategies impact women’s experience of work in New Zealand.

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Di Sarcina, Federica. "Un'"ondata di femminismo comunitario". La nascita della politica di pari opportunitŕ della Comunitŕ economica europea (1969-1978)". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n. 30 (luglio 2009): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030006.

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- This paper focuses on the birth of the acquis communautaire on equal pay and treatment between women and men in the second half of Seventies, after the approval of the first Social Action Program (1973). Fundamental component of the EEC equal opportunity policy as well as of the current "European social model", the three directives adopted in this period marked a crucial step towards a more balanced labour market for women, notoriously affected by pay discriminations and occupational segregation. Thanks to this legal acts, EEC/EU member States adapted their internal legislation, recognizing and protecting - from a legal point of view - the equality principle between women and men workers established at the European level.Parole chiave: Politica sociale della CEE, Politica comunitaria di pari opportunitŕ, Paritŕ salariale, Modello sociale europeo, Femminismo, Storia del lavoro femminile EEC Social Policy, EEC/EU equal opportunity policy, Equal pay, European social model, Feminism, history of women workers

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Council of Action for Equal Pay"

1

Francis, Rosemary. "Muriel Heagney and the Council of Action for Equal Pay : 1937-1948 /". Connect to thesis, 1989. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000718.

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Libri sul tema "Council of Action for Equal Pay"

1

Directorate, New Brunswick Women's. Affirmative action / employment equity in the New Brunswick civil service: A strategy for change. [St. John, N.B.?: Women's Directorate, 1986.

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2

Greater London Council. Equal Opportunities Unit. Training for change: The GLC's Equal oportunities and positive action training programme. (London): (Greater London Council), 1986.

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Ontario. Ministry of Citizenship, Culture and Recreation. Equal opportunity in Ontario: Fair, barrier free, merit based. Toronto: Ministry of Citizenship, Culture and Recreation, 1996.

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4

Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives. Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs. Half way to equal: Report of the inquiry into equal opportunity and equal status for women in Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Pub. Service, 1992.

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Martiniello, Marco. Affirmative action: Des discours, des politiques et des pratiques en débat. Louvain-la-Neuve: Academia-Bruylant, 2004.

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Law, National Association of Women and the. A brief on employment equity. Ottawa: The Assocation, 1991.

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Harvey, Edward B. Information systems for employment equity: An employer guide. Don Mills, Ont: CCH Canadian, 1988.

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Ontario Advisory Council on Women's Issues. The proceedings of a forum on pay equity, held by the Ontario Advisory Council on Women's Issues, Toronto, Ont., March 7, 1986. [Toronto: s.n., 1986.

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9

Johanna, Fullerton, e Institute of Personnel and Development., a cura di. Managing the mosaic: Diversity in action. London: Institute of Personnel and Development, 1994.

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Women, National Action Committee on the Status of. Brief to the Legislative Committee on Bill C-62, Employment Equity. Toronto: The Committee, 1985.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Council of Action for Equal Pay"

1

Wilson, H. T. "Anti-Discrimination Legislation and Its Impact on the Employment Relationship: The Case of Affirmative Action and Equal Pay". In Management Under Differing Labour Market and Employment Systems, a cura di Günter Dlugos, Wolfgang Dorow, Klaus Weiermair e Frank C. Danesy, 383–96. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110859379-033.

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Taylor, Stephen, e Astra Emir. "18. Equal pay". In Employment Law, 302–27. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198806752.003.0018.

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This chapter discusses the evolution of equal pay law in the UK, selection of comparator by the claimant, employer defences and remedies, bringing a claim, bringing equal pay cases using sex discrimination statutes, and critiques of equal pay law. The Equal Pay Act, which came into operation in 1975, was repealed in 2010, but its content was effectively transposed into the Equality Act 2010. A claimant is required to name a comparator of the opposite sex who she claims is paid more than she is, without good reason, despite doing the same work, broadly similar work, work which has been rated as equivalent or work of equal value. Equal pay law has been criticised for failing to bring about equality in pay between men and women. Suggested reforms include placing a positive duty on employers to take action to eliminate unequal pay. The chapter also considers gender pay gap reporting.

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Smith, Rhona K. M. "19. The right to work". In International Human Rights Law. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198805212.003.0019.

