Articoli di riviste: "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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King-White, Ryan. "Danny Almonte: Discursive Construction(s) of (Im)migrant Citizenship in Neoliberal America". Sociology of Sport Journal 27, n. 2 (giugno 2010): 178–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.27.2.178.

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In this project I will trace former Little League Baseball star, Danny Almonte’s, celebrity identity and flexible citizenship with particular regard to the way that he has been used as both an exemplary Dominican immigrant and later a cautionary tale. As such this critical biography of Almonte’s rise and fall in American popular culture—informed by Henry Giroux’s extensive theorizing on youth culture, Ong’s concept of flexible citizenship, and Steven Jackson’s understanding of “twisting”—will critically interrogate the mediated discourses used to describe, define, and make Almonte into a symbol of a (stereo)typical Dominican male. In accordance with contemporaneous hyper-conservative and neoliberal rhetoric pervasive throughout the United States, I posit the notion that Almonte’s contested celebrity was formulated within the popular media as the embodiment of the minority “assault” on white privilege.

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Alvarez, Mauricio J., e Markus Kemmelmeier. "Free speech as a cultural value in the United States". Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, n. 2 (5 febbraio 2018): 707–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.590.

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Political orientation influences support for free speech, with liberals often reporting greater support for free speech than conservatives. We hypothesized that this effect should be moderated by cultural context: individualist cultures value individual self-expression and self-determination, and collectivist cultures value group harmony and conformity. These different foci should differently influence liberals and conservatives’ support for free speech within these cultures. Two studies evaluated the joint influence of political orientation and cultural context on support for free speech. Study 1, using a multilevel analysis of data from 37 U.S. states (n = 1,001), showed that conservatives report stronger support for free speech in collectivist states, whereas there were no differences between conservatives and liberals in support for free speech in individualist states. Study 2 (n = 90) confirmed this pattern by priming independent and interdependent self-construals in liberals and conservatives. Results demonstrate the importance of cultural context for free speech. Findings suggest that in the U.S. support for free speech might be embraced for different reasons: conservatives’ support for free speech appears to be motivated by a focus on collectively held values favoring free speech, while liberals’ support for free speech might be motivated by a focus on individualist self-expression.

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Stasiewicz, Katarzyna Anna. "THE MONTESSORI METHOD AND ITS CONTEMPORARY CONTEXTS". Polish Studies of Kyiv, n. 35 (2019): 436–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.436-443.

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The article is an attempt to sistetically present Maria Montessori’s activities and scientific achievements through the prism of her biography and to indicate the reception of the Montessori Methods in Poland. The first part indicates the key aspects of life that influence the worldview and research interests, such as the position of director at Casa de Bambini or the likely affiliation to the Theosophical Society. In particular emphasizes theme of migration, resulting on the one hand from geopolitical reasons, and on the other hand from the idea of disseminating its concept of education. It shows the emigration aspect – departure from Italy to Barcelona, associated with the then forming fascist movement, and then, to the Netherlands, determined by the anti-republican coup of General Francisco Franko. The text deals with issues related to the scientific and didactic activity of M. Montessori, including numerous foreign trips, including to the United States and India to popularize the method. It also indicates the main research inspirations influencing changes in education proposed by the researcher, i.e. the Montessori Method – influences of researchers: anthropologist Giuseppe Sergi, psychiatrist Andrea Verga, neuropsychiatrist and pedagogue Jean Marc Gaspard Itard and Édouard Séguin. It characterizes particular stages of the concept, from moral upbringing, through the system of freedom, to the concept of cosmic upbringing. The second part of the article concerns the reception of the Montessori Method in Poland, starting from the pre-war period to modern times. It presents two currents – direct reception and attempts to synthesize freblizism and montessorian- ism in order to create a new, national upbringing system and indicates possible reasons for the rebirth of the idea after 1989, were related to the evolution of the educational ideal in Poland. It presents selected studies on the topic and points to the current activities of institutions and organizations that popularize the idea of Montessori. It presents manifestations of the contemporary, unflagging addressing with the figure of M. Montessori and her concept. The above considerations have been set in the context of today’s Polish pedagogy, determined largely by concepts that contest the current school system, largely congenial with the conservative educational ideology.

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Hasson, Yossi, Maya Tamir, Kea S. Brahms, J. Christopher Cohrs e Eran Halperin. "Are Liberals and Conservatives Equally Motivated to Feel Empathy Toward Others?" Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 44, n. 10 (8 maggio 2018): 1449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167218769867.

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Do liberals and conservatives differ in their empathy toward others? This question has been difficult to resolve due to methodological constraints and common use of ideologically biased targets. To more adequately address this question, we examined how much empathy liberals and conservatives want to feel, how much empathy they actually feel, and how willing they are to help others. We used targets that are equivalent in the degree to which liberals and conservatives identify with, by setting either liberals, conservatives, or ideologically neutral members as social targets. To support the generalizability of our findings, we conducted the study in the United States, Israel, and Germany. We found that, on average and across samples, liberals wanted to feel more empathy and experienced more empathy than conservatives did. Liberals were also more willing to help others than conservatives were, in the United States and Germany, but not in Israel. In addition, across samples, both liberals and conservatives wanted to feel less empathy toward outgroup members than toward ingroup members or members of a nonpolitical group.

