Articoli di riviste sul tema "Convention n°169 de l'OIT"

This paper aims to explore new trends in Brazilian refugee and migratory law in the last 20 years. In doing so it addresses the evolution of the definition of “refugee” in Brazil, expanding the eligibility grounds provided by the 1951 Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention). Reviewing international and regional refugee law, the article analyzes the broader understanding of the notion of “refuge” and its complexity expressed in regional and national legal frameworks, taking account of lawyers, scholars and activists who criticize the narrow scope of the classical refugee definition from 1951 which has become distant from current refugee voices and struggles. At the domestic level, although the 1980 Aliens Statute (Act. n. 6815/80) is still in effect, there have been important changes in refugee law in Brazil since the implementation of the 1997 Refugee Statute (Act n. 9.474/97), influenced by the 1984 Cartagena Declaration (a regional soft law instrument) regarding the definition of “refugee”. Exploring the interconnection of the Refugee Statute and complementary forms of human rights protection which fall outside the scope of international refugee law, the article concludes that in the specific case of Haitians in Brazil, the broader protections of Brazilianrefugee law should be available rather than the complementary systemof humanitarian visas.

This paper aims to explore new trends in Brazilian refugee and migratory law in the last 20 years. In doing so it addresses the evolution of the definition of “refugee” in Brazil, expanding the eligibility grounds provided by the 1951 Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention). Reviewing international and regional refugee law, the article analyzes the broader understanding of the notion of “refuge” and its complexity expressed in regional and national legal frameworks, taking account of lawyers, scholars and activists who criticize the narrow scope of the classical refugee definition from 1951 which has become distant from current refugee voices and struggles. At the domestic level, although the 1980 Aliens Statute (Act. n. 6815/80) is still in effect, there have been important changes in refugee law in Brazil since the implementation of the 1997 Refugee Statute (Act n. 9.474/97), influenced by the 1984 Cartagena Declaration (a regional soft law instrument) regarding the definition of “refugee”. Exploring the interconnection of the Refugee Statute and complementary forms of human rights protection which fall outside the scope of international refugee law, the article concludes that in the specific case of Haitians in Brazil, the broader protections of Brazilianrefugee law should be available rather than the complementary systemof humanitarian visas.

This paper aims to explore new trends in Brazilian refugee and migratory law in the last 20 years. In doing so it addresses the evolution of the definition of “refugee” in Brazil, expanding the eligibility grounds provided by the 1951 Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention). Reviewing international and regional refugee law, the article analyzes the broader understanding of the notion of “refuge” and its complexity expressed in regional and national legal frameworks, taking account of lawyers, scholars and activists who criticize the narrow scope of the classical refugee definition from 1951 which has become distant from current refugee voices and struggles. At the domestic level, although the 1980 Aliens Statute (Act. n. 6815/80) is still in effect, there have been important changes in refugee law in Brazil since the implementation of the 1997 Refugee Statute (Act n. 9.474/97), influenced by the 1984 Cartagena Declaration (a regional soft law instrument) regarding the definition of “refugee”. Exploring the interconnection of the Refugee Statute and complementary forms of human rights protection which fall outside the scope of international refugee law, the article concludes that in the specific case of Haitians in Brazil, the broader protections of Brazilianrefugee law should be available rather than the complementary systemof humanitarian visas.

ResumoO artigo debate o conflito ambiental entre o acesso à água de qualidade e a instalação de projeto de mineração no município de São José do Norte/RS. Nesse sentido, há duas discussões principais: 1- a necessidade de, em situações de incerteza, se priorizar o acesso à água à população e 2- o direito da comunidade em dizer não a projetos autointitulados de desenvolvimento, de acordo com a Convenção OIT 169. O estudo, de abordagem qualitativa, foi desenvolvido a partir da análise documental e bibliográfica e da observação participante enquanto trabalho de campo. Os dados foram analisados sob a perspectiva hermenêutico-dialética tendo como base a Teoria da Justiça Ambiental. O artigo revela a natureza de direito humano atribuído à água, bem como traz o status do recurso no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Então, realiza uma discussão acerca dos conflitos entre seus diversos usos e a atividade de mineração. No tópico intitulado: “São José do Norte: da muy heroica villa ao ambiente como mercadoria”, traz a tradicionalidade dos fazeres dos pescadores e agricultores nortenses, o histórico da mineração do município, o projeto minerário da empresa Rio Grande Mineração e a judicialização do processo de licenciamento ambiental. No tópico “Direito de dizer não”, se destaca a preocupação especial dos moradores em relação à quantidade e à qualidade da água durante o processo de extração mineral. Ademais, traz a necessidade de que, em situações como essa, se aplique a Convenção n. 169 da OIT.Palavras-chave: água; direito humano; Organização Internacional do Trabalho; conflito ambiental; mineração. AbstractThe paper debates the environmental conflict between the access of water of good quality and the installation of a mining project in the city of São José do Norte/RS. In this sense, there are two main discussions: 1- the necessity of, in uncertain situations, to prioritize the access of water to the population and 2- the right of the community in saying no projects self-entitled of development, according with the Convention ILO 169.The study, with qualitative approach, was developed from the documental and bibliographical analysis and from the participant observation while fieldwork. The data were analyzed under the hermeneutic-dialectic perspective based in the Theory of Environmental Justice. Then, it makes a discussion about the conflicts among their several usages and the mining activity. In the topic entitled : “São José do Norte: from the very heroic village to the environment as a product”, bringing the traditionality of the fishermen’s doings and farmers of the city, the historic of the city mining, the mining project of Rio Grande Mineração enterprise and the judicialization of the process of environmental licensing. In the topic “The right to say no'', it highlights the special preoccupation of the inhabitants in relation to quantity and quality of the water during the process of mineral extraction. Besides that, it brings the necessity of, in these situations, it is applied to the Convention n. 169 of the ILO.Keywords: water; human right; International Labour Organization; environmental conflict; mining