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This chapter examines the right to work in international human rights law. It discusses the right to just and favourable conditions of work and remuneration; and the right to equal pay for equal work. The chapter highlights the role of the International Labour Organization in setting the standard for worker protection, and the contributions of the Social Charters of the Council of Europe in providing evidence of the change in such standards over the years.

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Smith, Rhona K. M. "16. The right to work". In International Human Rights Law, 296–311. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198843672.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the right to work in international human rights law. It discusses the right to just and favourable conditions of work and remuneration, and the right to equal pay for equal work. The chapter highlights the role of the International Labour Organization in setting the standard for worker protection, and the contributions of the Social Charters of the Council of Europe in providing evidence of the change in such standards over the years.

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Seatzu, Francesco. "INTRODUCTORY NOTE". In The Global Community Yearbook of International Law and Jurisprudence 2019, 843–50. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197513552.003.0036.

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The year 2018 was characterized for the international administrative tribunals by (at least) the following three elements, the first two of which were strictly related and linked to each other: the UN Appeals Tribunal’s delivery of the long-awaited judgment on 29 June 2018 in the case Quijano Evans et al. v. Secretary General, challenging the initial decision by the UN Dispute Tribunal to recognize an intangible right to an expectation of continued salary increases over time to the staff and personnel; the decision on September 2018 in the Jannick DEVAUX (II) and (III) case, where the Administrative Tribunal of the Council of Europe acknowledged the application of the general principle of equal pay for equal work in the international civil service sector. Noteworthy to stress is the fact that 2018 was also the year in which the ILO Administrative Tribunal, one of the oldest and most established international administrative tribunals, has the opportunity through the case A v. International Criminal Court (ICC) to clarify the meaning, content and scope of the protection of the international organizations’ staff for the moral damages suffered by their officers and staff personnel as a result of illegal arrests and detentions occurred during working missions abroad.

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Moss, Jonathan. "Sexton’s shoe factory occupation and Fakenham Enterprises, Norfolk, 1972–77". In Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 196885, 111–38. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526124883.003.0005.

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Chapter Four focuses on the 1972 occupation of Sexton’s shoe factory organised by female workers fighting to save their jobs in Fakenham, Norfolk. The occupation lasted 18 weeks before the women involved established their own co-operative that traded with varied levels of success until it entered receivership in 1977. This chapter revisits Fakenham Enterprises from the perspective of women who were involved at the time. The Fakenham occupation moves the book onto a different track away from the equal pay debates considered in the previous two chapters, towards working-class women’s fight against factory closures and unemployment. This case study is particularly distinguished by its local context (rural Norfolk) and illustrates how women were taking similar action to one another across England, in a range of industries and both urban and rural locations.

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Ilias, Bantekas. "Art.40 Conference of States Parties". In The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198810667.003.0041.

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This chapter examines Article 40 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which deals with the Conference of States Parties (COSP). The COSP is part of an established tradition whose principal aim is to keep the Convention alive by stimulating actions, collaborations, enforcement, capacity building, and others. The enforcement powers of the COSP are severely limited, if any, and should not therefore be compared to those enjoyed by entities with enforcement powers, such as the UN Security Council or the Council of the European Union. Although the powers and functions of the COSP could be achieved outside the legal person of the COSP on the basis of joint action by CRPD member states, the formal collectivization of member states ensures annual discussions on important and emerging issues affecting disability rights and contributes towards a consistency among a group of equal partners undertaking the same obligations.

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Kemp-Benedict, Eric, e Sivan Kartha. "Greenhouse Development Rights: A Framework for Climate Protection That Is “More Fair” Than Equal Per Capita Emissions Rights". In Climate Ethics. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195399622.003.0022.