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Prendergast, A. "Scientific Biography in the United States". Choice Reviews Online 46, n. 02 (1 ottobre 2008): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.46.02.227.

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Lee, Younghwa, Sukki Yoon, Young Woo Lee e Marla B. Royne. "How Liberals and Conservatives Respond to Equality-Based and Proportionality-Based Rewards in Charity Advertising". Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 37, n. 1 (aprile 2018): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jppm.16.180.

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The authors conduct two studies that show how liberals and conservatives in the United States and Korea respond to charity advertising that features equality- or proportionality-based rewards for charitable giving. The findings robustly demonstrate that in both countries, liberals respond more favorably to equality-based rewards, but conservatives respond more favorably to proportionality-based rewards. Study 1, conducted in the United States, finds that liberals perceive greater effectiveness in equality-based rewards based on random drawings, but conservatives perceive more effectiveness in proportionality-based rewards based on donation amounts. Study 2, conducted in Korea, shows that liberal (conservative) donors expect to be more (less) likely to receive rewards based on equality rather than proportionality.

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Ondish, Peter, e Chadly Stern. "Liberals Possess More National Consensus on Political Attitudes in the United States: An Examination Across 40 Years". Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, n. 8 (14 settembre 2017): 935–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617729410.

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Do liberals or conservatives have more agreement in their political attitudes? Recent research indicates that conservatives may have more like-minded social groups than do liberals, but whether conservatives have more consensus on a broad, national level remains an open question. Using two nationally representative data sets (the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies), we examined the attitudes of over 80,000 people on more than 400 political issues (e.g., attitudes toward welfare, gun control, same-sex marriage) across approximately 40 years. In both data sets, we found that liberals possessed a larger degree of agreement in their political attitudes than did conservatives. Additionally, both liberals and conservatives possessed more consensus than did political moderates. These results indicate that social–cognitive motivations for building similarity and consensus within one’s self-created social groups may also yield less consensus on a broad, national level. We discuss implications for effective political mobilization and social change.

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Offenbach, Seth. "“Mourning a Loss: Conservative Support for Ngo Dinh Diem”". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, n. 3 (27 agosto 2019): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02603003.

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The U.S. conservative movement in the mid-20th Century argued that the United States needed to continuously get tougher in the fight against communism worldwide. It remained supportive of U.S. efforts throughout the Vietnam War. However, in the period immediately preceding Americanization of the war in 1965, conservatives were uncertain about the outcome of any fighting in Vietnam. Specifically, they claimed that optimism for the Republic of Vietnam was lost with the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963. Without Diem, conservatives claimed, the Vietnam War was likely lost before it began. This article discusses how Diem went from a barely talked-about anti-Communist ally prior to his death to becoming posthumously the last great hope for Southeast Asia. Conservatives argued that without Diem, the only way the United States would be able to stop Communist expansion in Indochina would be to engage in a massive aerial bombing campaign and find a regional partner to deploy troops. Had he survived, this might not have been necessary. Learning why and how conservatives supported Diem after his death helps us better understand how conservatives reacted to the Vietnam War once Americanization began in 1965.

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Faulkner, Robert K. "The United States: Liberals, Conservatives, and the Challenge of Liberation". Political Studies 41, n. 1_suppl (agosto 1993): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01807.x.

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Zolotykh, V. R. "AMERICAN CONSERVATIVES AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL STRUGGLE OVER THE ISSUE OF IMMIGRATION IN MID 1990s". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, n. 2 (25 giugno 2019): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-183-191.

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After the victory of conservatives in Congress elections of 1994, various Right groups intensified their efforts, on the one hand, to reconsider liberal immigration laws, and on the other, to tighten policies on illegal immigrants. This article analyzes two interconnected initiatives introduced by the conservatives in the mid 1990s: Proposition 187, also known as the “Save Our State (SOS)” initiative, and The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA). In the first case, State of California conducted a referendum on a law that would establish a nationwide citizenship verification system, as well as denying illegal immigrants access to medical care, public schools, and other social services of the state. In the second case, the law prohibited new immigrants from receiving pensions until reaching the age of 65 or appealing the decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service to prevent a foreigner from entering the US. It also raised visa fees and introduced the terms for denying the right to enter the United States for people with a history of illegal stay in the United States. The examination of approaches and propositions of various groups of conservatives to the immigration issue allows to conduct a comprehensive and objective evaluation of internal political processes in the United States during this period.

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Custred, Glynn. "Marxism in America". Academic Questions 35, n. 1 (18 marzo 2022): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51845/35.1.15.