The article examines the modern trends of the indigenous peoples’ development in Latin America and the obstacles of the indigenous population’s actorness in achieving political potential at the regional and global levels of international relations. Considerable attention is paid to a degree of ethnopolitical movements representativeness in the region and the role of indigenous peoples in the evolvement of alter-globalization line. The article provides an analysis of the dominant discourse from the perspective of the post-colonial concept Subaltern Studies in two fundamental documents: The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007 and the International Labor Organization Convention N 169 of 1989. As a result of the study, the authors came to the conclusion that the indigenous peoples of Latin America have significant political potential, but in fact they cannot fully realize it due to the dominant colonial discourse, which does not allow promote the indigenous agenda at the global level and suppresses the actor's ability of indigenous peoples.

El presente trabajo tiene por finalidad realizar un análisis sistemático y crítico de la normativa nacional respecto a la consulta indígena aplicable en materia ambiental, en relación con las disposiciones establecidas en el Convenio N°169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo; además, se analizará la forma en que los Tribunales de Justicia han aplicado e interpretado la normativa aludida. Lo anterior, tiene por objeto dar cuenta que la normativa interna no se condice con el estándar aplicable en el Derecho Internacional, sumado a que la jurisprudencia nacional –postura mayoritaria- ha adoptado una interpretación restrictiva al aplicar las disposiciones del Convenio referido.

Characterization of perfluorohexane sulfonate (PFHxS) isomers, a chemical proposed for listing under the Stockholm Convention, is important to elucidate its environmental behaviors and sources. Optimized chromatographic separation coupled with monitoring of the characteristic fragments enabled the identification of four mono-substituted and two di-substituted branched PFHxS isomers. The transitions of molecular ions m/z 399 to the fragments m/z 80 (n-), m/z 169 (iso-), m/z 319 (1m-), m/z 80 (2m-), and m/z 180 (3m-) were selected for quantifying the mono-substituted isomers. Method accuracy of the established LC-MS/MS was verified by comparing the results of technical products with those determined by 19F-nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR). The developed method was then used to quantify the isomeric compositions of PFHxS in the perfluorooctane sulfonate (PFOS) industrial products which contained PFHxS as an impurity, as well as in several kinds of water samples, with the limits of detection for all isomers in the range of 4 to 30 pg/L. For the first time, a liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry method was established to separate and quantify the PFHxS isomers. The isomeric profiling of water samples suggested that PFHxS in the waters was mainly due to the direct contamination of PFHxS rather than from PFOS contamination.

Polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) are a typical group of persistent organic pollutants (POPs), which have been listed under Annex A (Elimination) and Annex C (Unintentional production) of the Stockholm Convention. In this study, a gas chromatography tandem mass spectrometry method was developed and applied to analyze concentrations of 28 PCB congeners in some Vietnamese marine fish samples. PCBs in fish samples were ultrasonically extracted with an acetone/n-hexane (1/1, v/v) mixture. The extracts were cleaned up by using multilayer silica gel columns with dichloromethane/n-hexane (1/1, v/v) as elution solvent. PCBs were separated on a DB-5MS column and quantified by using a triple quadrupole mass spectrometer. The MS detector was operated in positive electron impact ionization (EI) mode and selected reaction monitoring (SRM) mode. Calibration curves of 28 PCBs exhibited good linearity (R2 ≥ 0.9998). Instrument detection limits (IDLs) and method detection limits (MDLs) ranged from 0.08 to 0.023 ng/mL and from 0.07 to 1.84 ng/g, respectively. Recoveries of 28 PCBs native and 7 labeled standards in matrix-spike samples ranged from 62.3 to 88.1% and from 75.5 to 91.9%, satisfying criteria proposed by AOAC (recovery 60-115% for 10-100 ppb levels). The validated method was applied to analyze 10 marine fish samples, showing levels of ∑28PCBs from 17 to 851 (mean 230) ng/g lipid. The sum of 6in-PCBs (PCB-28; -52; -101; -138; -153; -180) based on wet weight (w/w) ranged from 1.24 to 3.15 ng/g, which is lower than the maximum level recommended by The European Union (75 ng/g (w/w). Congeners PCB-126 and PCB-169 were not detected in marine fish samples.

