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1

1930-, Minogue Kenneth R., a cura di. Conservative realism: New essays on conservatism. London: HarperCollins, 1996.

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2

O'Connel, John. Disraeli, Conservatism and the Conservative Party. Huddersfield: The University, 1994.

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3

Honderich, Ted. Conservatism. London: Penguin, 1991.

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4

Honderich, Ted. Conservatism. Boulder: Westview Press, 1991.

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5

Honderich, Ted. Conservatism. London: H. Hamilton, 1990.

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6

Hoover, Kenneth R. Conservatism. London: Routledge, 1992.

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7

Steve, Ludlam, e Smith Martin J, a cura di. Contemporary British conservatism. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996.

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8

Stolow, Dr Nathan. Conservatism in conservation: A round table discussion. Richmond, VA: American Institute for Conservation, 1990.

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9

Lowell, Augustus P. American conservative: Reclaiming conservatism from the right. New York: Algora Publishing, 2016.

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10

Gerson, Michael J. Heroic Conservatism. New York: HarperCollins, 2007.

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11

Lacey, Robert J. Pragmatic Conservatism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59295-8.

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12

Foundation, Social Market, a cura di. Civic conservatism. London: Social Market Foundation, 1994.

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13

M, Stelzer Irwin, a cura di. Neo-conservatism. London: Atlantic Books, 2004.

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14

Willetts, David. Modern conservatism. London: Penguin, 1992.

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15

1940-, O'Gorman Frank, a cura di. British conservatism: Conservative thought from Burke to Thatcher. London: Longman, 1986.

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16

1951-, Ainslie Kimble Fletcher, e Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, a cura di. Conservative corrections: Democratic conservatism from the roots up. London, Ont: Springbank Publications, 1993.

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17

Studies, Centre for Policy, a cura di. If this is conservatism, I am a Conservative. London: Centre for Policy Studies, 2005.

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18

Kirk, Russell. The politics of prudence. Bryn Mawr, Penn: Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 1993.

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19

Coleman, B. I. Conservatism and the conservative party in nineteenth-century Britain. London: E. Arnold, 1988.

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20

Ludlam, Steve, e Martin J. Smith, a cura di. Contemporary British Conservatism. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24407-2.

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21

Vannatta, Seth. Conservatism and Pragmatism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137466839.

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22

Gottfried, Paul Edward. Conservatism in America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607040.

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23

Pilbeam, Bruce. Conservatism in Crisis? London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596863.

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24

S, Lind William, a cura di. The next conservatism. South Bend, Ind: St. Augustine's Press, 2009.

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25

Hamilton, Andy. Coleridge and Conservatism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198799511.003.0010.

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Coleridge’s place in conservative and liberal traditions of thought is assessed in Chapter 9. In the decades after his death, Coleridge was regarded as a conservative. Mill saw him as a ‘Tory philosopher’; he viewed Coleridgean conservatism as some have seen Burke’s, as a Second, not Counter-, Enlightenment view. Burke does not figure as a conservative in Mill’s discussion. However, late nineteenth-century constructors of an ideology of English conservatism preferred to appeal to Burke’s scepticism about reason, while Coleridge’s philosophical prestige was waning. Coleridge’s affiliation with Continental-style ‘rational conservatism’ is also assessed. Competing conceptions of reason condition his rationalism. The picture is similar when one considers the relation between his conservatism and his radicalism. With every major conservative thinker—Burke, Coleridge, Oakeshott—this question of progressiveness versus conservatism arises.
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26

DiNunzio, Mario R. Who Stole Conservatism? ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216035442.

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A compelling explanation of how conservatism is no longer what its founders intended and how it has been transformed into a tool of materialist economics and emptied of much of its original meaning. During America’s 19th-century Gilded Age, free-enterprise capitalist ideas distorted and deeply obscured traditional political conservatism. Conservatism today, argues distinguished historian Mario R. DiNunzio, is a grotesque version of the ideology crafted by its founders, including John Adams in America and Edmund Burke in England. This compelling book provides a survey of conservative thought and its transformation that originated in the late 19th century, exposing the influence of that transformed conservatism on 20th-century American politics—from Hoover to Goldwater to Reagan and on to the Tea Party. It explains the historical foundations of conservative thought and the radical transformation of conservatism into a vastly different ideology primarily concerned with the defense of unfettered capitalism and extreme rights of individuals, as opposed to the values of traditional conservatism: community, good order, tempered change, and enduring values. DiNunzio challenges conservatives and scholars of conservatism to confront the differences between what passes for conservatism in modern-day American politics and the tenets of the original conservative tradition.
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27

Cecil, Hugh Richard Heathcote. Conservatism. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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28

O'Sullivan, Noël. Conservatism. A cura di Michael Freeden e Marc Stears. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0005.

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Conservative ideology in its moderate form is inspired by opposition to belief in radical political and social change on the ground that it rests on several mistaken assumptions, of which the most important are that human nature is highly malleable; that human will can refashion history in whatever ways human ideals may require; that society is the artificial product of a contract between autonomous individuals; and that evil is an eliminable feature of human existence. The unifying theme of conservative ideology, by contrast, is a defence of limited politics, although different schools of conservatism have theorized the concept of limit in ways that are incompatible and even incoherent. Of these, the four principal schools are the reactionary, the radical, the moderate, and, more recently, the New Right. This chapter examines the degree of coherence achieved by each of these schools of thought.
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29

Nisbet, Robert, e Brad Lowell Stone. Conservatism. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080567.