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Kim, Kisok R., Je-Sang Kang e Seongyi Yun. "Moral Intuitions and Political Orientation: Similarities and Differences between South Korea and the United States". Psychological Reports 111, n. 1 (agosto 2012): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/17.09.21.pr0.111.4.173-185.

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Koreans and Americans were compared in terms of political ideology and moral attitudes. The pattern found among U.S. participants is that liberals rated moral concerns about harm and unfairness higher than Korean conservatives, but conservatives rated moral concerns about betrayals of the ingroup and violations of social hierarchies and physical/spiritual purity higher. Compared with U.S. data (in which concerns about purity and disgust showed the strongest relation to ideology), Korean data revealed higher purity concerns overall, and a weaker relationship between purity concerns and ideology. Results suggested that while the patterns of ideological difference in moral concerns are the same, the magnitude of the differences depends upon the particular histories, traditions, and socioecological factors of these different cultures. They also emphasize a consistent pattern of overall moral structure: liberals discounted concerns related to group cohesiveness (rating them at best “slightly relevant”) and rated only individualistic concerns as “somewhat” to “very” relevant, while conservatives rated all moral concerns in the latter range, nearly equating individual and group moral concerns.

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Jae Young, Lim, e Woo Harin. "The Arts as a Polarized Issue and the Role of Political Trust in Promoting the Arts: Evidence From the United States". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 36, n. 1 (30 aprile 2021): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps36107.

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The arts in the United States, for a long time received strong support from both sides of the political aisle. However, in recent years, the arts have been transformed into a partisan issue that pits conservatives against liberals. The article points to the importance of political trust as a means of helping conservatives overcome their ideological inclinations and support the arts. Scholars argue that political trust influences more strongly individuals who perceive a given policy to be one that imposes ideological risks for them compared with those without such risks. Focusing on the moderating role of political trust, the article examines whether political trust can help alleviate the conservatives’ hostility to the arts. Relying on the 2016 General Social Survey, the article finds that conservatives have no direct relationship with arts spending, but they will be more likely to support arts spending when this is contingent upon political trust.

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Riccardi-Swartz, Sarah. "American Conservatives and the Allure of Post-Soviet Russian Orthodoxy". Religions 12, n. 12 (24 novembre 2021): 1036. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12121036.

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This article explores the growing affinity for the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church by far-right Orthodox converts in the United States, highlighting how the spiritual draw to the faith is caught up in the globalizing politics of traditionalism and a transnational, ideological reimaging of the American culture wars. Employing ethnographic fieldwork from the rural United States and digital qualitative research, this study situates the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church in the international flows of conservativism focused on reclaiming social morals and traditional religiosity. In doing so, this article sheds light on how the post-Soviet Orthodox Church is viewed politically by a growing contingent of American religious and political actors who are turning to Russian Orthodoxy and Putin’s government during this New Cold War moment of tension between the United States and Russia. I argue that the allure of the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church for conservatives in the West offers us a window into how the institution is situated imaginatively within transnational politics, thereby providing us insights into the rapidly transforming culture wars fomenting globally.

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Lookingbill, Brad. "Weisner And Hartford, Eds., American Portraits - Biographies In United States History". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 23, n. 2 (1 settembre 1998): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.23.1.92-94.

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Teaching historians often assign biography to supplement reading lists for the introductory survey classroom, even though selecting which life to share might be a difficult process. Biography represents a unique form of history and literature, inviting a reader to come to terms with the significance of human agency. Indeed, a biography possesses the potential to reveal how a particular person influenced and was influenced by broader historical forces.

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Sullivan, George M., e William A. Nowlin. "The Ascendancy of the Conservatives at the United States Supreme Court". Anglo-American Law Review 17, n. 4 (ottobre 1988): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147377958801700402.

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Spicer, Zachary. "Social Conservatives and Party Politics in Canada and the United States". American Review of Canadian Studies 43, n. 3 (settembre 2013): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2013.819639.

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Ashbee, Edward. "Immigration, National Identity, and Conservatism in the United States". Politics 18, n. 2 (maggio 1998): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00063.

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American conservatives are divided about the future of legal immigration. Whereas some assert that the US should remain a ‘nation of immigrants’, others insist that immigration levels should be reduced to a bare minimum. The divisions owe much to ddifferent conceptions of American national identity. Whereas some represent the US as a ‘universal nation’ open to all those who subscribe to particular political and philosophical principles, growing numbers within the conservative movement put forward visions of an American nation structured around a distinct ethno-culture. The rifts are deeply rooted, and have consequences for the future of both American conservatism and the Republican Party.

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Phillips, Carla Rahn, e William D. Phillips. "Christopher Columbus in United States Historiography: Biography as Projection". History Teacher 25, n. 2 (febbraio 1992): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494269.