e15080 Background: The prevalence of lung malignancies in Russia in 2019 was 100.5 per 100,000 population, which is 2.5% more than in the previous year. Drug therapy remains one of the main methods of treatment of malignant lung neoplasms. An urgent task for specialists in experimental pharmacology and oncology is searching for new antitumor compounds. Hybrid organotin compound (3,5-di-tert-butyl-4-hydroxyphenylthiolate)triphenylol) is a promising candidate for antitumor drugs [Milaeva E.R. et al. Novel selective anticancer agents based on Sn and Au complexes. Pure & Applied Chemistry. 2020, 92, 1201-1216]. The combined administration of platinum antitumor drug and an organotin compound will increase the effectiveness of therapy and reduce the general toxic effect on the body. Methods: The study was conducted on C57bl/6 mice (females, n = 48, each cohort contained 12 mice) on the Lewis epidermoid carcinoma model (subcutaneous transplantation) [Frantsiants E.M. et al. Method for Stimulation of Malignant Growth by Chronic Pain in Rat Lungs. Bulletin of Experimental Biology and Medicine. 2020, 169(2), 290–292]. Cisplatin-Teva (CP) and (3,5–di–tert–butyl–4–hydroxyphenylthiolate)triphenylolol) (Me-5) were used as chemotherapeutic agents. Groups of animals were formed as follows: I (experimental) - CP at a dose of 1 mg/kg + Me-5 at a dose of 25 mg/kg; II (comparison group) - CP at a dose of 1 mg/kg; III (comparison) - Me-5 at a dose of 25 mg/kg; IV (control group) - without pharmacological substances. All manipulations were carried out according to the European Convention for ETS 123. The compounds were administered intraperitoneally daily during 10 days. 21 days after the subinoculation of tumor cells all animals were euthanized. The antitumor effect was estimated by the percentage inhibition of tumor growth by weight. Results: The combination of the studied substances has a more pronounced antitumor effect. The percentage of reduction in the mass of the primary focus in group I was 38.1%, in group II - 20.4%, in group III - 12%. The obtained results showed that the percentage of inhibition of tumor growth by weight with a tenfold combined administration of Cisplatin-Teva and Me-5 on the Lewis epidermoid carcinoma model was significantly higher than the previously obtained result when studying the combination of Cisplatin-Teva and Me-5 with a five-fold administration [Dodokhova M.A. et al. Effect of cisplatin and hybrid organotin compound in low doses on the growth and metastasis of lewis epidermoid carcinoma in experiment. Eksperimental'naya i Klinicheskaya Farmakologiya. 2021, 84(8), 32–35], which is 38.1% and 25%, respectively. Conclusions: The research suggests a multifactorial mechanism of action of hybrid organotin compounds.

Para a Sessão “Documento”, o Dossiê Processos Educativos e povos indígenas: significados, práticas e disputas étnico-políticas no contexto contemporâneo, apresenta dois instrumentos legais de âmbito internacional (a Convenção n° 107 e a Convenção n° 169 sobre povos indígenas e tribais da Organização Internacional do Trabalho) fundamentais para o reconhecimento dos povos indígenas e seus direitos. Aos fins da temática do dossiê, escolhemos destacar os artigos dessas convenções concernentes aos direitos educacionais.ABSTRACTFor the Document Session, the Dossier Educational Processes and Indigenous Peoples: meanings, practices and ethnic-political disputes in the contemporary context, presents two international legal instruments Convention n. 107 and Convention n. 169 on indigenous and tribal peoples of the International Labor Organization) that are fundamental for the recognition of indigenous peoples and their rights. At the end of the dossier theme, we chose to highlight the articles of these conventions concerning educational rights.Keywords:Indigenous rights. Convention n 107 of the ILO. Convention n. 169 of the ILO. Indigenous scholar education