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30

O'HARA, KIERON, e David Willetts. Conservatism. Reaktion Books, Limited, 2011.

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31

Conservatism. Pluto Press, 2005.

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32

Neill, Edmund. Conservatism. Polity Press, 2021.

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33

Neill, Edmund. Conservatism. Polity Press, 2020.

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34

Cecil, Hugh Richard Heathcote. Conservatism. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.

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35

Hazony, Yoram. Conservatism. True Crime Library/Forum Press, 2022.

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36

Cecil, Hugh Richard Heathcote. Conservatism. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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37

Conservatism. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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38

Conservatism. Deddington: Philip Allan Updates, 2006.

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39

Conservatism. Polity Press, 2020.

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40

Conservatism. Reaktion Books, Limited, 2011.

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41

Jones, Emily. The New Conservatism, c.1885–1914. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198799429.003.0006.

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Abstract (sommario):
This chapter details the further intellectual work needed to transform Burke into ‘the founder of modern conservatism’. Crucially, it was from the 1890s that Burke’s thought began to be systematized into a more rigorous ‘political theory’, especially within the universities. The historical and biographical scholarship written during the first three-quarters of the century was superseded by more abstract expositions of Burke’s thought. A political philosophy of ‘conservatism’ was extracted from Burke’s corpus that is indistinguishable from the version of ‘Burkean conservatism’ still in use today. The chapter continues by documenting the increasing Conservative appropriation of Burke after 1885. For Burke to truly become a founder of conservatism it was necessary for political Conservative Unionists to see themselves as his intellectual heirs. Taken together, political and academic constructions of C/conservatism ensured Burke’s centrality not only as the originator of conservatism as a political philosophy, but as a proto-political Conservative.
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42

Gerson, Michael J. Heroic Conservatism. HarperCollins Publishers, 2007.

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43

Jones, Emily. Learning Conservatism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198799429.003.0007.

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The construction of Burke as the ‘founder of conservatism’ was also a product of developments in education. The increasing study of Burke arose out of several converging movements: in publishing and technology; in philosophical thought; in the increasing disposable income and leisure time of greater portions of the population; and in education movements for men and women at all levels. The popularity of topics such as the French Revolution, Romanticism, and late eighteenth-century history meant that Burke became a feature of lectures and examinations. At university, Burke was of particular interest to philosophical Idealists, English literature professors and students, and a generation of historians who taught increasingly modern courses. By analysing how Burke was studied at this much more popular, general level it is possible to pinpoint how Burke’s ‘conservative’ political thought was taught to swathes of new students—it took more than gentlemanly erudition to establish a scholarly orthodoxy.
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44

Eisenstadt, Peter. Black Conservatism. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315051314.

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45

Ball, Stuart. Mass Conservatism. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315039046.

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46

"Levinson, Sanford, Melissa Williams e Joel Parker, a cura di. American Conservatism. NYU Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479812370.001.0001.

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47

Robinson, Paul. Russian Conservatism. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747342.001.0001.

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This book examines the history of Russian conservative thought from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the present. As it shows, conservatism has made an underappreciated contribution to Russian national identity, to the ideology of Russian statehood, and to Russia's social-economic development. The book charts the contributions made by philosophers, politicians, and others during the Imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods. Looking at cultural, political, and social-economic conservatism in Russia, it discusses ideas and issues of more than historical interest. It demonstrates that such ideas are helpful in interpreting Russia's present as well as its past and will be influential in shaping Russia's future, for better or for worse, in the years to come. For the past two centuries Russian conservatives have sought to adapt to the pressures of modernization and westernization and, more recently, globalization, while preserving national identity and political and social stability. We can now understand how Russian conservatives have continually proposed forms of cultural, political, and economic development seen as building on existing traditions, identity, forms of government, and economic and social life, rather than being imposed on the basis of abstract theory and foreign models.
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48

Gilmore, Grant. Recasting Conservatism. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300160796.

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49

Kekes, John. Moderate Conservatism. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197668061.001.0001.

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Abstract (sommario):
Abstract Moderate Conservatism is a response to the alarming state of politics in America. It is a reasoned moderate account of the primary political values of the rule of law, justice, liberty, equality, and property, a criticism of extremist accounts of them, a defense of our 300-year-old constitutional democracy, and a criticism of all forms of political extremism. The American political system has endured because the Constitution has guided the balance of the often-conflicting claims of these basic political values. All of them are now threatened by extremists who politicize aspects of life that should be left to the discretion of individuals. Both parties have been hijacked by extremists who proclaim their grievances and the immorality of those who disagree with them. They willfully disregard the destructive consequences of their polemics for the political system on which the well-being of all of us depends. The aim of this book is to protect the vital center of American political system from extremist threats. It is a reminder of what we have and are in danger of losing. The center is sustained by the many millions of citizens who live private lives, earn a living, raise a family, and expect the political system to provide the conditions in which they can do so. They are the backbone of the American political system, the apolitical majority who are subjected to the poisonous lies of extremists. The justification of this political system is the voluntary support of those who live in it. Moderate conservatives know that the protection of the political system depends on its continuous adaptation to changing circumstances. This requires flexibility, not rigid adherence to any political dogma. This book is a reasoned defense of the political values that have long sustained us as we face difficult internal problems and conflicts, and external enemies.
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Robinson, Paul. Russian Conservatism. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781501747366.

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