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Gest, Justin, Tyler Reny e Jeremy Mayer. "Roots of the Radical Right: Nostalgic Deprivation in the United States and Britain". Comparative Political Studies 51, n. 13 (20 luglio 2017): 1694–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720705.

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Following trends in Europe over the past decade, support for the Radical Right has recently grown more significant in the United States and the United Kingdom. While the United Kingdom has witnessed the rise of Radical Right fringe groups, the United States’ political spectrum has been altered by the Tea Party and the election of Donald Trump. This article asks what predicts White individuals’ support for such groups. In original, representative surveys of White individuals in Great Britain and the United States, we use an innovative technique to measure subjective social, political, and economic status that captures individuals’ perceptions of increasing or decreasing deprivation over time. We then analyze the impact of these deprivation measures on support for the Radical Right among Republicans (Conservatives), Democrats (Labourites), and Independents. We show that nostalgic deprivation among White respondents drives support for the Radical Right in the United Kingdom and the United States.

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Baron, Jonathan, e John T. Jost. "False Equivalence: Are Liberals and Conservatives in the United States Equally Biased?" Perspectives on Psychological Science 14, n. 2 (marzo 2019): 292–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691618788876.

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On the basis of a meta-analysis of 51 studies, Ditto et al. (this issue, p. 273) conclude that ideological bias is equivalent on the left and right of U.S. politics. In this commentary, we contend that this conclusion does not follow from the review and that Ditto and his colleagues are too quick to embrace a false equivalence between the liberal left and the conservative right. For one thing, the issues, procedures, and materials used in the studies reviewed by Ditto and his colleagues were selected for purposes other than the inspection of ideological asymmetries. Consequently, methodological choices made by researchers were systematically biased to avoid producing differences between liberals and conservatives. We also consider the broader implications of a normative analysis of judgment and decision making and demonstrate that the bias examined by Ditto and his colleagues is not, in fact, an irrational bias, and that it is incoherent to discuss bias in the absence of standards for assessing accuracy and consistency. Other conclusions about domain-general asymmetries in motivated social cognition have suggested that epistemic virtues are more prevalent among liberals than conservatives, and these conclusions are closer to the truth of the matter when it comes to current American politics. Finally, we question the notion that the research literature in psychology is necessarily characterized by liberal bias, as several authors have claimed.

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Teitel, Ruti. "On Corporate Responsibility, Human Rights, and Transitional Justice: Quo Vadis?" Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.6.

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The 2018 ASIL panel on the question of corporate responsibility and human rights, and in particular, my remarks on corporate responsibility and transitional justice, preceded a long-awaited United States Supreme Court decision on the question of whether foreign corporate responsibility for human rights abuses belonged in United States courts ending in a closely decided vote—dividing sharply along political lines, with the Court conservatives in splintered opinions deciding against such liability. A forceful dissent by the four liberals on the Court would have allowed the Alien Tort Claims Act (ACTA) claim to go forward.

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Ellis, Christopher. "Public Ideology and Political Dynamics in the United States". American Politics Research 40, n. 2 (6 dicembre 2011): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11429846.

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This article explores the role that two theoretically distinct conceptions of mass “ideology”—operational and symbolic—play in shaping policy and electoral change in the United States. I consider both types of ideology as aggregate, dynamic concepts, and find that though the public’s operational and symbolic preferences change in broadly similar ways over time, there are consequential differences in how these two types of ideology respond to the political context and in how they intersect with important political and social outcomes. Changes in the public’s operational ideology—the dominant direction of public views on specific policy matters—react systematically to changes in the policy context and are strongly predictive of both electoral outcomes and federal policy change. Changes in the public’s symbolic ideology—the proportion of citizens who identify as liberals or conservatives—are essentially unconnected to changes in policy and only modestly predictive of electoral results.

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Barilleaux, Ryan J. "Gonzo biography". Review of Politics 68, n. 2 (maggio 2006): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506280136.

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The single organizing fact of the Cold War was “the bomb.” In our present age of unipolarity, globalization, and the clash of civilizations, it is useful to remember that our current complexities exist only because the previous age of stark simplicity has passed into history. The decades from the end of World War II until the fall of Communism were years shaped by a nuclear standoff. The threat of nuclear conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union framed the politics and culture of the age. This framing was especially apparent in the 1950s and 1960s, before arms-control agreements lent an air of manageability to nuclear politics.

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Clemens, Manuel. "Narrating Political Subjectivity". German Politics and Society 40, n. 1 (1 marzo 2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400102.

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The currently changing political landscape in Europe and the United States gives rise to the question of what the tasks of Bildung are right now. Are the humanities able to engender a conversation about the deep divisions between liberals, conservatives, and even anti-liberals? Do they have the wisdom to reach out equally to Obama voters with progressive values, to conservatives who believe strongly in family, the nation, and God, and to supporters of populist parties with strong anti-liberal tendencies? The article addresses these questions by arguing for a political Bildungsroman and scrutinizing political subjectivity as meticulously as Freud interpreted dreams in psychoanalysis.