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There is a fairly broad consensus among both the philosophers who write about climate change and the majority of the climate-policy community that efforts to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions—“mitigation” in the jargon—should not harm the ability of poor countries to grow economically and to reduce as rapidly as possible the widespread poverty their citizens suffer. Indeed, this principle of a “right to development” has been substantially embraced in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) itself. Yet as the evidence of the risks from climate change has continued to mount and calls have grown for more stringent mitigation targets, the need to give substance to this right has come into conflict with the evident unwillingness of already “developed” countries to pay the costs of adequately precautionary mitigation. The long and the short of it is that almost any reasonable ethical principles lead to the conclusion that, as Henry Shue (1999) put it straightforwardly, “the costs [of mitigation] should initially be borne by the wealthy industrialized states.” In the words of the UNFCCC, “the developed country Parties should take the lead in combating climate change and the adverse effects thereof,” and this point is embodied in practical terms in the Kyoto Protocol itself, in which only the 40 developed “Annex I” countries have binding emissions limits. Yet particularly because of the rejection of Kyoto by the United States but also because of the weak efforts at mitigation that have taken place so far in Europe, Japan, and other industrialized countries, we find ourselves in a situation in which precaution requires that emissions be reduced extremely soon in poor countries, too, but the rich countries can’t yet be said to have fulfilled their obligations to “take the lead.” The delay in taking action so far, the increasing evidence of current climate-change impacts and greater risks than previously estimated, and the speed with which we must now move all imply substantially greater costs for adequately precautionary action than were previously estimated.

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Hayter, Julian Maxwell. "“All He Gave Me Was a Foot”". In The Dream Is Lost. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169484.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 describes how structural forces beyond the realm of politics led to fissures in black leadership. Urban retrenchment, rising poverty and crime, and the persistence of residential segregation had taken their toll on Richmond, the black-majority council, and the Crusade by the 1980s. As the Reagan administration put New Federalism into action, cities struggled to pay the bills. Black leaders struggled to meet these challenges; they also no longer agreed on how to solve their communities’ mounting problems. Women such as Alma Barlow led the charge against the black establishment. Yet Roy West defeated Willie Dell more soundly in 1984, and his victory symbolized the arrival of technocratic, middle-class black politicians. Technocrats such as West supplanted the first wave of civil rights–era black politicians—a phenomenon that was not specific to Richmond. West, who was Richmond’s second black mayor, became the cause célèbre when he secured 30 percent set-asides for minority business contracts. These contracts did little, however, to address the poverty that enveloped Richmond. By 1986, the Crusade failed to challenge West’s approach to black governance. After allegations of discrimination in municipal employment rocked city hall, African Americans realized that the Crusade’s strictly political approach to the freedom struggle had fallen short.

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Gottlieb, Julie. "Women’s Print Media, Fascism, and the Far Right in Britain Between the Wars". In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0035.

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Women were well represented as leaders, activists, and as contributing journalists in the various fascist movements in Britain between the wars. The first movement to adopt the fascist name in Britain, the British Fascisti (1923–35), later the British Fascists (BF), founded by Miss Rotha Lintorn-Orman, published the British Fascist and the British Lion in which women’s issues and the activities of women in the movement were generously covered (Durham 1998; Gottlieb 2000). Although the much more successful British Union of Fascists (BUF, 1932–40) was male-led and male-dominated, its publications – Fascist Week, Blackshirt, Action, and its academically oriented Fascist Quarterly – also covered women’s issues and provided women’s pages. Further, for a short time in 1933–4, the BUF published the cyclostyled Woman Fascist, the news-sheet of the BUF’s Women’s Section, at that time under the leadership of former suffragette ‘Slasher’ Mary (Mary Richardson). Indeed, the influence of three former suffragettes on the evolution of the BUF’s women’s policy was decisive, and these veterans of the Pankhursts’ Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) entered into heated polemics with anti-fascist feminists inside and outside the pages of these publications. The BUF’s women’s policy and its stance on feminist-identified issues, from equal pay and the abolition of the marriage bar to the relationship between women and peace/pacifism, was more nuanced and sophisticated than we may imagine. The movement emphasised that its women’s policies differed from those of the Italian Fascist and Nazi German regimes (Passmore 2003). While distancing itself from Nazi reaction and violent misogyny, the BUF claimed it rejected ‘the sex war as it does the class war: as it does the whole political theory of division. It is by unity of purpose alone that our nation can struggle through to great things’ (Blackshirt 5 Oct 1934: 9). This essay surveys the content and the evolving themes and concerns as framed in these print media, with specific reference to women’s issues, the space accorded to women’s political engagement, and the attempted reconciliation between the ultimately irreconcilable creeds of fascism and feminism.

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