Articoli di riviste sul tema "Cotton Vitellius A XV"

The Thorkelin transcripts of Beowulf (Copenhagen, Royal Library, N.K.S. 512 and 513 4°) are useful for a number of purposes. Two of these involve Beowulf itself: they offer a number of readings lost from its unique manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. xv) and they afford an insight into the genesis of its first printed edition (Thorkelin's) published, after many vicissitudes, in Copenhagen in 1815. For reasons that will become clear, these purposes should be kept well apart. The present study, accordingly, will concern itself with the first of them only, and will investigate the contribution made by the two transcripts to our knowledge of the manuscript as it was at two points of time in 1787 (more than half a century after the fire of 1731) when the two transcripts purport to have been made. With respect to the second transcript, Thorkelin B, for the most part a line-for-line and page-for-page copy written by Thorkelin himself in his English copperplate hand, this date has been queried, but no satisfactory evidence has been produced and it is not evident where any can now be found. As the dates appear, however, to have been recorded at least a quarter-century after the event, they need not necessarily be trusted wholly in either case. It is certain that in adding the date 1787 to another transcript Thorkelin was a year out; it may thus merely represent a memory of an intensive spell of copying. We shall see below that the first transcript, Thorkelin A, made by an amanuensis in an imitation of the manuscript's Insular script, suggests that there may not have been so very much time between it and Thorkelin B.

Abstract A reassessment of the Old English glosses in Cambridge, Trinity College, B.10.5, as well as a presentation of three new glosses found in another fragment of the same manuscript, now London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius C.viii, with special focus on their language and function.

AbstractCambridge, Corpus Christi College 190 (CCCC 190) contains an Ash Wednesday entry into public penance and a Maundy Thursday reconciliation of penitents as well as two Old English sermons translated from them. The sermons were added to the manuscript at Exeter during Bishop Leofric’s tenure (1050–72), and the rites were recopied into one of his pontificals, London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. vii, where the Ash Wednesday service was also revised into a unique, previously unrecognized, standalone rite. This article examines the manuscript evidence for Leofric’s interest in these unique rites and sermons, and suggests that they might have been useful to him in the wake of the Norman Conquest. Because of their uniqueness and proposed historical relevance to post-Conquest Exeter, the article concludes with editions of the rites from Vitellius A. vii and the sermons from CCCC 190, which are printed together for the first time.

Reflecting John D. Niles’ recent codicological reading of the Exeter Book, this essay advances a comparative reading of the three manuscripts containing Old English Solomon and Saturn dialogues. These manuscripts attest that the Solomon and Saturn dialogues were “serious” texts, twice attending the liturgy and later (12th century) joining high pre-scholastic philosophy. They further reveal a shift in the use of poetry over time. The earlier dialogues evince an “Incarnational poetics” that is distinct from but nevertheless comparable to the “monastic poetics” of the Exeter Book, while the later, prose dialogue has taken a less performative and more encyclopedic form.

: Beowulf survived in a single manuscript produced by the year 1000 (Cotton Vitellius A.x), thus existing a thousand-and twenty-three-years gap between it and our time. In the poem, we can find a deep reflection about universal themes, such as the inevitability of death or the several paths opened by an age characterised by violence and the monstrous behaviour of men.Even though it is a work cherished by readers all over the world, it had never been translated in Portugal. Its translation from Old English offered many problems of difficult resolution, at diverse levels, such as metre, syntax, and lexicon, as well as many others regarding the context in which the text was produced. In this article, we intend to explore some of those problems, caused by its first three lines.

Until recently, the late Old English poem Durham was known to have been copied in two manuscripts of the twelfth century: Cambridge, University Library, Ff. 1. 27 (C) and London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius D. xx (V). C has been transcribed frequently and serves as the basis for Elliott Van Kirk Dobbie's standard edition of the poem in the Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records. V was almost completely destroyed in the Cottonian fire of 1731. Its version is known to us solely from George Hickes's 1705 edition (H).In a recent article, however, Donald K. Fry announced the discovery of a third medieval text of the poem. Like V, the original manuscript of this ‘third’ version is now lost and can be reconstructed only from an early modern transcription - in this case a copy by Francis Junius no win the Stanford University Library (Stanford University Libraries, Department of Special Collections, Misc. 010 [J1]). Unlike V, however, Junius's copy is our only record of this manuscript's existence. No other transcripts are known from medieval or early modern manuscript catalogues.