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Sushentsov, Andrey A. "Foreign Policy Platforms of the United States Republican Party: Isolationists, Realists, Neo-Conservatives". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism”, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2016): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/2409-2517-2016-1-47-55.

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Knuckey, Jonathan. "Religious Conservatives, the Republican Party and Evolving Party Coalitions in the United States". Party Politics 5, n. 4 (ottobre 1999): 485–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068899005004004.

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Goldberg, Matthew H., Sander van der Linden, Anthony Leiserowitz e Edward Maibach. "Perceived Social Consensus Can Reduce Ideological Biases on Climate Change". Environment and Behavior 52, n. 5 (3 giugno 2019): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013916519853302.

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It is well established that conservatives in the United States are substantially less likely than liberals to accept that climate change is happening and is human caused and are less supportive of policies to limit climate change. However, it is likely that ideological differences in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences are smaller when people have close friends and family members who care about climate change. Here, we use nine nationally representative survey samples (total N = 16,168) to evaluate this claim and test if perceived social consensus predicts a smaller difference in climate change beliefs between liberals and conservatives. We find that social consensus plays an important role in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences for people across the ideological spectrum, but especially among conservatives. These findings provide important insights on how to bridge ideological divides in large social dilemmas such as climate change.

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Davidai, Shai, e Martino Ongis. "The politics of zero-sum thinking: The relationship between political ideology and the belief that life is a zero-sum game". Science Advances 5, n. 12 (18 dicembre 2019): eaay3761. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aay3761.

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The tendency to see life as zero-sum exacerbates political conflicts. Six studies (N = 3223) examine the relationship between political ideology and zero-sum thinking: the belief that one party’s gains can only be obtained at the expense of another party’s losses. We find that both liberals and conservatives view life as zero-sum when it benefits them to do so. Whereas conservatives exhibit zero-sum thinking when the status quo is challenged, liberals do so when the status quo is being upheld. Consequently, conservatives view social inequalities—where the status quo is frequently challenged—as zero-sum, but liberals view economic inequalities—where the status quo has remained relatively unchallenged in past decades—as such. Overall, these findings suggest potentially important ideological differences in perceptions of conflict—differences that are likely to have implications for understanding political divides in the United States and the difficulty of reaching bipartisan legislation.

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MORISI, DAVIDE, JOHN T. JOST e VISHAL SINGH. "An Asymmetrical “President-in-Power” Effect". American Political Science Review 113, n. 2 (27 dicembre 2018): 614–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000850.

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When political polarization is high, it may be assumed that citizens will trust the government more when the chief executive shares their own political views. However, evidence is accumulating that important asymmetries may exist between liberals and conservatives (or Democrats and Republicans). We hypothesized that an asymmetry may exist when it comes to individuals’ willingness to trust the government when it is led by the “other side.” In an extensive analysis of several major datasets (including ANES and GSS) over a period of five decades, we find that in the United States, conservatives trust the government more than liberals when the president in office shares their own ideology. Furthermore, liberals are more willing to grant legitimacy to democratic governments led by conservatives than vice versa. A similar asymmetry applies to Republicans compared with Democrats. We discuss implications of this asymmetrical “president-in-power” effect for democratic functioning.

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Edward Beauchamp. "Education and Biography in the Contemporary United States: An Introduction". Biography 13, n. 1 (1990): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0381.

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Du Boff, Richard B. "A Slippery Slope: Economists and Social Insurance in the United States". International Journal of Health Services 27, n. 3 (luglio 1997): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1uf9-t8qc-3g3x-9ku0.

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Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been forced onto the public agenda, and economists who consider themselves “liberal” have uncritically accepted this new set of political “givens.” It is an example of how they address “crises” as separable issues tied to no particular social context.

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SIRAJ, Md Sanwar. "Beyond Western Conservatives and Progressive Liberals: A Moderate Islamic View". International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 12, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2014): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.121577.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in EnglishProfessor David Solomon examines the cultural conflicts and conflicts in bioethics in the United States. Conservative Christians wish to establish a Western account of bioethics based on their religious view of dignity. In contrast, progressive liberals argue that bioethics should be based on pure reason or rational arguments, regardless of the features of any particular religion or culture. The aim of this commentary is to show that the cultural conflicts and divisions that afflict bioethical debate in Bangladesh are very similar to those in the United States. Moderate Muslims wish to maintain the core values of their Muslim culture and at the same time benefit from the modern development of science and technology. In contrast, progressive liberals, influenced by modern Western traditions, have sought to establish a moral philosophy based on secular reason in the Muslim country of Bangladesh. However, this individualist Western approach is at odds with the Muslim culture of Bangladesh, where non-individualist values are prevalent. In this commentary, it is also contended that the progressive liberals are unreasonably ambitious in attempting to establish universal bioethical norms for Muslim culture regardless of cultural differences.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 46 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

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Burton, Caitlin M., Jason E. Plaks e Jordan B. Peterson. "Why Do Conservatives Report Being Happier Than Liberals? The Contribution of Neuroticism". Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, n. 1 (8 aprile 2015): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.117.