En anthropologie juridique, le terme « justice paysanne » renvoie à l’une des expressions du pluralisme juridique, entendu comme l’existence d’une pluralité d’ordres normatifs, de conceptions du/des « Droit/s » et de pratiques de résolution des problèmes au sein d’un collectif, dans ce cas-ci un État (Eberhard, Motard, Piccoli 2016 ; Garcia, Truffin 2009). Plus spécifiquement, la justice paysanne constitue une branche de la justice indigène, qui, à côté de la justice ordinaire, est légalement reconnue, dans la plupart des pays d’Amérique latine. Cette reconnaissance dérive de l’application de la Convention n°169 de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sur les peuples indigènes et tribaux (art.9, I). Dans l’expression « justice paysanne », le terme « paysan » réfère à une identification qui n’est pas strictement socioprofessionnelle, mais renvoie également à une origine culturelle précolombienne. L’utilisation de ce terme dans un sens qui recoupe partiellement celui d’indigène est spécifique à la Bolivie et au Pérou. En Équateur et en Colombie, par exemple, il est question de justice « indigène », mais sans renvoi à la notion de paysannerie (Huber 2009). La justice paysanne réfère donc à une forme de justice « indigène » uniquement dans les pays où le terme « paysan », a, pour des raisons historiques, recouvert une partie de la signification des mots « indien », « autochtone » ou « indigène ». Les problématiques soulevées par la justice paysanne sont donc largement semblables à celles des autres formes justices indigènes. Au Pérou, l’identification des populations andines comme populations paysannes est imposée par la Réforme agraire dans les années 1960 pour remplacer le terme injurieux d’« indio ». La justice paysanne se rapporte alors à la justice administrée par les Rondes paysannes et les Communautés paysannes et reconnue par la Constitution politique de 1993 (art. 149). Les Rondes paysannes sont des institutions endogènes récentes, apparues dans les années 1970 dans les campagnes andines, pour faire face aux vols de bétails par des pratiques de vigilance et de justice (Piccoli 2011 ; Starn 1999). Les Communautés paysannes (Andes) et natives (Amazonie) constituent, pour leur part, des régimes fonciers semi-collectifs. Au sein des Rondes et des Communautés paysannes, l’administration de la justice se base sur des décisions prises en assemblée et mêlant des pratiques issues des traditions andines et de l’État. En Bolivie, la justice paysanne est incluse dans les pratiques « indigènes originaires paysannes » reconnues par la Constitution politique de l’État plurinational de 2009 comme de rang égal aux pratiques de justice ordinaire, même si la loi (Ley de deslinde jurisdiccional) pose des limites assez strictes à leur mise en œuvre (Oliden Zuñiga 2013). L’expression « indigène originaire paysanne » tente de tenir compte de la pluralité des appartenances indigènes de Bolivie. La Constitution spécifie qu’« Est une nation ou un peuple indigène originaire paysan toute collectivité humaine qui partage une identité culturelle, une langue, une tradition historique, des institutions, un territoire et une cosmovision, dont l’existence est antérieure à l’invasion coloniale espagnole » (art. 30, I). Tout comme aux autres populations, l’État leur reconnaît le droit « à l’exercice de leurs systèmes politiques, juridiques et économiques en accord avec leur cosmovision » (art 30, II, 14). En dépit de la reconnaissance légale, en Bolivie, comme au Pérou, la question de la limite entre une pratique de justice et l’exercice de lynchages est sujet à de nombreux débats tant en raison d’amalgames langagiers que de stratégies juridiques (Robin Azevedo 2012). Ce qui est en jeu est à la fois la question de la pluralité de l’État mais aussi des limites de celles-ci : populations métisses, urbanisées etc. questionnent les limites posées par les lois de reconnaissance. L’anthropologie juridique – et l’étude de la justice paysanne – se confronte d’emblée à la question normative, tant son objet est lié à la question de l’État, de l’utilisation de forces coercitives et de constructions de législations. L’anthropologie permet, par le décentrement et sa non normativité, d’approcher des réalités complexes, dans un angle différent de celui du juriste. Elle donne donc une lecture distancée des pratiques de justice paysanne, en ne se souciant pas prioritairement de leur légalité, mais en les décrivant pour ce qu’elles sont et en les reliant à l’ensemble des pratiques sociales d’un groupe et des représentations culturelles, conceptuelles, symboliques dans lesquelles elle sont ancrées. De là émerge un apport professionnel spécifique de l’anthropologie juridique, dans les pays d’Amérique du Sud, à savoir l’utilisation de l’expertise anthropologique pour trancher les débats quant à la valeur « culturelles » des pratiques paysannes mises en question lors de jugements. Dans ces cas, la question de l’authenticité indigène des pratiques paysannes est souvent cruciale, mettant en lumière les liens entre ces deux concepts et replaçant inévitablement l’anthropologie au cœur de processus normatifs et politiques (Sanchez Botero 2010)

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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