Abstract A special kind of a short text that is embedded in a larger text is the prayer near the beginning of St Augustine’s Soliloquia, which serves as a kind of introduction to the ensuing dialogue. The relatively independent nature of this prayer was recognized early on, and in addition to its transmission in the manuscripts of the Soliloquia it has also been transmitted as an independent prayer. Something similar happened to the Old English translation. There is a full translation of the entire text, traditionally ascribed to King Alfred (and his learned helpers), but preserved only in a much later manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A.xv); however, a shortened version of the prayer was included in a collection of brief penitential texts in an earlier manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A.iii). In the present article I look at the structure of the Latin prayer and at its Old English translation, especially the relation of the two manuscript versions and their value for textual criticism and the reconstruction of the original version, their relation to the Latin source, and the rhetoric of the Latin prayer and its Old English translation, including a brief discussion of the binomials used. The Appendix provides a synoptic version of the Latin text and the two manuscript versions of the Old English translation, highlighting their rhetorical structure, something that to my knowledge has never been done for the Old English translation.

This article comprises a study and edition of the Cronica de Anglia, a significant but neglected history of England from AD 162 to 1125 whose importance lies chiefly in its connections to other accounts of the period. Though it is uniquely preserved in a late twelfth-century manuscript from Rievaulx Abbey, close reading confirms that it was composed between 1125 and 1137, not in the north of England but in the West Midlands, almost certainly at Worcester Cathedral Priory. If it is not the work of the priory's foremost historian, John of Worcester (d. after 1143), then it was almost certainly produced under his direction. Not only are its contents closely related to his Chronica chronicarum and Chronicula, they also shed new light on John's interests and the ways in which he and his helpers compiled and edited their histories. Turning to another purpose materials used in John's other works, Cronica de Anglia arranges them in order to speak to questions about the relative antiquity and status of the kingdom's bishoprics, churches, and monasteries — a concern not otherwise prominent in this corpus. This chronicle also sheds precious light on the immediate reception of William of Malmesbury's histories of the English, especially the first edition of Gesta pontificum Anglorum. Carefully suppressing dangerous nuances in William's reportage, Cronica de Anglia betrays John's anxiety to avoid becoming entangled in Malmesbury's campaign against the king's chief minister, Bishop Roger of Salisbury (1102–39). The article concludes with the first complete edition of the text.

In the XIII – XV centuries medieval Europe has made progress in trade and transition to market economy, which resulted in the foundation of a number of Venetian and Genoese overseas colonies in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea area. The stability of Pax Mongolica had a positive effect on long-distance trade with the Central and Eastern Asia and India. In the XV century the goods from the Eastern Europe prevailed over those from the Central and Eastern Asia, especially the slaves. In exchange the Venetians and the Genoese imported cotton, woolen, and silk fabrics, raw cotton, rice, soap, glass, ceramics, jewelry and swords. The stabilization in the region and the rise of trade was a trend running through the first half of the fifteenth century. The 1430s were the time of the greatest prosperity of the Venetian trade in the Northern Black Sea during the whole fifteenth century.

AbstractThis paper provides an edition, translation and discussion of four letters written by Flemish abbots to the archbishops of Canterbury between the years 980 and 991 and preserved in two manuscripts drawn on the archiepiscopal archives in the early eleventh century (London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A. xv and Cotton Vespasian A. xiv). The letters document the increasing importance of cross-Channel relations in the late tenth century and provide context for a number of hitherto unexplained indications of cultural, religious and financial exchanges between the county of Flanders and England.

John (I) fitz Gilbert grants half the village of Easton Royal, Wiltshire, in exchange for the land of Woodhill he had planned to give the priory, until it can obtain the latter. [1145 × 1165]B= BL, MS Cotton Vitellius A xi (Cartulary of Bradenstoke Priory), fos 103v–104r (s. xiv), fire damaged. C = BL, MS Stowe 925 (Cartulary of Bradenstoke Priory), fo. 87v (s. xv).Calendared, Cartulary of Bradenstoke, 92 (from C).

[In an early 16th-c. humanist hand; centred heading:] Clemens PP. vii / Dilecti fili &c. [salutem et apostolicam benedictionem]. Magnus ille / pietatis respectus, quem in christi-/anorum gregem cure sollicitudinique / nostre concreditum iam olim a / suscepto primum munere pastorali, / quo dei beneficio fungimur, in / terris animo impresum retinemus, / illas nobis cogitaciones etiam / in mediis malorum fluctibus, quibus / ingrato nimis et impio scelere / quorundam contumeliose iactati / ad miserum captivitatis scopulum / allidimur, et gravissimo naufragio [fol. 232v] laboramus, suggerere non desinit / et inculcare, ut congrue nihilominus / orbis tutele prospicere et precavere / itaque providere studeamus, ut / durissimi casus sevicia qui nos / patrem invasit a filiis quoad / fieri potest longissime arceatur, / nec sublato quotidianarum necessitatum / salubri remedio communem nobiscum / senciant captivitatem.

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