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Previous studies suggest that conservatives in the United States are happier than liberals. This difference has been attributed to factors including differences in socioeconomic status, group memberships, and system-justifying beliefs. We suggest that differences between liberals and conservatives in personality traits may provide an additional account for the "happiness gap". Specifically, we investigated the role of neuroticism (or conversely, emotional stability) in explaining the conservative-liberal happiness gap. In Study 1 (N = 619), we assessed the correlation between political orientation (PO) and satisfaction with life (SWL), controlling for the Big Five traits, religiosity, income, and demographic variables. Neuroticism, conscientiousness, and religiosity each accounted for the PO-SWL correlation. In Study 2 (N = 700), neuroticism, system justification beliefs, conscientiousness, and income each accounted for PO-SWL correlation. In both studies, neuroticism negatively correlated with conservatism. We suggest that individual differences in neuroticism represent a previously under-examined contributor to the SWL disparity between conservatives and liberals.

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Holbrook, Colin, Lucía López-Rodríguez, Daniel M. T. Fessler, Alexandra Vázquez e Ángel Gómez. "Gulliver’s Politics". Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, n. 6 (23 novembre 2016): 670–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616679238.

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Political conservatives have been widely documented to regard out-group members as hostile, perceive individuals of ambiguous intent as malevolent, and favor aggressive solutions to intergroup conflict. A growing literature indicates that potential violent adversaries are represented using the dimensions of envisioned physical size/strength to summarize opponents’ fighting capacities relative to the self or in-group. Integrating these programs, we hypothesized that, compared to liberals, conservatives would envision an ambiguous out-group target as more likely to pose a threat, yet as vanquishable through force, and thus as less formidable. Participants from the United States (Study 1) and Spain (Study 2) assessed Syrian refugees, a group that the public widely suspects includes terrorists. As predicted, in both societies, conservatives envisioned refugees as more likely to be terrorists and as less physically formidable. As hypothesized, this “Gulliver effect” was mediated by confidence in each society’s capacity to thwart terrorism via aggressive military or police measures.

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Howison, Jeffrey D. "The Historical Origins and Contemporary Dynamics of Conservatism in the United States: Anticommunism, the New Class Critique, and the Environment". Political Studies Review 16, n. 1 (20 aprile 2016): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915611918.

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This review article offers a critical assessment of three recent books on postwar conservatism in the United States. The broad themes of these works – anticommunism, the new class critique, and opposition to environmentalism – are used as a basis to review the extant literature and to analyse the historical trajectory of the conservative movement. Although American conservatism is generally a unified political force, important ideological divisions remain both among and between libertarians and social conservatives. These divisions are imperative for understanding the movement today and offer promising lines of future scholarship. Doody C (2013) Detroit’s Cold War: The Origins of Postwar Conservatism. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Horowitz RB (2013) America’s Right: Anti-Establishment Conservatism from Goldwater to the Tea Party. Cambridge: Polity Press. Layzer JA (2012) Open for Business: Conservatives’ Opposition to Environmental Regulation. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.

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Figueroa, Lucila. "Cultural Norms and Immigrants in the United States: The Green Card Experiment". Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, n. 2 (21 gennaio 2018): 293–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.24.

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AbstractThis paper explores the effect of norms—standards of conduct dictated by an identity—on white, American immigration attitudes. Results from a survey experiment show that when respondents evaluate immigrants who violate cultural norms, by speaking a non-English language and/or rooting for a foreign soccer team, respondents are less supportive of green cards for immigrants. Moreover, norm violations are consequential for tolerant, prejudiced, liberal, moderate, and conservative respondents. Valuing cultural norms is a shared and pervasive aspect of immigration attitudes, and targeting norms for inquiry brings into view the societal structure of opposition to immigration. However, norm violations affect green card support among liberals only in evaluations of Latino immigrants, and among conservatives only in evaluations of European immigrants.

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England, Erica. "Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America". Charleston Advisor 23, n. 3 (1 gennaio 2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.3.38.

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Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America (hereafter known as PE&R) contains rare, hard-to-access primary sources that give insight into unorthodox fringe political and religious groups in the United States. The materials within the eight collections are from radical right groups, including ephemera, newsletters, election propaganda, and sermons/lectures from ultra-nationalists, white supremacists, and extreme right-wing conservatives.

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Rao, Ashwin, Fred Morstatter, Minda Hu, Emily Chen, Keith Burghardt, Emilio Ferrara e Kristina Lerman. "Political Partisanship and Antiscience Attitudes in Online Discussions About COVID-19: Twitter Content Analysis". Journal of Medical Internet Research 23, n. 6 (14 giugno 2021): e26692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/26692.

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Background The novel coronavirus pandemic continues to ravage communities across the United States. Opinion surveys identified the importance of political ideology in shaping perceptions of the pandemic and compliance with preventive measures. Objective The aim of this study was to measure political partisanship and antiscience attitudes in the discussions about the pandemic on social media, as well as their geographic and temporal distributions. Methods We analyzed a large set of tweets from Twitter related to the pandemic, collected between January and May 2020, and developed methods to classify the ideological alignment of users along the moderacy (hardline vs moderate), political (liberal vs conservative), and science (antiscience vs proscience) dimensions. Results We found a significant correlation in polarized views along the science and political dimensions. Moreover, politically moderate users were more aligned with proscience views, while hardline users were more aligned with antiscience views. Contrary to expectations, we did not find that polarization grew over time; instead, we saw increasing activity by moderate proscience users. We also show that antiscience conservatives in the United States tended to tweet from the southern and northwestern states, while antiscience moderates tended to tweet from the western states. The proportion of antiscience conservatives was found to correlate with COVID-19 cases. Conclusions Our findings shed light on the multidimensional nature of polarization and the feasibility of tracking polarized opinions about the pandemic across time and space through social media data.

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Sehic, Sandro. "Educational Preferences Among Conservatives and Liberals in the United States: A Quantitative Survey Study". Journal of Education and Learning 9, n. 5 (17 agosto 2020): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v9n5p106.

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The purpose of this quantitative survey research study was to explore educational preferences among individuals of conservative and liberal political orientation and of both genders in the United States of America with a 13-questionnaire survey that includes questions relating to different educational preferences. The literature review has revealed previously conducted research study that suggest that individuals of conservative and liberal political orientation may have psychological differences in the domain of emotions, attention, self-control, and cognition. However, the literature review did not reveal research studies that explored educational preferences between individuals with conservative and liberal political orientation in the United States. The results suggest that statistically significant difference exists in the preference to study abroad (χ ² (1, N = 200) = 3.739, p = 0.05). Additional differences, but without a statistically significant differences, were found in the preferences to read fiction and non-fiction genre, perform physically and non-physically challenging activities, perform reading and written assignments, and study in instructional settings where ration between the teachers and technology is uneven.

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Hoover, Dennis R., e Kevin R. den Dulk. "Christian Conservatives Go to Court:Religion and Legal Mobilization in the united States and Canada". International Political Science Review 25, n. 1 (gennaio 2004): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512104038165.

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Baldner, Conrad, Antonio Pierro, Marina Chernikova e Arie W. Kruglanski. "When and Why Do Liberals and Conservatives Think Alike?" Social Psychology 49, n. 6 (novembre 2018): 360–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000354.

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Abstract. Research on moral foundations theory has found that liberals typically favor the individualizing foundations (i.e., concern for the individual) but typically oppose the binding foundations (i.e., concern for the group). We propose that need for cognitive closure (NFC) can explain when liberals will favor the binding foundations. In two studies, we found that liberals in Italy and the United States were more likely to endorse the binding foundations when they had high NFC. Overall, these results suggest that researchers should strive to understand the interaction between individuals’ epistemic goals and their political orientations in order to accurately predict how they will perceive political issues.

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McGinty, Emma E., Julia A. Wolfson, Tara Kirk Sell e Daniel W. Webster. "Common Sense or Gun Control? Political Communication and News Media Framing of Firearm Sale Background Checks After Newtown". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 41, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2016): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-3445592.

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Abstract Gun violence is a critical public health problem in the United States, but it is rarely at the top of the public policy agenda. The 2012 mass shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, opened a rare window of opportunity to strengthen firearm policies in the United States. In this study, we examine the American public's exposure to competing arguments for and against federal- and state-level universal background check laws, which would require a background check prior to every firearm sale, in a large sample of national and regional news stories (n = 486) published in the year following the Newtown shooting. Competing messages about background check laws could influence the outcome of policy debates by shifting support and political engagement among key constituencies such as gun owners and conservatives. We found that news media messages in support of universal background checks were fact-based and used rational arguments, and opposing messages often used rights-based frames designed to activate the core values of politically engaged gun owners. Reframing supportive messages about background check policies to align with gun owners' and conservatives' core values could be a promising strategy to increase these groups' willingness to vocalize their support for expanding background checks for firearm sales.

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Berlin, Robert H. "United States Army World War II Corps Commanders: A Composite Biography". Journal of Military History 53, n. 2 (aprile 1989): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985746.

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Patterson, Dennis, Gamal Gasim e Jangsup Choi. "Identity, Attitudes, and the Voting Behavior of Mosque-Attending Muslim-Americans in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential Elections". Politics and Religion 4, n. 2 (26 aprile 2011): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000186.

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AbstractIn a post-September 11 world, no religious group in the United States has become more important yet remains more misunderstood than Muslim-Americans. This is particularly true with respect to the manner in which religious and political attitudes influence Muslim-Americans’ political behavior. This article addresses this issue by using data gathered from surveys taken in 70 mosques throughout the United States. With these data, this article maps the political and religious attitudes and behavior of mosque-attending Muslim-Americans and then analyzes the voting behavior of these respondents in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential elections. It will show that the cultural and religious traditions of Islam have resulted in most mosque-attending Muslim-Americans being social conservatives and, as a result, report having voted for Bush in 2000. It will also show that increasingly negative perceptions of the manner in which the United States war in Iraq has affected Muslims living American led many to switch loyalties and cast their ballots for Kerry in 2004.

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Burnett, Alycia, Devin Knighton e Christopher Wilson. "The Self-Censoring Majority: How Political Identity and Ideology Impacts Willingness to Self-Censor and Fear of Isolation in the United States". Social Media + Society 8, n. 3 (luglio 2022): 205630512211230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051221123031.

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The spiral of silence theory suggests that those who hold a contrary opinion to the majority tend to remain silent; however, social media may be flipping this upside down. The majority may remain silent to the hardcore vocal minority, implying a self-censoring majority. This study examines the spiral of silence theory, and the effect of political identity and ideology has on the willingness to self-censor and the fear of isolation with social media use. Through a survey distributed through a Qualtrics panel to participants that mirror the US census ( N = 1,047), this study investigates political identity and ideology by examining self-censorship and fear of isolation of social media users. Results identify significant differences with self-censorship and identity politics between strong conservatives and liberals in comparison to the majority in the middle. Differing political ideologies seem to have an impact on fear of isolation between democrats and conservatives.

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Leduc, Daniel. "Le libre-échange canado-américain: défi à la souveraineté et au progrès". Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, n. 2 (giugno 1986): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054032.

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AbstractThe federal election of 1984 brought to an end 16 years of virtually uninterrupted Liberal government whose foreign policy was characterized by an evident desire to set Canada apart from the United States and give a truly Canadian flavour to the country's diplomacy. The Conservatives have drawn a lesson for themselves from the limited results of such policy and have re-aligned the country more closely with the United States to resolve various issues inherited from the Liberals, free trade being one of them. If free trade were to become a reality, there would be serious implications for the future of Canadian industry, for the social and economic well-being of the population, and, most important of all, for the existence of Canada as a sovereign state.

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Wald, Kenneth D., e Ted G. Jelen. "Religion and Political Socialization in Context: A Regional Comparison of the Political Attitudes of American Jews". American Review of Politics 25 (1 aprile 2004): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.99-116.

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The partisanship and ideological self-identification of Southern Jews in the United States are compared with those of Jews living outside the South. While there are few differences in the marginal distributions of these variables between the regions when the South is considered as a whole, we find that Jews living in Southern states other than Florida are more likely to consider themselves conservatives, while Jews living in Florida are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party. Further, political orientations are more differentiated among Jews outside the South. The implications of these findings for more general models of religious socialization are discussed.

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Leichter, Howard. "Lives, Liberty, and Seat Belts in Britain: Lessons for the United States". International Journal of Health Services 16, n. 2 (aprile 1986): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/pn93-31ue-n1vf-dk57.

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By the end of this decade virtually all fifty U.S. state legislatures will have debated, and many will have adopted, mandatory seat belt legislation. While the debate in the United States has just begun, one can anticipate and preview the issues, arguments, and results by examining the British debate over, and experience with, a mandatory seat belt law. From this cross-national perspective, this article examines the practical, philosophical, and preventive health care dimensions and implications of this debate. Based upon personal interviews and the Parliamentary record, the author traces the background of the issue, and the major arguments for and against mandating seat belt use. Particular emphasis is placed upon the libertarian objections to such legislation, and how some British Conservatives were able to reconcile their philosophical beliefs with public safety needs. The article concludes by suggesting some lessons which U.S. proponents of mandatory seat belt legislation might learn from the British experience.

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Peng, Yilang. "The ideological divide in public perceptions of self-driving cars". Public Understanding of Science 29, n. 4 (maggio 2020): 436–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662520917339.

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Applications in artificial intelligence such as self-driving cars may profoundly transform our society, yet emerging technologies are frequently faced with suspicion or even hostility. Meanwhile, public opinions about scientific issues are increasingly polarized along the ideological line. By analyzing a nationally representative panel in the United States, we reveal an emerging ideological divide in public reactions to self-driving cars. Compared with liberals and Democrats, conservatives and Republicans express more concern about autonomous vehicles and more support for restrictively regulating autonomous vehicles. This ideological gap is largely driven by social conservatism. Moreover, both familiarity with driverless vehicles and scientific literacy reduce respondents’ concerns over driverless vehicles and support for regulation policies. Still, the effects of familiarity and scientific literacy are weaker among social conservatives, indicating that people may assimilate new information in a biased manner that promotes their worldviews.

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